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CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1804.
VOL. 1L-NO. 4.
BY S. X BOW.
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ffoy 'Round the Hag, Boys !"
UNION BATIHOATIOS MEETING.
Independence Square Alive with Freemen.
Ibe Union must and ebull by preserred."
Under the call of the National Union Ex
ecutive Committee, a general meeting was
held in Independence Square, in Phiiadel
phia, on Saturday evening, September luth,
to ratify the National Union nominations.
The immense assemblage was addressed by
Hon. Simon Cameron, Hon. John Cessna,
and a number of others. In the Philadel
phia Press of Monday, September 12th,
16G4, we fiud the following report of
HON. JOHN CESSNA'S SPEECH.
Mr. President and Fellow-citizens :
Since the polls were closed in the first Tues
day ot November, 1860, 1 have very rarely
appeared before my fellow citizens as a po
litical speaker. Nor do I expect .o change
thatbaUt to-night, because, although this
is to a great extent a political meeting, yet
in what little 1 thaii gay to my fe!les -citizens,
no matter what others may my on the
sut ject, I do not wis' to be understood as
making a strictly political address. So fur.
bowever, as what i hav e to say here to-nigia
may partake of a political character, I shall
a.-.k the indulgence of tho e who may hear
n.e. to believe n.e when 1 say that it will n
no decree vary in principal from the politi
cal addresses which I have delivered within
the last four years, or at any former time.
1 am fully sen.-ibie. however, of the fact that
to-night I appear before many of my tello--citiz--n.i
with whom I have never heretofore
politically acted in harmony. My position
in appearing before you, so lar as relates to
my personal feelings, and so far : 8 relates to
the attachments of friends, is one of a some
what painful character ; yet I hold that these
are times when no man is justified in yield
ing to the selfish considerations of political
position or personal feeling. It is but natu
ral to desire the good opinion of ail our fel
low citizens, and to regret when we are com
pelled to differ with tho.-e with whom we
have long acted ; but,as I have already said
there aie duties devolving upon u.s which
are of far more weight and influence than
the mere considerationsior-ery!iai comfort,
an i it is the influence of those duties upon
my mind, upon my conscience, and upon my
judgment which has broach me here t
n:eht. Applause. Although there are
many pa nful considerations ia connection
with my appearance here to-night, there
are those of a diflereut nature. In the first
place, those men and tho-e political journal
ists wish whom I foi mei.'y Kcred, and who,
::' they notice our proceedings to night, wiii
;-.-.u!:ris most rudely and extensively de
, ui.ee me, aretho.e who. ;or the ia.-t tour
y-a.'s. have Leen the ioude-t, most eloquent,
k.-i i :::i.-t per- stent in advocacy of the- right
o: rree speech and the enunciation o! indi
vidual opinion. In thj n-jxt place. thec
n;'-u and these papers who wid perhaps Je
i junce me as a renega-.te an 1 a traitor for
what I may say to you, may be improved
thereby, for I know that I have not. and I be
lieve you have not. heard many of them say
anything about the renega ies-and traitors
tbat live in another parttt thecountry. Ap-plau.-e.
1 If, when they get thvir hand? in.
they sh.iuitl tire of abusing an 1 denouncing
nie and others who have been Democrats ail
our lives, but w ho have been unafie to swal
low the platform laieiy erected at Ch eapo,
and will turn their attet tion for a short time
to Jeif Duis and bis fellow rebels, I th.nk
will have accompli die J something in the
interest of our common eaa-e. And if any
one of them, whether he be a p ioiic speak
er or a public writer, should Joe bold enough
or patriotic enough to speak out against the
enemies of our country, I think that Bar
duiu will be able to make a fortune by tians-
porting him around the country as a kind of
Cirio-ity. Laughter and applause, j
Now. my fellow-citizens, 1 have said that
what iittie I may say to you to-night wid not
riitlor iu its poiiik-ai character from anything
I have ever .-aid before the people of my na
tive State. I am not here to-night as the
artisan f any man, or the advocate of any
pny. I am here in no such capacity. I
rave for two, three, or four years past earn
fstly desired to stand by the democratic
party, and while it was possible, have done
j to the 1 est of my judgment and ability.
