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.aftsman's Iratnal.
. J. ROW, KDITOR .MDFIkOFRIETQR.
CLEARFIELD, PA., OCT. 11,1 865.
The Admission of Southern Representatives.
Members of Congress will shortly be elect
ed in the Southern States, and the question
of admitting them will at once assume a
practical hearing. Siuee the commencement
of the war, Congress passed a test oath to
be administered to its members as follows :
"I have never voluntarily borne arms a
gainst the United States; I have never giveu
aid.countenanceounsel oreni-ouracuijeiit to
persons engaged in armed hostility thereto."
This oath has never been recinded, and is
a matter of much anxious hiouiry in some
parts of Virginia at present. A Mr. (Jr. W.
Sewell has put some interrogatories to Gov.
Pierpont in reference to the eligibility of
candidates, under the oath. In reply the
Governor says :
"It is peculiarly painful at this time,iithc
disturbed condition of the State, when there
are so many i etitions lor pardon on tile at
Washington, and meetings being held in
all the counties of the State, passing resolu
tions declaring the loyalty of the people to
the Federal and State Governments, that
that should be a reason lor raising these
questions. Consrress, acting under the pro
visions of the Constitution ot the United
States, which is in these words, to wit:
"Each house shall be judge of election re
turns and the qualifications of its own mem
bers, has passed a joiut resolution declar
ing that all its members shall take the oath
to which you refer ; that resolution prescrib
ing the oath, will have to be repealed before
any member who cannot conscientiously
subscribe to it, can take his seat. It is not
expected Consress will repeal that reso
lution in order to give teats to members
who cannot take the oath." He concludes
as follows : ".But has it not the appearance
of persistent, continued rebellion, lor men
to run for Congress, who by the law of Con
gress canuot take their ?eats :
The language of G ov. Pierpont is une
quivocal. Either the oath must be remind
ed by Congress, or those who aided in the
rebellion cannot take their seats, if elected
and Congress will hardly abolish the oath.
But, should these cx-rcbels claim their
CTixuitj vui.LuitfcCincui. io persons in
armed hostility to the Government? On
this topic the Hichmond Whig says :
'If the simple giving of a crust of bread
to a confederate soldier were a disqualifica
tion, then very many of the officers and men
of the Federal armv would be disonali)ii(l.
for they very often gave food and shelter to
confederate soldiers, prisoners in their hands.
Manifestly the question of motive is to de
cide the matter. If aid, countenance; coun
sel, or encouragement of any kind were given
to those who were making war upon the
Lnited States, teca use thev were makin
Trar, and for the purpose of assisting them
in such war. then it is clear the oath cannot
be taken. Uut if bread were given to a sol
dier, because he was a human being, and
was sunenng or hkelv to suffer, the ease is
as we conceive, altogether different. With
out question, there "may have been acts that
would imply motives, such for exaninle. as
furnishing arms, but in matters of ordinary
nnnianity it must be lett to the conscience
of the party concerned, to determine whetlr
cr his motive was or was not one of hostility
mj ius umieii ciaies. inere can be no
other rational interpretation of the oath.
This indicates that some nice debate will
arise in Congress as to whether the mem
bers now being elected in the late rebellious
States can conscientiously take the oath or
not. That there is a strong desire on the
part of President Johnson and the people
of the JNorth to have the South represented
in Congress again, there is no doubt. But
there is an equal determination that the
Congressional halls shall not again resound
with treasonable tirades against the Govern
ment, and the loyal people. Then the sim
plest and most effective way of deciding the
question, is to admit only such members as
can conscientiously purge themselves of th;
charge of treason, by subscribing to the test
oath, prescribed by the act of Congress, un
hesitatingly. A Polish Settlement in Texas. It is
stated that an accent, appointed for the pur
pose, has purchased thirty thousand acres
of land in Texas, for the establishment of a
colony of Poles. This tract is situated near
the town of Palestine, in the upper valley of
the Trinity, and is represented to be admi
rably adapted for the culture of cotton and
cereals. The rich fields of th Soiitb, invit
ing immigration and permanent settlement,
are rapidly taken np, and the infusion of
new elements of strength and prosperity,
gives promise of substantial results.
Why Not? The British Government
and people are a good deal exercised just
now about Irish Bonds alleged to have been
made and subscribed for in this country.
Why have we not as good right to take Irish
Bonds as Englishmen had to take Confeder
ate Bonds ? If there is any great difference
who cant see it ? r
Gov. Sharkey of Mississippi has given
the opinion that unpardoned legislators will
not be able to take their seats. This will make
Gen. Humphreys, the gubernatorial candi
date, ineligible.
