Raftsman's journal. (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, August 31, 1864, Image 1

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Pown the Ions street the soldiers pawed
In solid columns through the town ;
Their clothes were soiled with southern dust,
Their face with the sun were brown.
Thev ninn-hed the 8eld of blood to reach.
Where the fierce cannon thundered loud,
And where 'twi.it hostile armies rolled
The black and blinding thunder cloud.
Thev bore aloft with conscious pride
The flag our fathers loved )f old
That banner with the crimson stripes.
And with the shining Han of gold.
Com ly the road-side stool a child
With flaxen hair and radiant eyos,
'Neath whose white lids imprisoned seemed
The color of the azure skies.
And when she saw the sacred fit?
For which our hrave boys bear the sears.
'-Papa !'" she cried, ami clapped her hands,
'tiod made tht Gag see. see the stars
The soldiers heard her little voice.
And pealing to tha far off sky
A fhout tirolouged and loud went up
h'roi those bronzed veterans passing by.
Home rai-ed aloft their Uust-stnuie 1 hats.
Avi niary a stem face kindly smiled ;
And eyes unused to ter.der looks
Tamed foudly on that fair-haired child.
God's bnnnpr! Yes. With patriot blond
'Jo-day its hallowed folds are wet ;
J!ut ly each precious drop now spilled
Its stars shall be lerever set.
"Enrnhig to be tho Future Warfare of t'ue
The Richmond papers are devoting a large
s-luir -of their columnsahnost daily since they
received the news of the burning of Cham
leisburg. to the discussion of the measures
lht Vankees will adopt as a retaliation. The
rebel editors claim t hat the .Southern fortes
captured Chamber.sbnrg twice before, res li
ved each time to burn the town. They in
tended to visit York and Gettysburg wit Ii
the same fate and in fact, their first object
in attempting to invade the .North, was to
burn, destroy and desolate. These purpo-M-s
.-ays the Hit bnudid editors, were defer
red! because the Southern soldier are essen
tially chivalrous, brave and thristain and
only when the barbarous Northerner had
passed the bounds ot honorable warfare, did
ti.e .South light the torch, and henceforth,
while the war continues iu flames are to be
nii'juepehed. All this is very line talk fur
jlichmoud editors ; but when it is remem
bered that the rebel armies hold n) terrrito
:y I ut that which is in insurrection, they
v. ill have a irood time burring and desolating
the property of their own friends. Yet the
threat thus to ca ry on the war with the
torch instead or this sword, shows tho des
peration of the men with whom we have to
deal. What would a peace be worth, pro
cured any othtr way but by the victory of
i'cderal bayonets-, when we estimate the
character of our enemies by their own threat
cniitrs? Not as much as the paper upon
which the compact could lie written. With
ihe torch as the weapt n of our enemies, the
contest resolves itself intooneof plain issues
and duties. Ifwedonot promptly crush them,
it w e do not overwhelm them with defeat
tiirji will h ill us, burn mir homes mii enhtre
our cliiUIrt a. Let us be prepared hereafter,
it-rthe new weapons of rebel warfare.
Washington on Tories.
Tho Tories of the Revolution occupied
precisely the place of the Copperheads in
our day. They resisted the Government,
ir;ive aid and comfort to the enemy, got up
a lire in the rear upon every occasion that
oliered. and did their lest to distract and
divide public .sentiment and bring defeat up
on the army. Gen. Washington, although
niild. amiable and conciliatory, could not
stand these fellows, and he accordingly ad
vocated extreme measures against them. In
a letter to Gov. Trumbull, of Connecticut,
written during th". Revolution, in relation
t.i di-aileeted and disloyal persons, lie said :
'As it is now very apparent that we have
nothing to depend upon in the "present con
tost but our own strength, care, firmnessand
'liion. should not thesame measures be a
dopted in your and every other Government
eti tin- continent? Would it not be prudent
t" $rizr on those torie who hove been, are.