1 am tn.t here to denounce that party nr
say of my friends who'difler with me on the
1 resent rs.-ue, but I am here because I be
lieve that the lest men of that party, and
1 est men of all parties, are called upon
the condition of our country, by the ex
igencies of the times, ard the probability of
the overthrow of civil and religious' lilierfy
ia thi land and throughout all the nations
of the earth, to rise above party and to stand
by the country, the country's cause, and the
country's flag. Cheers. I have always been
aught to believe it to be part of the cree 1
the great party to which I have always
been f rond to belong to stand by the Union.
--tan l bvthe Constitution, and to uphold
teat flag. But at the National Convention
01 that party held at Charleston, there were
""ii who came there determined to divide
distract the partv. They came there,
w"ith the aid of men in the Pennsylva
nia deli-gat ion, and in many other Northern
d6-e?ations, they succeeded too well in their
Jtfaiious purposes. If the election of A-
Craham Lincoln, in 1860. was a national
cala!-.,;... r , : i .1...
. , enarge n uome mat iucj me ure
ten who did it. We stood there patiently
cays and for weeks. Went to Baltimore.
followed us. some of them, ami some
W them went to Richmond, where they es-
P'hshed their own platform. We came
ron.'e; and those of us. although in a major
in our own party, who stood by the rcg
'ar national nominees, were ridiculed, abu
'W.dnounced, insulted, and driven into the
ranks of the Democratic party. This
y because we would not follow the beck
of such leaders. We stood it then, in 1S61,
when the Democratic party took ground m
favor of a prosecution of the war. In 1S62
they did the same, and I stood by Ihetu. I
was' with them in the campaign, and sup
ported their ticket because I believed them
to be honest in their professions. In li63
they ignoud the war policy of the country.
I entreated them to reflect upon the conse
quences of their unwise position, and to ad
here to their former policy in favor of a vig
erons prosecution of the war, as sustained
by them in 1861 and 1.S62. 1 told them,
aiil others of us told them, that so sure as
they repudiated that policy and adopted the
doctrine of Vallandigham and his eo-laoor-ers
of the Northwest, just .-o sure the peo
ple would ri-e in their might, and the par
ty would be overwhelmed at the ballot-box.
Great cheering. J For this reason, I went
home from the covention at Harrisburg iu
sadness and in silence, and remained silent
during the carnnaigsi. The people otOuio,
by more than 9).0;) majority, verified and
fulfilled the prediction that I had made to
the Democratic leader at the convention in
1M33. Still we remained silent, hoping al
most against hope that our Democratic leaders
at Chicago would return to the faith of our
f-ithrs. ami to the true doctrines of the
Democratic party, as proclaimed by defter-
son, Jackson, and ail the best men or mat
party from that uay to this.
My fellow-citizens, no man in Pennsyl
vania more anxiously or more earnestly hop
ed, even against hope, that he nngh; be
aide to sustain the nominees of the Chicago
Convention than did the individual who
now stands beiore you. 1 waited even until
t e Convention had concluded its labors,
and the proceedings were officially proclaim
ed and sent forth to the world, and I stand
here to-night to say to you that if that Con
vention had endorsed the true doctrine of
the Democratic party, and lad declared for
the I'liioiv'the Constitution, the prosecu
tion ot the war against secession ai d in fa
vor of suppressing the rebellion and had
placed beiore tlie people national candidates,
m whom we might have confidence, I would
have supported the nominees ol that Con
vention. But the same men that went to
Charleston, and broke up the Convention
there, the same men that went to Baltimore
to continue the business, the .-aiue men that
have been trying to break up the Union and
the part', both together, went to Chicago,
and unfortunately obtained a control. ing in
fluence of that Convention. They have
sent forth to the country a platform which
I shall not attempt to describe, for 1 have
not tin e. aud, beside-, you ail understand
its co!it nts. but I will say here, before the
world. 1 wouid rather that my right arm
should fall from my shoulder, that any ca
lamity should befall me, the loss of friends
party associates, property, all that I am.