What a Southern Governor has to Say about
Slavery and the Negroes.
Governor Marvin, of Florida, is one of
President Johnson's appointees. So is Gov
ernor Sharkley, of Mississippi, Governor
erry. of South Carolina, etc. For some
thing3 which Sharkley and the rest of them
have done, he has been held responsible and
distrusted. It is but fair that the rule
hould be allowed to work the other way.
No doubt Governor Marvin is a far better
man than Sharkley or Perry, but that came
not because President Johnson preferred to
have it so, but simply because he had to
take the best men he could find, and no
where else was there as good a man as he
found in Florida in the person of J udge
Marvin. In appointing Sharkley, Perry &
Co., he rejected not better men, but in se
lecting Marvin, he rejected a whole tribe of
men not so good. In every ease he took
the best meu he could lay his hands on.
Still, perhaps in no instance, excepting Flo
rida, was the appointee what he wished.
If Andrew Johnson is to be judged accord
ing to the standard of a Sharkley or a Perry
why not a Marvin alno? That the reader may
know what the latter standard is, we quote
from one of his speeches, which was address
ed the people of Quincy on the 5th Septem
ber, 1865.
When the rebellion failed for as such it
will go into history by the surrender of the
Confederate armies our State Government,
which had been identified with it, also went
down a ruin among the general ruin which
overwhelmed the States of the South.
Florida wa3 then without a Government of
any kind, and remained in that condition oi
anarchy and confusion for a few days; till
the United states uovernment extended
over the State martial law, and such is our
status at present.
After much discussion by the best and
soundest thinkers in the Nation the ques
tion has been settled with much unanimity
that the secession of a State is an impossi
bility. A rebellion cannot be a success unless
it amounts to a revolution, affecting alike
all sections of the country. The very soil
embraced within the American Republic
scorns to receive the impress of but oneGov
eminent at the same time. It follows that
Florida has never ceased to be a St'ite in
tho Union : but' she has been a State in re
bellion, and, by her acts has destroyed her
State Government, and particularly the in
stitution of slavery which was nursed in its
bosom and defended by it. She is now held
by martial law in a state of tutelage, with
her political rights in abeyance, and will be
kept there till she organizes for herself, on
a new basis, a new government
1 feel it a duty I owe to ycAi and our com
mon country to call your attention to a few
matters which must characterize the Consti
tution to be framed. Every element which
entered into the war seemed concentrated on
the destruction of slavery. It was witho.ut
constitutional basis or legal protection when
and by Presidential proclr mations. and may
ue consiuereu as tnrice dead and plucked up
uy uiu roots. ny attempt on tne part
the Convention to revive and reinstate
would be labor and time snent in vain. Th
future Constitution r,f Florida musOntaran
teejreeilom alike to all it must not be thick
or white, tut free!
And I am free to confess that, in view of
tue disorganized state ot our society, it L
well, in my judgment that slavery has n.-iss
ed away forever. Supposing the institution
remained, and the I50.W0 colored troops
wno nave been thoroughly drilled in the
use of arms, and instructed in t he richts of
trcmien, and who have exhibited on many
a battle-field, and in the storming r,f hatt.
rics, a steadiness and a courage equal to that
of the white man, were turned" loose among
u., now lung wouia mat institution last, or
w nose me or property would be secure ? In
that case, slavery would disappear in car
na.ee and rivers of blood. Thank God, the
iiiing is vuboi tne way, and we are safe
Ihe future of Florida, in this respect, i
iu.iv uivjii-ii uuici oiaic iu me union ex
cept Kentucky and Delaware, and shortly-
iiiufK; uiies muse oe irec. As citizens, be
lore tne law, the lreedmen must be in al
respects our equals. I do not mean that as
a race they are or can be made durinsrni.mv
generations, if ever, the equals personally of
me aiii-aaMmi race, or can enjoy the same
political or social position ; but that is no
reason why Constitution or law should dis
criminate against them. The right of suf
frage does not necessarily follow, for that is
not a natural but a political right, which
may oe granted or withueld, as sound policy
Furthermore, the Constitution
, ---- - - - ' - uou As
ciaru mat persons oi color shall be admitted
as witnesses in all our courts of civil juris-
prudence. Ihe law, in this
iaw, in tnis resneet. must.
know rio distinction of color.