'"i that ire know irill be active against us f
Wliy fhoidd persons, iiho are preyinf upon,
thf r,'t,tl. of their count ri, be suffered to
d:ulk it birye n hile ire know they in II do
( mischief in their poirerf These,
sir, are poims I beg leave to submit to your
fercous consideration. "
1 lie.-e are our sentiments exactly, and the
a".;ut:ient that was good then, is equally
F V. 1 ih,. Why, indeed, "should persons,
vlio are preying upon the vitals of their
country, be permitted to skulk at large?"
"peeially with arms in their hands, ready
f asasination, arson, or any other vil
k'ny that will help their allies the rebels?
Tun Copperhead Conspiracy. Among
l-i:ers found in Dan Voorhees' office,
lad-ana. when tha Provost Marshal
relied it, was a letter from Senator Wall
(,f New Jersey, under his frank, indorsing
a proposition to furnish Voorhees with
) stand of Garibaldi rifles just import
t(1i '"for which he could vouch. ' ' Wall was
at ne tini3 an inrnate of Fort Warren or
Lafayette, and it is plain, from this devel
opment, that he ought to be there again,
and Dan Voorhees with him. This is a
Ciear case of conspiracy against the Govern
aent, and it is high time to let the heavy
tand of the Governmept fall upon the con-,
Cclozci Jac(iuo3 and "Edimrrid Zirhe" in
Siclimond, Va.
The following narrations make a part of j
an article in the beptemoer number or ihe.
Atlantic Monthly, and ot a closing chapter ot
a new volume entitled "Down in Tennes
see." by Edmund Kirke, about to be pub
lished by Sheldon.
The next morning, after breakfast, which
we took in oar room with Mr. Javans, we
indited a note of wh'c-h the following i a
copy to the conieJerate Se. rotary of State :
Si'ottsv.-i;oi House,
Richmond. Va, July 17, ISC 4
Hon. J. J'. i'cN.fAMlN, Secretary of
State, etc.: Dkaii.Sm-:: The undersigned
respect full' solicit an interview wi'.h T're.i
ilent Davis. They vi.-it Uichiifiud 011V as
private citizens, and have no oi'licial chiirac
ter or anthorty : but they are acquainted
with the views of the United States Govern
iiic t. and with the sentiment s of the North
ern people, relative to an adjustment of the
differetiee. existing between the Ncrth and
South, and earnestly hope that a free inter
chance of views between 1 'resident Davis
and themselves may open the way to such yf
fivial negotiations ; - wi-1 result in re -orn.vg
- .it- i
l'KAt'K !o t it'.', two sect:.'!i5 of o'tr otstracrcU
country. The thetefbro ak sin interview
with the IVesid.'nt and, awaiting your icpiy,
arc Truly and re.-pocful'y j'ours."
This was si&Tiotl !;' !:.th of us; and when
the JutLe ea;ie.l. as he had appoint.-.!, we
sent it Loget ho." with a eoimnend-.ttory let
ter I had receividoti setting out, Irotii a iK.ar
le'a'.ive of Mr. Djvi; to the rebel Secreta
ry. In half an hour Judge Ould returned
saying: ".Mr. I'.cnjaniin sendsyou his compli
ments, and will be happy to see you at the
State- Department. '
We found the Secretary a short, pulinp,
oily little man in black, with a keen black
eye, a. lew face, a yellow skin, e;;r"y black
hair, closely-trimmed black whiskers, and a
ponderous g Id watch-chain in the north
west room of the 'Tnited States" Custom
House. Over the door of this room were
the words, '"State Department.'' ami about
its walls were hung a few maps and battle
plans. In one corner was a tier of shelves
filled with books among which I noticed
1 eadley s "lli-sory," Los.-ings "l'ictorial,"
Pa rt on's ''Rutler." Greelev's "American
i Conflict," a complete set of the "Rebellion
Record, and a dozeo-i numbers and several
bound volumes of the "Atlantic Monthly,"
and iu the centre of the apartment was a
black walnut table, covered with green cl tl ,
and filled with a multitude of "State Pa
pers." At this table sat the Secretary. He
rose as we entered, and, as Judge Ould in
troduced u, took our hands and said :
"T am glad, very glad, to meet you, gen
tlemen. 1 have real your note, and"
lowing to me '"the letter you bring from
. Your errand commands my respect
au I svmpathv. i rav Ie seated.