and all that I hope to be, in this life that
ail these should perish, before I will sup
port r he Chicago platform, or any man that
stands on it. Bong and continued cheer
ing! I take this stand because 1 believe
my country demand- that .-acridce. My fellow-citizens
sacrifice their lives upon the
i- attle -ficid, and why should not I sacrifice
my political position, my personal staiding,
my pro-pects before thecountry, and with
my friend-, rather than that flag should go
down, a- I believe it will, it the nomina
tions and platform at Chicago are sustained
by the A:; erican people. Great cheering
I believe that the only safe remedy for ail
true Demo-rrats is to unite in defeating the
nominees of the Chicago Convention, in re
t uking tho-e who destroyed the partv i.i
ISC ), an t who continue to keep it in a false
p.-i;ion before the nation and before the
worl 1 in 101. If they will not listen to
our advice, nor heed our entreaties, we
must, in self-defence, and in the discharge
of our dut ies, as-ist in teaching them that
they cu..tiot, and shall not, use us as instru
ments for the accomplishment of their un
worthy pur j oses. if you succeed in con
vincing them that they cannot be successful
in foisting false doctrines upon the Ameri
can people they will, perhaps, in the future
ii- ten to our appeal. For the present they
have taken from us every remedy but this
one to openly oppose them in their endeav
ors. The American people have soiemnly
dererruinei that this nation shall not be di
vided. They have resolved this upon their
knees and in" their closets, and if the rebels
in arms wilt not submit to this decision
the military power of the lebellion um-t
and will .be overthrown. The Chicago plat
form contains no. such declaration, not one
word against the doctrine of Secession, or
again-t the rebellion, and nothing in favor
of its suppression. For this reason the
American people will not endorse it. Pre
tended peace commissioners from the South
may suggest at Niagara theories for a Dem
ocratic platform members of Congress who
openly advocated the heresy of Secession,
and hoped the re!ei armies might be victo
rious aud the Union armies defeated, and
other members of Congress who assisted
retaining those m uii'iers in thir seats may
go to Chicago and suhmit to the di lation of
such peace commissioners the proceedings
or' the Convention may be endorsed in Nova
Scotia Richmond traitors may long for the
triumph of the theories thus expounded
leon and John Slidell in France, and the en
emies of. civil and religious liberty every
where may join in the issue, but the Amer
ican poepit will rise in tbeir might and ov
erwhelm them all in one ommon ruin.
The friends of this platform cannot reasona
bly hope -'for its success." The candidate
nominated upon it for the highest office in
the gift of the people has been unab.e to
stand upon or endorse it without material
alterations, corrections. and additions.
This being the fact, it is asking too much
, tho American reop!e shall
do that which the candidate cannot do him-
Belf. We sincerely believe that tne peopie
toreigu enemies oi me .American neouuiic
may re-echo the hope Lindsey, lloebuck,
and their friends in England; Boui- Napo
will overthrow it at the baliot-box. It has
already received several heavy loads. The
first was a large supply of shot and shell
from the army of General Sherman. The
next was a cargo of earth from the Green
Mountains of Vermont. The next will be
a laver of lumber from the forestsot Maine.
And f-o it will continue until the second
Tuesday of October, when Pennsylvania will
tumble upon it such a large cargo of iron
and coal s will sink it so deep that the hand
of resurection will never be able to reach it.
The people of the nation will re-inforce the
victorious armies of Grant and Sherman.
Thev will continue the fisrht until the rebel
horde of Bee and the flying remnant of
Hood shall be overthrown. The unity n.d
integrity of the nation shall be preserved,
and peace shall be restored throughout her
borders. Bene wed cheers
My fellow-citizens, allow me to call your
attention to th? issues of the present crisis.
They are most momentous none greater
have ever stood forth in the history of the
country. Is man capable of self-government?
To establish this proposition was
the great object of the American Revolution.
At that time there were many unbelievers
in the doctrine, and, notwithstanding the
result of that revolution, and our remarka
ble aud unexampled prosperity as a nation,
there are and have always been among us
men who have n ) faith in the doctrine, and
who constantly predict the ultimate success
of the present rebellion.. In this they are
heart iiv joined by the tyrants and the aris
tocracy of the world. The unprecedented
progress of our nation has credited an intense
interest throughout the world. If we can
survive the present'shoek, suppress the re
bellion, and return to our farmer path of
progress, the example cannot and will not
be resisted by theother nations of the earth.
The success, or "rather the continuance of
civil and religious liberty, not only inour
own country, but throughout the world, de
pends upon the result of the present con
flict. Our failure n-rw would rejoice the
enemies of liberty ai d make glad the hearts
of tyrants in every land, and bring addition
al grief and sorrow to the down-trodden and
oppressed of every clime. The destruction
of our Republic would do more to perpetu
ate despotism, to roll back the tide of pro
gress, and check the advance of civilization
than any event which has oreured in the
history of the human race. Words cannot
describe nor language measure the import
ance and magnitude ot the present strugg'e.