a am aware tnat this is a hard dnotnnfl in
many, but it is not, and never was, such to
me. bome think the negro constitutionally
a liar that falsehood is marrow in his bones,
and that it circulates in his blood. Now
that is not true, in whole or in nart. and th
statement is a slander upon both God and
mar. An experience ot thirtv vpars in the
ooum nas sati-ned me that the slave has of
ten told the truth, whilst the master has
lied. All classes of witnesses stand before
the court and lurv uoon their own mon'ta
"u meu wroviujuny uy juusre ana jury, is
taken for what it is worth. They would no
doubt, orten perjure themselves, but who
does not know that every court room is the
ineatre ot more or less false swearing? But
"cvweuio me bounty ot a wise Provi
uence that justice is seldom perverted by
false witnesses. Perjury is such a monster
uaa so many and such horrid heads that
Hie uissmg or their tonges makes a sort of
Udf J51 me witness' stand waring with
each other and with reason, and with a
thousand circumstances
reveal and guard the truth. For some years
1 occupied the bench, and many are the in
stances in which I have known guilty par
ties to go un whipped of justice because col
ored people could not come into the court
and testify. The admission of such witnesses
would have given the State's prison or the
gallows its due, and relieved society of bad
dangerous charaters. I have much feeling
upon this subject, because the impressive
and painful lesson of years crowd in upon
my memory. You know that tho Tnani1
classes 0f all nations are permitted to appear
in court and testify, and that in some in
stances lords and nobles have been sent to
the gallows on the evidence of house ser
vants. Our colored popukion are as well
qualified to testify as they. iou Keep tiie
negro out ot court, and what chance has he
foriustice? Just none at ail. The Gov-
ernment and the world are aware oi im.
and I do uot think Congress will regard the
Constitution you may frame as republican in
form, or calculated to secure tne enus oi jus
tice to all citizens, unless the negro is pcr
mitedtocome into court as a witness, I
may be mistaken, but should that wrong be
perpetrated, and your Constitution rejected
on that account, for one I shall acquies. e in
the justice of the decision. The fact is, we
have no other course left us but to make a
clean breast of this whole business!; do full
justice to the negro though he is of an infe
rior race, and remove the whole subject
growing out of his slavery, emancipation
and status, from the theatre of politics.
Our lo-alty may not be the most ardent
and proud at the present time. Our prop
erty lies ruined and scattered in the wide
sweeping and bloody paths of war. But
the ruin wrought is not the only aspect of
t lie case that should be considered. The
suffering has not all fallen to your lot. The
sacred remains of 2X),000 Northmen lie hur
ried in Southern graves ! The sacrificing
heroism of your Northern brothers, which
has challenged the admiration and wonder
of the world, touches the chivalrous feelings
of the South, and teaches us that we were
conquored, not by menials or coward, but
by focmen worthy of bur steel. Their
wealth and resources have astonished the
nations of the earth as well as ourselves.and
let me say to j ou that the North is so firmly
fixed in its position that the conflict for the
last four years, calling to the field a million
and a half of men, and spending money in
proportion, has had but the slightest effect
upon either business or society ; and the
Government was never so strong in men.re-
sources and the affections of the people as
when the war closed. At the time of Lee's
surrender Urant had under im cuimiiauu
eight hundred thousand men, and could
have held every position he occupied, and
concentrated at any given point five hun
dred thousand of his veteran troops. The
wonder is, not that you were conquored, but
that you were able to hold out so long a
gainst such fearful odds. The Southern
people are brave as the bravest ; but it is
folly for them to think one is a match for
ten of the same blood, and each as brave as
himself.
The United States was never so powerful,
nor so much respected by other nations as
at present. Not even in the darkest hour
of the late struggle , when you seemed to be
a full match fbr the Great Republic, did
Frauce and England combined dare to insult
the old flag. Their sympathies were Jvith
jrou, but they dare not make them of any
practical value, and now both nations are
ready to get down on their marrow bones at
her bidding ! Now this groat, powerful and
honored Republic is yours. You form a
part of it, and fchare in its glory. When a
few years shall have passed away, and the
exasperations of the present are healed, none
will be prouder than yourselves to say
rim or iiiaci.iiiii - , i
ttfttWKSr further calied the attention
of his audience to some imperfection in the
old Constitution which he wished to see
remedied in the new to the importance
utterly squelching the regulators of mat
ing duelling a crime to be severely punished
by law and various reforms,
A Lesson from Mexico.