As We took the proffered seats, the Colo
nel, drawing off his "duster, " and display
ing his uniform, said :
'We thank you for this.cordial reception,
Mr. Dcnjnmin. We trust you will be as glad
to hear us as you are to see us."
'"No doubt I shall be, for you come to
talk of peace. Peace is what we all want."
''It is, indeed; and for that reason we
have come to see Mr. Davis. Can we see
him. Sir!"
'"Do you bring any overtures to him from
y-.ur Government?
'No sir. We bring no overtures, and
have no authority from our Government.
We state that iu our note. We would" l.e
glad, however, to know what terms will be
acceptable to Mr. Davis. If they at all har
monize with Mr. Lincoln's views, we 'will
report them to him, and so open the door
for official negotiations."
"Are you acquainted with Mr. Lincoln's
'One of us is, fully."
"Did Mr. Lincoln, in any iray. authorize
von to come here?"
"No sir. We came with his pass, hut not
by his request. We say distinctly, we have
no official authority. We come as men and
Christians, not as diplomatists, hoping, in a
frank talk with Mr. Davis, to discover some
wav bv which this war may be stopped.
"Well, trentlemen, I will. repeat what you
sav to the' President, and it he follows my
advice and 1 think he will he will meet
you. He will be at Church this afternoon ;
so, suppose you call here at nine this even
ing. If anything should occur in the mean
time to prevent his seeing you. I will let
you know through Judge Ould-'"
Throughout this interview the manner of
the Secretary was cordial ; but with this cor
diality was a strange constraint and diffidence
almost amounting to timidity,, which struck
both my companion and myself. Contrast
ing his manner with the quiet dignity of the
Colonel, I almost fancied our position rever
sedthat, instead of our being in his pow
er, the Secretary was in ours, and moment
lvexpected to hear some unwelcome sentence
from our hps. There is something, after
all, in moral power. Mr. Benjamin does
not possess it, nor is he a great man. He
has keen.Sdirewd, ready intellect.but not the
stamina to originate, or even to execute any
great trood or great wickedness.
After a dav spent in our room, conversing
with the Judiro, or watching the passers-by
in the street I would like to tell you who
they were, and how they looked ; but such
information is, just now, contraband we
called agnin, at nine o'clock, at the State
Department. . . .
Mr. Benjamin occupied his previous seat
at the table, and at his right hand sat a
spare, thin-featured man, with iron-gray
hair r ml beard, and a clear, gray eye, full
of life and vigor. He had a broad, massive
forehead, and a mouth and chin denoting
great energy and strength of will. His face
was emaciated, and much wrinkled, but his
features were good, especially his eyes
though one of them bore a scar, apparently
made by some tharp instrument, lie wore
a suit of grayish-brown, evidently of foreign
manufacture, and, as he rose, I saw that he
was about five feet ten inches high, with a
slight stoop in the shoulders. His manners
we're simple, easy, and most fascinating ;
and there was an indescribable charm in his
voice, as he extended his hand and said tons:
"I am glad to see you gentlemen. . You
are very welcome to Richmond."
And this was the man who was President
of the United States, under Franklin Pierce,
and w ho is now the heart, samI and brains of
tite Southern Confederacy.
I lis manner put me entirely at my ease.