It becomes, therefore, the paramount duty
of every patriot, to u-e his utmost exertions
to secure its favorible termination. The
present civil war was inaugurated by those
who maintain the doctrine of secession. It
refui.es no argument to show that the
adnii-sion -of this principle in any one case
leads inevitably to dissolution, disintegra
tion, ami final anarchy. Admit the possi
bility of Northern and Southern Confedera
cies, an 1 you thereby concede the establish
ment of an Ea-tern and Western or a New
England and Border State, an Atlantic and
Pacific, a Mis-iippi Valley, or any other
Confederacy or number of Confederacies
which the discontent or ambition of individ
uals may require to suit their unworthy pur
poses. The history of our country during the
Revolution is too well known to require repe
tition. The Articles of Confederation and
their inadequacy to subserve the ends and
purposes of : he nation are matters of histo
ly known to ail. Our" forefathers those to
wi.oni we owe our existence as an indepen
dent nation and o .r continuance as a Gov
ernment speedily- superceeded tho-e Arti
cles of Confederation by a written Constitu
tion, in order to prevent, for all time to
come, the practice of seces:-ion, and to
strengthen the arm of the central power.
This doctrine of secession is not only with
out warrant in the Constitution, but must
lead to the widest contusion m the wonting
i of our politicabsystem a system without a
; model in all the ages of the past a perfect
I structure, distributing the powers of the
1 Government in such a vay as to make thein
; a check upon each other while working in
unity and harmony in the promotion of all
i the great objects of its creation. The sepa
; rate States may become great in territory,
i great in population, great in resources, but
1 the germ of their greatness consists in their
i being parts of a greater whole members of
i one great family. Our nation can only live
and accomplish the purposes of its creation,
and protect and uphold the cause of civil
and religious liberty on this continent and
throughout the world, by adhe ing to one
Cohst.tution. one Union, one Government,
one set of laws, one destiny. One flag, and
that the stars and stripes, should ever be
per mi t ted to float over a ny port ion of ou r la nd;
and silent be the tongue and palsied the arm
of him who would da: e to utter a word a
gainst or attempt to lower from its proud
position the flag of our country, Cheers.
To preserve our unity as a nation, to pre
vent dissolution, disintegration, and final an
archy may, and no doubt will, require many
and fearful sacrifices in addition to those
already made ; but the more that flag is
crimsoned with the Wood of heroes, the
dearer it becomes to the hearts of patriots.
The right of self-preservation on the part
of the Government has at all times in its his
tory been clearly maintained by the ablest
statesmen. George Washington did not hes
itate to enforce the law against those who
attempted to resist it in the collection of
taxes on whisky. In his message to Con
gress, soon after the occurrence, the at her
of his Country says : "Thus the painful al
ternative could not be discarded. I ordered
the militia to march after once moreadmon'
ishing the insurgents, in my proclamation
of the 20th of September last. U hile there
is cause to lament that, occurrences of this
nature should have disgraced the name or
interrupted the tranquility of any part ot
our community, or should have diverted to
a new application any portion of the public
resources, there are not wanting real and
substantial consolations for the misfortune.
It has demonstrated that our prosperity
rests on solid foundations by furnishing an
additional proof that my fellow citizens un
derstand the true principles of government
and liberty, that they feehtheir inseparable
union ; that notwithstanding all the devices
which have been Used to sway them from
their interest and duty, they are now as
ready to maintain their authority of the
laws against licentious invasions as they were
tj defend their rights against usurpation.
It has been a sjiectable displaying to the
highe-t advantage the value ot republican
government, to behold the most aud least
wealthy of our citizens standing in the same
ranks as private soldiers, pre-eminently dis
tinguished by being the army of the Consti
tution, undeterred by a march of three
hundred miles over rugged mountains, by
the approach of an inclement season, or any
other discouragement. "
These are the words of the first President
of the Republic. Had his penetrating eye
scanned the future and beheld the present
condition of his native land, lie t ouid not
have used language more completely and
cos clusively establishing the right and 'duty
of self-preservation existing in the Govern
ment. As early as 17So, Mr. Jefferson, in a let
ter to M r. M onroe, declared "there never
will be money in the treasury till the Confed
eracy shows its teeth. The States must see
the rod, perhaps it must be felt by some of
them. I am persuaded that all of them would
rejo ce to see every one obliged to furnish
their contributions." In another letter,
written in 1787, Mr. Jefferson says: "But
with all the imperfections of our present
Government, it is, without comparison, the
best existing, or that ever did exist. Its
greatest defect is the imperfect manner in
which matters of commerce have been pro
vided for. It has been so often said as to
be generally believed, that Congress have no
power, by the Confederation, to enforce any
thing, for example contributions of money.