We may be offended with the French
movement in Mexico, as contravening our
Monroe doctrine. We may be alarmed by
it as a menance, which it undoubtedly was
at the tim'j of its consummation, and iu view
ot the critical condition of our affairs at th
time. We may be astonished at its success
a lew thousand foreign soldiers being abl
to supplant an old government upheld by
eight millions of peopleand to establish
over them an entirely new and different kind
of government. And yet there is somethiiiff
t
more ior us to oo, in reference to this extra
ordinary movement. We could easily drive
the intrusive monarchy out of Mexico aud
restore the republic. W e could apply effec
tually the Monroe doctrine, and never could
a case more htly claim such an annhentinn
for the circumstances, the form and especial
ly tne time ot the loreign interference.
uieany ociray its ultimate design.
But this is not what, we mean. We should
jearn a lesson ot domestic political wisdom.
Hum iiiu cveuis uiai nave rasen place in
our sister republic. The ignorance and
weakness of the people there have made
them an easy prey to the invader. The
same causes have,, lor many years, made
tne people victims to the ambition of un
principled demagogues. Ihey have been
r i rTt1i .1 v
iioiiocu nilU I O U111L1WI1.S. Till thPU h4ia
oecoineaisgustea, finding that each revolu
i 1 IT, TT 1 !, . 1 ft,,,,,. . .. 1 "
r ,
invtw.eu iucui iu n worse condition than
its predecessor. The hope of stability pre-
1 . . . . . . "-'vuuic iuc JjUJliire.
ll'ii I j . , -
i?c ojiuuiu icarn 10 nrize and imnrnna
iHjpuiar luieuisrenee and moral virgin Yv'
,. : !! ... ,r . . "
should cherish freedom of opinion, speech,
anu v.-viuv.-iciice. e snouia hold to pnnci
pies, rather than to nartv :
demagogues at a low estimation, and we
oiiuuiu sieau:astiy and unitormly niainta a
lj" i me laws, i nus win our re
public, by its strength, be safe from all for.
eign aggressions, and
anger of internal corruption, ambition and
strife. Pittsb. Commercial
In a short speeeh at Lawrencebursr. Ohm
tne other day, lien, fchernian said: "The
,i ,i "
war was inevitable, and we could never An
without it, I hope this fact is" now realized
by the whole mass of the people. You hav
fought and finished it yourselves, and have
eft nothing for your children to do. Ther
wdl never be another war between tb
North and the South." He predicted that
our future would be greater than our past.
An accident occurred Sunday at Cottpr'a
Farm on the Erie and Philadelphia railroad
caused by children playing on the track
with stones, one of which, weighing about
t wenty pounds was left lying upon the outer
rail at a sharp curve in the road, throwing
the engine down thi manl-manf ti.
" -...uunu
ilhng of the conductor, Wm. Tirectenrifl,
of Syracuse, and the fireman, Jacob Garrett!
vi iranruie, ra., was the result.
THE "ECrl.0.
nrtv Mirpi ;-e at the
It
oruiuaiice of th; Alut'ju.a lvoveiitK!i ci
eluding negro testimony trom tue charts.
The proceedings of the Couvc-uuoii through
a!! its sessions have pointed to such a cou
clusion. There has not been one word ut
tered showing a purpose to accept cordially
or even intelligently the altered condition
of affaiis. Every voice heard in the Con
vention has been for a recognition ot eman
cipation as compulsory and unwelcome.
Every speaker has indicated his purpose to
make freedom mean as little as possible to
the negro. Such a conveuti .u fitly crowns
its labor- with a resolution denyirg to the
freed man every right except the riaht not
to sold en the auction block. Krskine,
raised to the peerage, paiutcd over his doors
the legend '"Trial by Jury," to signify his
sense of its inestimable value to JJthe free
Englishman. What words would his indig
nant lips have found strong enough to de
nounce an act that denies to the half-freed
negro uot merely trial by his peers, but the
right to be heard in any cases that can arise
in any court of law. Under this Alabama
ordinance the only spot the negro has a right
to occupy in the court-room is the prisoner's
dock. When he is there, charged it may
be with a capital crime, the word of a per
jured white mun who never saw hiiu may
convict him and send him to the gallows,
though twenty blacks stand ready to prove
his perfect innocence. Such law -'nd audi
legislation as that is an outrage against civ
ilization but one degree less brutal than
Slavery itself. It outstrips even the barbar
ity of the slave code, for that permitted the
negro to testify in cases where negroes only
were parties; this excludes him in every case.
In judging of thj loyalty of Alabama and
of her disposition to concede manhood to
the negro whom she did not emancipate,
this last ordinauce controls all other testi
mony were there any testimony anywhere
that the State is inspired by the spirit of
Freedom instead of Slavery. This, and not
the so-called Ordinance of abolition, stereo
types the opinion Ot the Convention. This
is the shape which uch speeches as that we
quoted from last week finally take. That
speech Mr. W bite's might be deemed the
utterance of but one man. It was in fact
the opinion of the Convention. In all its
proceedings we have not discovered one
speech pitched in a truer key than that.