The Colonel would be if he stood before Cu
sar a td I replied :
"We thank you, Mr. Davis. It is not of
ten that you meet men of our clothes and
our princip'cs in Richmond. '
"Not of ten not so often as I could wish ;
and 1 trust your coming may lead to a more
frequent and a more friendly intercourse be
tween the North and the South."
"We sincerely hope it may."
"Mr. Benjamin tells me that you have
asked to see. n.e to
And- he j au.-cd, as if
should i'imsh the senton--.'.
"Yes sir. We havens!:;-
in the hope that you may sit;
by which this sir may b.:
pc-opie want peace your
iiog that we
The Colonel
ihis interview,
est wiine way
topped. Our
voiir Lonurc-s i;;l3 recti!
i that you :o.
We havj come to ask how it can be Luougn;
"In a very simple way. Withdraw your
armies from our territory, :m i peace wiii
come of it.-eif. We do not seek to subju
gate you. We are not waging au offensive
war. except so far as it is offensive defen
sivethat is so far as we are forced to in
vade you to prevent your invading us. Let
us alone, and peace will come at once. ' '
"But we cannot let you alone so long as
you repudiate the Union. That is the one
thing the Northern people will not surren
der." "I know. Yon would deny to r.s what
you exact for yourselves the right of self
government. "
"No sir," I remarked. "We would deny
you no natural right. But we think Union
essential to peace; and, Mr. Davis, could
two people, with the same language, sepa
rated by on!- an imaginary line, live at
peace with each other? Would not disputes
constantly arise, and cause almost constant
war between them?'
"Undoubtedly with this generation. You
have sown stub bitterness at the south: you
have put such an ocean of blood between
the two sections, that. I despair of seeing
any harmony in my time. Our children may
forget this war, but cannot.''
"I think the bitterness you speak of, sir.'
said the Colonel, "does not really exit. We
meet and talk here as friends; our soldiers
meet and fraternize with each other: and I
feel sure that if the Union were restored, a
more friendly feeling would arr-e between us
than has ever existed. The war has made us
know and respect each other better than be
fore. This is the view of very many .South
ern men : I have had if from many of them,
your leading citizens."
"They are mistaken," replied Mr. D ivis.
"They do not understand Southern senti
ment. How can we feci anything but bit
terness tow ards men who deny us our rights?
If you enter my house and drive me out of
it, am I not your natural enemy?"
"You put the case too strongly. But we
cannot fisrlit f rever : the war must end at
some time: we must finally agree upon some
thing; can we not agio; now, and stop this
frightful carnage ? We are both Christian
men, Mr. Davis. Can you, as a Christain
man, leave untried any means that may lead
to peace?"
"No. I cannot. I desire peace as much
as you do. I deplore blood.-hed as much as
you do: but I feel that not one drop of the
blood shed iu this war is on wy hands, f
can look up to my God and say this. J
tried all in my power to avert this war. 1
saw it coming, and for the last twelve year--
worked night and day to prevent it, but I
could not. The North was mad and blind;
it would not let us govern ourselves, and so
the war came, aul now it must go on till
the last man of this generation .falls in his
tracks, and his children seize his musket
and fight our battle, unless ymi acknoieledgc
our riijht of stelf-focernmeiit. We arc not
tiditiug for slavery. We arc fighting for
Independence, and that, or extermination,
we ciU have."
"And there are, at least, four and a-half
millions of us 1 ft: so you see you have a
work before you." said Benjamin with a
decided sneer. -
"We have no wish to exterminate you,
answered the Colonel. "I believe what I
have said that there is no bitterness be
tween the Northern and Southern people.
The North. I know, loves the South. When
peace comes, it wijl pour money and means
into your hands to repair the waste caused
by the war; and it would now welcome you
back, and forgive all tlhe loss ami bloodshed
you have caused. But we must cruh your
armies and exterminate your government.
And is not that already nearly done ? ou
are whohV without money, and at the end of
vour resources. Grant has shut you up m
'Richmond. Sherman is before Atlanta.