It was not necessary to give them that pow
er expressly ; they have it. by the law of na
ture. When'two parties make a contract
there results in each other a power of com
pelling the other to execute it."
Thus spoke the author of the Declaration
of Independence and the father of Democra
cy. Had all of his pretended followers and
admirers iu the South obeyed his teachings
and practiced his theories, the preset; t crisis
would not, now be upon the nation. In
1832, James Madison, in speaking of the
Virginia Resolution-!, written by himself,
used the following language : 4The"essential
difference between a free government and a
Government not free is, that the former is
founded in compact, the parties to which are
mutually and equally bound by it. Neither
of them, therefore, can have a greater right
to break off froui the bargain than the other
or others have to hold him to it ; and cer
tainly there is nothing in the Virginia Res
olutions of 17WS adverse to this principle,
which is that of common sense and common
justice."
It is remarkable the n unifiers, who make
the name of Mr. Jeiferson the pedestal for
their colossal heresy, closely shut their eyes
and lips whenever his authority is clearly
and emphatically against them. In his let
ters to Monroe and Carringtou he speaks of
the power ot the old Congress to coeice de
linquet States, and states his rea-on for pre
ferring for the purpose a naval to a military
force, also remarking that it was not necessa
ry to find a right to coerce in the Federal
Articles, that being inherent in the nature
of a compact.
In 1832 the State of South Carolina at
tempted to inaugurate the heresy of seces
sion. At that time Andrew Jacksrn occu
pied the Executive chair ot the nation. His
views and opinions are fully and clearly set
forth in his proclamation of that date, in
which, among other truths, he declares that
4ithe Constitution of the United States
forms a government, not a league; and
whether it be formed by compact between
the States or in any other manner, its char
acter is the same. It is a government in
which all the people are represented, which
operates directly on the peopie individually,
not upon the States ; they retained all the
power they did not grant. But each ? tate
having expressly parted with sd many pow
ers as to constitute, jointly with the other
States, a single nation, cannot, from that
period, possess any right to secede, because
such secession does not break a league but
destroys the unity of a nation, and any in
jury to that unity is not only a breach which
would result from the contravention of a
compact but it is au offence against the
whole Union."
Tnu- speaks Andrew Jackson in 1S32.
His actions correspond with his words, and
it is fortunate for the nation and for man
kind that General Jackson then occupied
the Executive chair of the United States.
The views entertained by these statesmen
have been fully endorsed and affirmed on re
peated occasions by the Supreme Court of
the United States. I might refer particu
1 :rly to the opinion of Chief Justice Mar
shall on the subject, but I have not time to
do so. The same voice comes to us from the
tombs of Mount Vernon, 3Ionticello, the
Hermitage, and the grave of Madison.
Ashland and Marshfield poured forth their
unsurpassed eloquence in defence of the
-same vital principles, and all the great men
of our land, of all parties, have at all times,
in the Cabinet, in Congress, and on the
bench, agreed upon this question.
Nov, my fellow-citizens, our enemies at
tempt to dishearten the people by portray
ing'to them the magnitude of our national
debt. This debt has been variously estima
ted, but it is now officially declared to be
less than two thousand million of dollars,
aud no well-informed man will calculate a
greater increase than one thousand millions
per year. But figures cannot estimate the
value of the Union it is beyond all price.
However, for those who worship the almighty
dollar, and those who are too mean to pay
their taxes if they can escape their payment,
I will occupy your attention for one moment
on this subject. At the end of the Penin
sula war the debt of England was about live
thousand "millions of dollars. It is now a
little less than four thousand millions of dol
lars. Her last war loan in that war was sold
at fifty three cents ou the dollar, payable in
depreciated paper. But n t a siugle bond
of the United Sta es is below i ar, and near
ly all command a premium. The income
of our treasury for the past year, in the very
midst of the war, was nearly three hun
dred milli ns of dollars. The increase in
the value of our real and i iersonal property
from 1840 to 1850 was sixty-four per cent. ;
from 1850 to 1800 it was one hundred and
twenty-seven per cent The income of our
productive labor for 1SC0 wa3 nearly two
millions of dollars.