I 'Ihe opponents of Mr. White talk on this
subject exactly as Mr. hue talks. In the
last report that comes to us, we find an ad
dress by Mr. Langdon of Mobile, in oppo
sition to the substitute offered by Mr. White,
making the recognition of emancipation con
tingenton the decision of theSnpremeCourt.
Yet the former speech was milk-and-water
to this. Mr. Langdon makes no sort of
concealment of the fact that the present con-
v. ' v- v v j u-;i' :yj t J
rv to get back into tho Ui
'Iherefore he deems it in
vention is to do just so much as is necessa-
nion, and no luore.
l
inevitable to aamii
that Slavery wabolisbed. He would not ad
mit that if he could help it. Neither he
nor any other speaker parts willingly with
the institution. "Most gladly," exclaims
Mr. Laugdon, "would I vote for ihe substi
tute, if the institution could thereby be
saved." Of all acts looking toward omnn-
are all unconstitutional, illegal and atrocious.
. . . e are not responsible lor the act. . .
I glory in the fact that we yielded no princi
ple till we were compelled to. . . The Proc
lamation of the President and acts of Con
press were unmitigated inhumanities. . . .
I denounced it as an atrocity, and I still
believe that the Confederate Government
did not adopt assevere measures as it should
have done. I say this to let men know that
I for one don't yield Slavery willingly. I
believe that setting the sjaves free in these
States will be put down as the blackest act
ever performed." There is much more of
the same venomous outpourings.
Now who believes that a convention of
which Mr. White and Mr Langdon are
leaders can mean to do justice to the freed
men, whose emancipation, in their eyes, is
a crime of the blackest dye ? Who believes
that the r tate, left under the guidance of
sut'h men, will allow any real freedom for
the blacks to exist within its limits? Nor
is this feeling of exasperation against the
negro and against the authors of his free
dom the sole motive which controls the pol
icy of the Convention. Mr. Langdon, bit
terly hating emancipation as he does, yet
tehs the Convention they must admit if. for-
1119 Htrr, Iwnm.l L.n .-.1 . ...
j uiucinisc ii'i uiinuce oi re-ai illusion
and no other moans toward that political su
premacy which the pro-Slavery leaders ex
pect to re-establish over tho nrth '"'I'l
gentleman is mistaken in thinking that we
f" v.-ouv:uiaung tue radicals. veare act
ing not only for ourselves, but also for our
friends in the North, to enable them to de
stroy the Radical party."
We are obliged to Mr. Lanflon fnr',Y
that particularly large Cat Ollt. nf tha xntr
Words could not declare mnrA ovni;.;!
that the Democratic leaders at tho'Vnrth
have notified their allies that thev must agree
to some show of emancipation to conciliate
Northern prejudice and to get Pack into
Congress. Once there, the tw.i a;,.
strike hands, and will effectually obstruct
any Congressional legislation lookinc to tho
security ot the freedmen against such on-
pression as this Alabama ordin.inrA ex
clusion from the courts contemplates.- Mr
Langdon, however, proposes to crack the
old plantation whip in the same lively
style as before. "We hiv nnt haan a;
graced, he declares, "and I want our Con
gressmen when they go to Washingtan to go
with a bold front and a high head, as honest
men and not as criminals suplicating mercy,
lis Mr. Langdon's petition for pardon on
file ?) but independent as guilty of no crime.
and to rearlessly demand our riab ;
name of the Constitution."
H rhf .Pllcy th,en to be pursued be still
doubtful in anybody s mind. listen to this :
ve must get control vf these negroes. . . .
e cannot endure what is going on. I will
not particularize, for you all know to what
I refer. We know how to manage the negro
better than anvbodv else, hut
control of him without first getting tack t
to the Union."
Needless to continue iha
What Alabama cannot endure is simply the
rreemen s Bureau, or any otbpr
ward justice and protection by law for the
negro. Abolish that Bureau, withdraw the
Lnited States troops as seenm tn h tha
present policy at Washington open the
doors of Congress to the Alabama 1pW.
gation, is to remit the negro to such an un
checked despotism as this ordinance imposes
on him, and to announce our acquiescence in
a policy that will not ston short, nf tho
termination of the black race. jV. Y. Trib.