Had vou not, then, better accept honorable
terms while vou can retain your prestige,
and save the pride of the Southern people t
"I respect your earnestness, Colouel, but
you do not seem to understand the situation.
We are not exactly shut up in Richmond.
If your papers tell the truth, it ls your oXv
ital that is in danger, r.ot ours. im
weeks ago, Grant crossed the Rapid
,. n ah'm I.. find take Richmond.
Lee drove him in the first battle, and then
Grant executed what vour peopie ciux
liant flank movement' and fought Lee again.
Lee drove him a second time, and then
Grant made another 'flank movement ;' and
so they kept on Lee whipping, and Grant
flanking until Grant got where he is now.
And what is the next result ? Grant has
lost seventy-five or eighty thousand men
more than Lee. had at the outset., and is no
nearer taking Richmond than at the first ;
and Lee, whose front, had never been broken,
holds him completely in check, and has men
to spare to invade Mary laud and threaten
V asliington ! Sherman, to be sure, is be
fore Atlanta ; but suppose he is, and suppose
he takes it? You know that the farther he
goes from the base of his supplies, the weak
er he grows, and the more disastrous de
feat will be to him. And defeat may come.
So. in a military point of view, I should cer
tainly say our position was better than
yours. As to money: we are richer than you
are. You smile ; but admit that our paper
is worth nothing it answers as a circula
ting medium, and we hold it all ourselves.
If every dollar of it were lost, we should, as
we have no foreign debt to pay. be. none the
poorer. But, it is worth something ; it has
the solid basis, of a large cottou crop, while
yours rests on nothing, and you owe all the
world. As to resources : we do not hick for
arms and am munition. ami we have&till -i wide
territory from which to gather supplies.
S.vyou fco we are not in extremities. But,
if we were we were without money, with
out fool, without weapons if our whole
country was desolated, and ourarmies crush
ed and disbanded couM we. without giv
ing up our manhood, give up our right to
govern ourselves ? Would you not rather
die, and feel yourself a man. than live, and
be subject to a foreign power
"From yr.m- stand-point t here is a force
in what ou say," replied the Colonel. "Put
we did not come here to argue with you. Mr.
Davis. Wc. came, hoping to find some hon
orable way to peace, and I am grieved to
hear you say what you do. hen I have
seen your young men dying on the battle -field,
and your old men, women and chil
dren starving in their homes, I have felt I
could ri.-k my life to save them. For that
reason am here; and 1 a:n grieved
grieved that there is no hope." .
"I know your motives, Col. Jaques, and
I honor you for them ; but what can I do
more than I am doing ? I would give my
poor life gladly, if it would bring peace and
good will to the two countries ; but it would
not. It is with your own people you should
labor. It is they who desolate our homes,
burn our wheat fields, break the wheels of
wagons carrying away our women and chil
dren, and destroy supplies meant, for our
sick and wounded. At your door lies all
the misery and the crime of this war, and it
is a fearful fearful account."
"Not all of it,. Mr. Davis. I admit a fear
ful account, but it is not all at our door.
The pas.-inns of both sides art; aroused.
Unarmed men are hanged, prisoners are
shot down in cold blood, by yourselves.
I'llements of barbarism are entering the war
from both sides, that should make ns you
ami me, as Christian men shudder to
think of. In G jdrs name, then, let us stop
it. Let us do something, concede sonic
thing, to bring about peace. You cannot
expect with only four and a half millions,
as Mr. Benjamin says vou have, to hold out
forever agamst twenty millions."
Aiiain Mr. Davis smiled.
"Do you suppose there are twenty mil
lions at the North determined to crush us?"
"I do. to crush your (iorernment. A
small number of our people, a very small
number, are your iriends. Secessionists.
The rest differ a'out measures and candi
dates, but are united in the determination
to sustain the Union. W hoever is elected
iti November, he must be committed to a
vigorous prosecu.ion of the war."