We have rich public lands, and almost
enough of these alone, at one dollar per acre,
to pay our debt at the end of the war. We
have more than 30,000 miles of Railroad,
finished at a cost of $1.200.(K),u00. Fifty
thousand vessels of the Republic whiten ev
ery ocean. The increase in the tonnage on"
our Western waters in eight years, was 320
percent. Our exports of grain hve reached,
in a single vear, $500.000. OuO. Agriculture
gave the nation, in 18t50, 81,600.000,000 ;
and when our fertile lands are well cultiva
ted, this sum wid be uiultipiiel a hundred
told. Our tcrrit iy is nearly as large a all
Europe, with its forty different empires.
The increase of our population since 1790
has been six times greater than thatof Eng
land, and ten times greater than that of
Fiance; therefore the burden of our debt
will sit but lightly upon a nation whose
home is a continent, w hose soil embraces
the product of every land, whose people, by
their indus'ry, thrift and skill, multiply
their resources au hundred fold, and whose
population grows with a rapidity which is
without parallel in history. As I said be
fore, it is the purpose of our enemies to dis
hearten the people with rumors of our ina
bility to pay the National debt; but they
have not examined the question and do not
wish to examine it: they onlydesire todraw
away from their allegiance the friends of
the Union, and induce tfem to accept an
ignominious peace upon the terms of disso
lution. But the he hour is growing late, my fellow-citizens,
and I find myself compelled to
curtail my remarks. When the proud old
flag of our fathers shall again floaty in tri
umph over the walls of Fort Sumpter, and
over every inch of territory belonging to our
ancient inheritance: and when all the peo
ple of tlie land shall live in peaeeand amity,
and treason shall no more raise its wicked
head, then will the most skeptical and tim
id be constrained to admit that this nol le
Government of our fathers is not destined
to premature decay, but that the noble old
Republic still lives, and shall live forever.
Long continued cheering.
A PICTURE.
McClellan says that he would use every
means known "to diplomacy to termimate
the war peacefully at once, but on no ac
count would acknowledge more than one
government, in the Union.
The rebels constantly declare thatthey
are determined on independence, and will
listen to no terms of peace unless they are
ba -ed on 'that.
McClellan says that in case of the failure
of such negociations, he would continue the
war.
The Administration, having ascertained
the condition of things long ago to be pre
cisely as McClellan would find it after wait
ing months of negotiation, goes cn with the
war.
McClellan says that the war should be
prosecuted solely tor the restoration of the
Union, and that it should be the only con
dition of peace.
The rebels say that they would sooner sur
render their slaves than give un their inde
pendent confederacy ; hence in trying to
change the war to a contest for the Union
with slavery McClellan struggles for an im
possibility. McClel an offers to guarantee State rights
to the rebel States if they will return to
their allegiance.
But the relel States have less rights under
Jeff Davis than they ever had with us, and
so oligarchs would have more power than
thev ask for or ever had.
Thus McClellan offers a negotiation which
would be fruitless, to avoid a war which is
inevitable and unavoidable ; a restoration of
the Union on impracticable terms ; the pre
servation of slavery, which even the rebels
do not hope for; State rights, which the
rebel States have cat off and repudiated :
and all merely to enable the Democratic par
ty to regain power.
A little g;rl, after returning home from
church, where she saw a collection "aken up
fir the first time, related what took place,
and among other things she said, with all
her childish innocence "That aman passed
around a plate with some money on it, but
I didn't take any."
"Stockings I can do without so long as I
wear fashionable dresses," said a village
belle somewhat straightened in her financial
resources, ''but a bosom pin and kid gloves
I must have.
Prejudices are like rats, and a man's mind
like a trap; they get in easily, and then
perhaps can't get out at all.
When these's a red sky it's a sign
of wind, but where there's a red nose it's a
sign of wet
Fame is but an inscription on a grave
glory ; the melancholy blazf n cn a coffinlid.
Marriage is a feast where the grace is
sometimes better than the dinner.
SHALL WE ASSUME THE EEBEL WAE
DliiJT ?