ALABAMA 01?
is usde.s 10 a-Xect
ft 1 .T
Sit3. .
jr 5th,
i tlij i'fi'eiJ i;::.'ll
j r.'-!-.ivi-vl !Mi;i ii
' Assistaci- Coiiiiuu
!.--r ti- Ti-ria; S wayne
icl" f-;r the Slail: of Ar
fca;.su, a lirpoii oi Captain Chas. A. Miller,
of the 2d Maine Cavalry, recently sent out
through Western Arkansas for the purpose
of investigating the affairs of the freedmen,
anu oi gning neces.-ary. instruction and in
formation relative to the policy of the Gov
ernment with reference to the freedmen, to
both employer and employee. The picture
he gives of affairs iu that' State is far from
being encoui aging.
The freedmen generally are employed on
their old plantations, and appear to be doing
well, rrequent abuses occur, and during
his journey Captain Miller investigated a
number of brutal murders of freedmen. He
reports, among others, the murder of a ne- !
gro by a white man named Fletcher, who
made his escape. It appears that the ne
gro, whose wife was living on the plantation
of this monster, Fletcher, went to his house
for the purpose of reclaiming her, when he
was brutally shot dead by Fletcher, who af
terwards deliberately severed his head from
his body, and then succeeded in making his
escape.
Throughout Western Arkansas he found
the people generally ignorant, with the most
aborigual forms ot government, and bitterly
hostile towards himself and the'iovernment.
So far did they carry their menacing, that
Capt. M. expressed the belief that he could
never have safeiy accomplished his journey,
had he not been escorted by a company of
his regiment as a guard. During his march
one of his men, Sergeant McKinney, of the
21st Missouri, was murdered by these ruf
fians, who rode up to a farm house where
the Sergeant had called for a drink of water,
ard after delilerately shooting l im several
times, robbed him of his watch and money
and after cutting off his ears, mounted their
horses and made their escape. The murder
ed man was in charge of the wagons of the
expedition, and was a few miles in advance
of Capt. Miller's nartw Oa ccaj;ng rp to
the scene of the outiscre, part'es were im
mediately sent out in pursuit of the murder
ers, but were unsuccessful.
Captain Miller addressed the people at
different points, aud in some instances his
remarks were greeted with csusiderable ap
probation by the lower class of planters.
At Claiborne, so decidedly insolent weie a
gang of ruffians that it was with difficulty that
Captain M. prevented a collision between
them and his men. Deplorable ignorance
exists throughout Western Arkansas rela
tive to the policy of the Government in re
lation to the freedmen.
Gangs of horsc-thievos prey upon the
people with impunity, and their depreda
tions, owing to the imperfect operations of
civil law, canuot fully be suppressed. Cap
tain Miller strongly reepnin.cn Js that a mili
tary fvrce be sent to different points iu Ar
kansas for the protection of both whites and
freedmen and for the preservation of law
and order. Many of the negroes comp'ain
of sepei-ation from their families, and aver
that they don't dare reclaim them in many
instances from their former ownnrs. A large
proportion of the freedmen cultivate planta
tions, receiving from one-tenth to one-fourth
clothing, in Washington county the crops
are almost worthless, and Capt. M. is o the
opinim that many will starve if not aided
by the Government. In conclusion, he ex
presses as his belief that but little loyalty
exists in the region through which he trav
elled.
Connecticut and Negro Suffrage.
The people of Connecticut have decided
against negro suffrage in that State. We
uo not. understand tnat tue question was
not fairly put. or that it wns not lairlv taken
The verdict we;suppose. registers the delib
erate and en.ightened judgment of her vo
ting population. The number of voters di
rectly interested in the result is but a few
hundreds at the most, but its bearing on
the principle, in other States, isof the high
est importance. e cannot neip tuiukuig
that, for this reason, it was unfortunate that
the trial was made so soon after the ques
tion came up. The action of Connecticut
will be pointed to by every Southern State
or horn negro suffrage is asked, in justifi
cation of us actiou denying the boon. If
the colored adult male population to the
extent of only a few hundreds, in Connecticut
cannot be trusted with the ballot, whyshould
tne cuored adult male population in the
couth, where in some sections, it outnum
bers the whites, be trusted with it? Am
the blacks in Connecticut less qualified than
the blaks in the Southern States? On the
contrary, they confessedly are vastly better
quaiihed, and vet "Abo ition Connecticut."
under circumstances well calculated to favor
a friendly decision," have decided to contin
ue to exclude the colored men in that State
from the polls. To these arguments the
oouth will z.id, show us why we are more
Dound tnaii you are to give the negro the
ballot; show us that our neeroes-are more
worthy of it, more capable of using it, than
jour own, ar.d we will look at the reasons ;
out as tne question now stands we beg to
be excused, m this respect we will take
Connecticut for our guide. Commercial.