Mr. Davis still looking incredulous, I re
marked "it is so. sir. Whoever tells you other
wise, deceives you. 1 think 1 know North
ern sentiment, and I assure you it is so.
You know we have a system of lyeeum lec
turing in our towns. At the close of these
lectures, it is the custom of the people to
come upon the platform and talk with the
lecturer. This gives him an excellent op
portunity of learning public sentiment.
La?t winter I lectured before nearly a hun
dred of such associations, all overthe North
from Dubuque to Bangor, an 1 1 took pains to
ascertain tne feeling of the people. 1 found
a unanimous determination to crush the re
bellion and save the Union at every sacri
fice. The majority are iu favor of Mr. Lin
coln ami nearly all of those opposed to him
are opposed to him because they think he
does not tight you with enough vigor. The
radical Republicans, who go for slave suf
frage and thorough confiscation, are those
who will defeat him if he is defeate I. But
if he is defeated before the people, the
House will electa worse man worse I mean
for you. It is more radical than he is you
can "see that from Mr. Ashley's reconstruc
tion bill and the people are more radical
than the House. Mr. Lincoln, I know, is
about to call out live hundred thousand
more men, ami I don't sec how you can hold
out much longer ; but if you do, you will
only deepen the radical feeling of the North
ern people. They would now give you fair,
honorable, rjeurrou, terms ; tmt let them
suffer much inore, let there be a dead man
in every house as there is now in every vil
lage, and they will give you no terms,
they will insist ou hanging every rebel south
of Pardon my terms. I mean no of
fence.'" "You give no offence." he replied, smi
ling very pleasantly. "I wouldn't' have
you pick vour words. This is a frank, free
talk, and I like you the bettter for .saying
what you think. Go on."
"I was merely going to add. that let the
Northern people once really feel the war
they do not feel it yet and they will insist
on hanging every one of your leaders."
"Well admitting all you say, I can't nee
how it affects our position. There are pome
things worse than hanging or extermina
tion. We reckon giving up the right of
self-government one of these things."
"By self-government you mean disunion,
Southern independence ?"
"And slavery, you say. is no longer an el
ement in the contest? "
"No, it is not. It never was an essen
tial element. It was only a means of bring
ing other conflicting elements to au earlier
culmination. It fired the musket which
was already capped and loaded. There are
essential differences between the North and
the South, that will, however this war may
end, make thein two nations."
"You ask me to say what I thir k. Will
you allow me to say that 1 know the South
very well, and never observed these differ
ences." "Then you have not used your eyes. My
sight is poorer than yours, but I have seen
them for years."
The laugh was upon me. and Mr. Benja
min enjoyed it. '
"Weil, sir, be that as it may, if I under
stand you, the dispute between your gov
ernment and ours is narrowed down to ibis :
Union or Disunion."
"Yes; or, to put it in other words, Inde
pendence or Subjugation."
"Then the two governments are irrecon
cilably apart. They have no alternative but
to fight it our.. But it is n so with the
people. They are tired of fighting and
want pence ; and, a- they boar all the bur
then and suffering of the war, is it not right
they should have peace, and have it on such
terms as they like?"
"I don't understand you ; be a little more
explicit. "
"Well. Suppose the two government
should agree to something like tins : To go
to the peonle with two propositions, say :
Peace, with Disunion and Southern Inde
pendence, as your proposition ; and : Peace,
with Union. Km a r.ci pillion. No Confisca
tion, ami universal amnesty its ours. Let
the citizens of all the United States (as
they existed before the war) vote 'Yes,' or
"No,' on these two propositions, at a spe
cial election within sixty days. If a lmjor
ity vote Disunion, our government to be
bound by it, and let you go in peace. If a
majority vote Union, yours to be bound by
it, and to stay in peace. The two govern
ments can contract in this way, and the peo
ple, though eiistittuiona!ly unable to decide
on peace or war, can elect which of any two
propositions shall govern their rulers. Let
Lee anl ("rant mean while, agree to an ar
mistice. This would sheathe the sword;
ami. if once sheathed, it would never again
be drawn by this generation."