The leading newspaper organ of the Mc
Clelianites is the New York- World. Du
ring tho exciting political canvass of 1S62,
this paper ventured to put forth several ar
ticles by way of a feeler, suggesting the as
sumption by us of the rebel war debt as a
meaus of conciliating and restoring the Uni
on. So vehemently was this denounced that
it had to be disowued. But the proposition,
has ever since been entertained by the Dem
ocrats, and really forms an essential part of
their programme, although they do not dare
to avow it openly. This debt is mainly ia
th s hands of English capitalists, the repre
sentative man of whom is Rothschild. It ia
well known that thatgreat capitalist controls
the tone of the London Times, which paper
he has used against us from the commence
ment of the war, to depreciate our credit
ar.d to aid that of the relnds. This interest,
with its innumerable ramifications, has pro
duced the greater part of ill feeling against
us in the English press and people.
The principal American agent of ths
Rothschilds is Auguste Belmont, a well
known Democratic pohticirn, who has been
the moneyed man of the McClellan move
ment, and who figured largely at Chicago in
in securing his nomination. If the real
proprietorship of the World could be fath
omed, it would doubtless be found that Bel
mont is at th) bottom as capitalist. The
advocaey of the assumption of the rebel
debt in 1862 clearly showed the cloven hoof.
McClellan, under the manipulation of Bel
mont and those whom he controls, has been
made to say in his letter of acceptance that
"the condition of our finances, the depreci
ation of the paper money, and the burdens
thereby imposed upon labor and capital,
and the necessity of a return to a sound sys
tem, . . . are subjects of not less vital
importance in war than peace." Thij
points to what Belmont and his cronies
have been clamoring for, the withdrawal of
the greenbacks, and a resort to gold bonds
solely for means to carry on the govern
ment. Bearing these facts in mind, the follow
ing passage in MeClellan's letter of accep
tance has a peculiar significance.
"The Union was originally formed in a
" spirit of conciliation and compromise ; to .
" restore and preserve it the same spirit
" must prevail in our councils and in the
" hearts of the people."
What compromise is here hinted at we
leave our readers to conjecture. McClellan
insists'only upon one point the Union. He
says, emphatically, "The Union is the one
condition of peace wc ask no more." Do
we really ask no more? Thereliels demand
that we assume their debt. Are we ready
to do so? It seems from this passage that
General McClellan is. There can be no mis
taking him. His language is so plain as. to
render misconception impossible. This ex
plains the activity and energy of Belmont.
He is working like a beaver to render valid the'
rebel bd"hds held by his principals in England,
and to effect such an object they can afford
to spend money liberally. Nor are we left
in the dark as to the amount of this debt
which we are to be saddled with, for a late
Richmond paner tells us that it amounts to
SI, SO 1000. 000. By the time peace could
be made it would reach $2,000,000,000, so
that by assuming this rebel debt, by way of
conciliation and compromise, we should have
a debt amounting in all to $4,000, 000,t '00
equal in total to the present enormous debt .
of Englan 1. This is McClellan's idea of a
"sound financial s3-stem." Every man who
owns a U ited States, bond may judge for
himself what cranse he would stand of get
ting either principal or interest in gold ia
such an event as this.
Ccrtous Consistency. In the report of
Major Marcv, Gen. McClellan's father-in-law,
on the Red River expedition, to which
the General was attached, it is stated that
"an interesting collection of reptiles and oth
er specimen, in alcohol, was also made un
der his (McCIellans) superintendence." It
is a little curious that the. abillity which
first brought him to notice should remaia
unimpaired through many years, and adorn
the last as well as the first chapter of the
General's public career. A similar collec
tion, ttiiugb. embracing a single variety in
stead of many the copperhead in the place .
of aM was made in the interest of the same
individual but the other day; and as if to
continue the parallel, it is more than inti
mated that many of the latter were preser
ved in the same liquid with the former.
A clersyman had two daughters who were
much too fond of dress, which was a great
grief to him. He had often reproved them
in vain; and. preaching one Sabbath day on
the sin of pride, he took occasion to notice,
among other things, pride in dress. After
speaking some considerable time on this sub
ject, he suddenly stopped short and said,
with feeling and expression : "But you will
say 'look at home!' My good friends, I do
look at home till my heart aches."
A down-east girl being bantered one day
by some of her female friends, in regard to
her lover, who had the misfortune to have -but
one leg, she replied to them very smart
ly "Pooh, I wouldn't have a man with two
legs; they're too common."
The Chicago Tribune says there is
more than double the amount of wheat and
corn in i-tore in that city than there was a
year ago.
The anger which flushes the face is not so
deadly as that which makes it pale. The '
red neat is less intense than the white.
Why ehould the highest arple on a '
tree be a good one? Because it's a tiptop
apple.
Our bast frienda are- often those who UH
us of our faults.
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