Spoiled Hop33 and Plans.
lho successful termination of our civil
war has spoiled a number ot great projects.
Ihe slaveholders Vscheme for a seperate and
rival government has been effectually frus
trated. The hope of European monarchists
and all the schemes connected with it. look
ing towards the failure of republican govern
ment ana tne ignominious overthrow of its
great American representatives, have been
sadly disappointed. English manufactures
and Jbnghsh commerce still see their rivals
in the field, peacefully pursuing their on
ward way with energy undiminished and
with hopes undimmed. The French inter
est in the issue of the war was more political
than pecuniary, as the prestige of power
outshone that of money in the Emperor's
eyes. The erection of an empire on the
ruins of one teeble republic would offer fa
culties, as well as inducements, for the ex
tension of the effort to another feeble repub
lic on the Lorders of the first. The indebt
ed, exhausted and exasperated confederacy,
ruled by an aristocracy that was practiced
in the processes of treachery, would be as
easy a prey as Mexico. But this section of
the game is blocked by the issue of the war
and the maintenance of the Union. Wheth
er the first part shall prove a finality and a
success remains to be eeen. If the Monroe
doctrine shall always remain among abstrac
tions, dissevered from all practical applica
tions, the thing may work well for monarchy.
But it may turn out otherwise.
fctat
i
G?uPral Grant end tie Mexican Question.
The tk.-raph continues to furuu-h the
j niiiic with the viewo of General Grant on
the Mexican question, and reporters, as if
they had a patent for all the knowledge on
that subject, give us their individual assur
ances that what had been reported can h
j relied ou, and that they could tell a great
deal more.
Now all this is quite unnecessary. Gen
eral GRANT, while he does not seek to pub
lish his view9 to the world, makes no secret
of them. He freely expressed them when
he was in Canada. He has repeated them
at different times and places since. It U no
secret that he is for vigorously enforcing
the Monroe doctrine in Mexico,- that he u.
tenoed xo ao so iasc spring, wnen ne sent
the large force to Texas, that he had a par
ticular eye to the best and Quickest wav of
doing it when he sent Sheridan with "the
troops, and that he himself expected to take
a hand in the general management of t'ne
job, that he still thinks it ought to be done,
and trat the Government will speedily be
disposed to take the same view of the sub
ject. General Grant I as good reasons to
back up his view of the case, which he does
not withhold whenever he thinks it is prop
er to mak-a them known.
An Official Caction: The Paymas
ter Genera! has issued a circular cautioning
paymasters to guard carefully against at
tempts, now extensively prevalent", to pass
forged discharge papers, and he has issued
such orders as will baffle the attempts at
fraud, both upon soldiers and . the Govern
ment. HI
Ailvertitrnirnix ftttargrtype,cuts, trout of wmat
ttytr will be charged douhlnprite for spartncritpirt
lo insure attention, the CASH racit accompa
ny notices, a followr All Cautions and Strays,
with $1,50: Auditors'. Administrators' and Ex
ecutors' notices, 1 2,ft0, each ; Dissolutions, $2;
all sthcr transient Notices at tho sums rates
Other a iTcrtisamen's at $1,5C per square, for S or
losi lcseiUons. Ten lines (or less) count a square-
rpEACIlEK WANTED The Board of Di-
A. rectors of Curwensville School District wish
to employ a first class male tracher.lo takecharge
of the highest grade school in said District to be
taught in the new brica building. The highest
wages will be paid. School to open on the 1st
day of November , Address, U. P. THOMPSON,
Oct. 1 1. ISSj. Secretary.
UARTEKLV REPORT of the First Na
tioiial Bauk of Clearfiold, Oct 2d .lSoi.
RBSOIRCES.
Loans and discounts, .....
U.S. Bonds deposited with Treasurer
of 13. S. to aeoure circulation - -Specie
and Legal Tender Notoi - -Bi'lg
of this Bank on hands - - -Bills
of other Bank ......
Dae from National Banks' -
other Banks and bankers -
Cash items, -------
Cnnent expenses - - - . . - -Taxes,
- -------
Premiums - - - - - . . .
Furniture
$83,348 85
70.000 00
13,460 61
359 CO
22 2f9 (
- 7,fiS0 25
- 6.593 03
395 72
- 1.031 M
345 44
350 00
- - 482 Ml
"S205T295T5
Total
LIABILITIES.