"The plan is altogether impracticable. II
the South were only one State, it might
work ; but, as it is, if one. Southern State
objected to emancipation, it would nullify
the whole thing, for you are aware the peo
ple of Virginia cannot vote Slavery out of
South Carolina, or the people of South Car
olina vote it out of A'irginia."
"But three-fourths of the States can a
mend the Constitution. Let it be done in
that way in any way, so that it be done by
the people. I am not a statesman or a pol
itician, and I do not jut know how such a
plan could be carried out ; but you get t lie
idea rhatj the 1'F.uplk shall decide the
"That the majority shall decide it you
mean. We seceded to rid ourselves of the
rule of the majority, and this would sub
ject us to it again."
"But the- majority must rule finally, ei
ther with bullets or ballots."
"I a.n not so sure of that. Neither cur-
! rent events nor history shows that the ma
! ioritv rules, or ever did rule.. The contrary.
I think, is true. Why. sir, the man who
shall go before the Southern people with
such a proposition with any proposition
which implied that the North was to' have
a voice in determining the domestic relations
ot the South could not live here a day !
He would be hanged to the first tree, with
out judge or jury. "
"Allow me to doubt that. I think it more
likely he would be hanged if he let the
Southern people know the majority could
not rule," I replied, smiling.
"I have no fear of that," rejoined Mr.
Davis, also smiling most irood hnmoredh-.
"I give you leave to proclaim it from every
house-top in the South."
"But, seriously, sir, you let tho majority
rule in a single State ; why not let it rule in
the whole country?"
"Because the States are independent and
sovereign. The country is not. It is only
a Confederation of States ; or rather icas :
it is now tiro confederations."
"Then we are not a people we are only
a political partnersnip : j
""That is all."
"Your verv name, sir, 'United States, ;
implies that," said Mr. Benjamin. "But.
tell me, are th terms you have named E
mancipation. No Confiscation, and Univer
sal Amnesty the terms which Mr. Lincoln
authorized you to offer us?"
"No, sir. Mr. Lincoln did not authorize
me to offer you any such terms. But I th ink
both he and the Northern people, for the
sake of peace, would assent to some such
"They arc very generous." replied Mr.
Davis, for the first time during the inter
view showing some angry feeling. "But
amnesty, si, applies to criminals. We
have committed no crime. Confiscation is
of no account unless yc u can enforce it ;
and emancipation ! You have already eman
cipated nearly two millions of our slaves,
and if you take care of thein you may e
mancipate the rest. I had a few when the
war began. I was of some use to them ;
thev never were of any to me. Against
their will you emancipated them ; and you
may emancipate every negro in the Confed
eracy, but we will be free ! We will govern
ourselves ! We will do it, if we have to see
ever' plantation sacked, and every South
ern city in flames !"
"I see, Mr. Davis, it is useless to contin
ue this conversation,' I replied ; "and you
will pardon us if we have seemed to press
our views with too much pertinacity. Wa
love the old flag ; and that must be our a
pology for intruding upon you at all."
"You have not intruded upon me," be re
plied, resuming his usual manner. "I am
glad to have met you both. 1 once loved
the old Hag as well as you do. I would
have died for it ; but now it is to me only
the emblem of oppression."
"I hope the day may never come, Mr.
Davis, when I say that," said the Colonel.
A half hour's conversation on other topics
not if public interest ensued, and then
w e rose to go. As we did so the rebel Pres
ident gave me his baud, and, bidding me a
kindly "good bye." expressed .the hope of
seeing me again in Richmond in happier
times when peace should have returned
but with the colonel his parting was partic
ularly cordial. Taking his hand in both of
his, he said to him :
"Colonel. 1 respect your character and
your motives, and I w ish you well I wish
you every good wish I can wish you consistent!-
with the Confederacy."
The quiet, straightforward bearing, and
magnificent moral courage of our "fighting
parson" had evidently impressed Mr. Da
vis very favorably.
As we were leaving the room he added :
"Say to Mr. Lincoln from me. that I
shall at any time be pleased to receive pro
posals for peace on the basis of our inde
pendence. It will be useless to approach
me with any cither."
WllcuME. "Papa will soon be here,"
said mamma to her three year old boy.
"what can George do to welcome him?'
And the mother glanced at the childs play
things, which lay scattered iu wild confu
sion on the car Kit.
""'lake the room neat," replied the lit
tle one, understanding the look and at once
beginning to gather his toys into a basket.
"What else can we do to welcome papa?"
asked mamma, when uothing was want
ing to th? neatness of the room.
"Be happy to him when he comes?"
cried the little fellow, jumping up and down
with eagerness, as he waited at the window
for his father's coming.
Now as all the dictionary makers will tes
tify it is very hard to give good defini
tions; but did not little George give the
very substance of a weleome ! Be hap
py to him when he comes."
AU parents who read this, will know that
elegant apartments, ant! sumptuous enter
tainmei.ts and formal courtesy, will not a
vail in welcoming their guests, when they
Dear children, will you also rcmetnlier,
when your little friends come to sec you that
all your beautiful toys, and fine plays, and
nice treats, will not give your guests a
"good time," unless you are happy to thein
when they come. Conyregationaiist.
Hairing Brigadiers of Copperheads,
Souk; time since it was announced that
Col. William M'Candless, ot the Pennsyl
vania Reserves, had been appointed Briga
dier General by the President. Shortly af
terwards we see tho name of the same Col
onel M'Candless figuring as President of
a Copperhead meeting in Philadelphia, and
now it is suited that he has written a letter
to the President declining the appointment,
preferring to fight his own Government at
home to fichting that of the rebels in the
We thought tin time had parsed for prac
ticing the folly cf casting Government hon
ors upon traitorous heads ; but it seems not.
The declination of Colonel M'Candles3, in
this instance, may be discreditable in tho
highest degree ; but furnishing him the op
portunity is but little less so. Surely there
are brave men enough in the field worthy
of promotion. Whv, then, are the pearls
that belong to them cast before twine.
1'ittaburg Gazette.
Fighting. "Did two men ever agrea
upon terms of peace while at blows with one
another?" asks Mr. Vallandigham. Per
haps not ; but two men have pounded away
at one another till one of them was glad to
succumb. Grit is a good thing : but there
are few men who, when soundly flogged,
will not own up. and, if they have been mis
behaving, agree to put themselves on their
good behavior. That is all we ask the South
to do ; and, as they wanted to administer
this Government as if made for those who
owned negroes, we intend they shall agreeto
have it administered neither for the benefit
of flares nor their masters, but of Freemen.
Alluding to the attempts to divide and
distract the Union party, the Cleveland Iler
ald remarks: "If men in high or low pla
ces wish to elevate the Chicago nominee to
tlwi Presidential chair, we beg them boldly
to join the traitors of the South and the
Copperheads of the North, and fight on
that 'line all summer' if they please, but we
protest in behalf of the Union party, against
their staying in our camp and furnishing
guns and amunition to our enemy."
One or TnEM. August Belmont, the
"chairman of the National Democratic
Committee." is a Jew, a Banker, and Agent
of the. Uothschilds of Europe. -
Here is another proof of the identity be
tween the gold gamblers and our enemies a
bi oad. The. agent of the richest banking
house of despotism, is chairman of the Na
tional Committee of Copperheads !
The Richmond Despatch calls the plating
of the sides of ths Kearsarge with chains
taking a "foul advantage," which would not
have been allowed in the days of "chivalry.' '
Modern chivalry uses it chains for tb.e necka
and limbs of human beings.