Capital Stock paid in - - -
Circulating Notes ... -
x: l limits . . . .
Due Banks and Bankers - .
Due Depositors .....
Interest and exchange,- - -Total
Liabilities - - - .
- $100,000 oo
60,000 00
- 54 fi
- 39.827 22
- 5.813 C2
S25S.295 50
I hereby certify that the above is a true abstract
from ihe quarterly report made to the Comptrol
lerof the Currency. A. C. FINXEY. Cash.
QUARTERLY REPORT of the County
-National Bank of Clearfield, Oct 2d, 1S65.-
KESOLRCES.
Loans and discounts : : ; : : :
Expenses and Taxes : : : : : :
Premiums : : : ; : ; ; ;
Cah items. :::::;::;
Due from National Banks ": : : ':
" other Banks and BaDkers
U. S Honda Deposited with Treasurer
of U. S. to secure circulation : :
Specie, and Legal Tenders Notes, :
Total
$21,054 A5
1.059 14
1,955 00
: 21.869 00
: 10 010 71
: 4,318 60
: 60.000 00
13.742 10
SI 7,047 Hi
LIABILITIES
Capital stock paid in , : : : : :
Notes incircnlation : : : ;':;
Due to Depositors : : :"-
' " National Banks : : ;
" " State Bank and Bankers
" Interest and Exchange
" Total Liabilities
$100,000 Oft
14.500 00
: 51.413 3
t t 529 3
: : 4.682 14
:2,813JW
$1S7"047 01
I hereby certify that the above statement is a
true copy from the report made to the Comptrol
ler of the Currency. Oct 2d, 1H65
JL W. V. WRIGHT, Cosh.
QlKArTRfLY "EpORT of the First
National Bank of Cm wensville, on the morn
ing of July 3d, 1SG5 .
KESOrRCES
iNotes and bills discounted, : : :
Overdrafts. : : : : : : :
Banking llouse. ::::;;;;
Furniture and Fixtures . : ;". :
Current expenses, : ; : ; : : :
Taxes naid ainrut last
70,548 79
: 76 2
1,573 61
: 600 00
: : 87 44
: : 601 H
: ,249 61
43,094 46
: 106 53,
: 81,000 00
: 4.000 00,
Remittances and other Cash items, 5
Due from National Banks, : : : ;
Du. i from State Banks. : , : : ....
U. S. Bonds deposited with Treasurer
of U. S. to secure circulating Notes
U. S. Bonds on hands . : ;
Gold in U. S. Mint. ; ' ; . ... .
Special and Le?al Tenir
2.225 00
vusu on nana. National Banks :
Compounded interest Notes, :
a w v-ww a taut u.oai.
: : 500 00
: 13.000 Oft
S226.975 8
875,000 00
; 6,000 00
: 67,500 00
: 72,280 1
: 3,410 22
: : 125 84
.. : 3.659 6a
Total, : : : : -
Capital stock paid in, :
Surplus funds, : : ;
Circulating notes, from
LIABILITIES. ;
v,nptroller ; : : ;
Due Depositors, :
' National Banks
Profit and Loss :
T r . .....
iuiai liabilities S226.975 84
I hereby Certifv that the .
true abstract from th Ooartari. v . j-
tne Comptroller of the Currency Oct. 2d. 1865.
. SAM'L ARNOLD, Cash.
DR. J. P. Bl'RCIIFIELD, )e Burgeon of
the 83rd Recrt Pumi'a Vnj. !;. .........
ed from the army, offers his professional services
to the citizens of Clearfield and vicinity. Prof
fersional.callc promptly attended to. Office on
bouth.East corner of 3d, and Market streets.
vet. 4. iso3 Bm-pq. , .
CAUTION. All persons are hereby cautioned
against purchasing or meddling with one
bay Horse, dun Mare, And Spring Colt, now in
possession of John Hoover, nf Rrl .v..
same belong to me and have only been left with
tOTT,Zl0An' 'nd re llnbject t0 mJ olr.-bopt-
27, 1865 j : JAMES IRVIN.
STRAY BULL. Came trespassing on the'
premisesof the subscriber in Pike townshlp.a.
bout the first of June, 1865, a Dark Briqdle null,
supposed to be about two veara oil. Th
" requested to come forward, prove property.pav
charge, and take him away, or he will be dispos
ed oi as the law direcU. - - -"'
&cptZ7 186j. MOSES BAILEr.
CANNED FRUIT, for sale by
Aug. 35, - MERRELL A J
BIQLER.