Raftsman's journal. (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, September 02, 1863, Image 1

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    BY S. J. KOW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1863.
VOL. 10.-NO. 1.
THOMPSON A WATSON, Dealers in Timber,
Saw Logs, Boards and Shingles, Marysville,
Clearfield eoonty, Penn'a August 11, 1863.
g. W. THOMPSON ill:: JAS. E. WATSON.
VRMY INTELLIGENCE. Any person
desiring intelligence of or from their friends
ur relatives in tbe army of the Potomac, or any of
the Army hospitals, ean receive information by
addressing W. 1. KEALSJ1, Washington. D. C,
enclosing one dollar. June 10, 18tJ3-3tp.
tiTJl. ALBERT i BRO'S, Dealers in Dry floods,
Groceries, Hardware, Queensware, Flour,
llacon. etc.. Woodlan-1, Clearfield county, Penn'a.
.llao. extensive dealers in all kinds of sawed lum
ber. hingltf, and square timber. Orders solici
wi. Woodland, Aug. 19th, 1S83.
CiAUTIOX. All persons are hereby caution
J ed against purchasing or in any way med
dling wiih the following property, now in the
poisesion of James Evans, of Graham tw'p. viz :
one bay mare, one iron gray horse, one two year
oid colt, and four cows, as the same was purchas
ti by me at Sheriff Sale, and have only been left
with the said Evans on loan, and are subject to
my order. JOS. C. BHESNER
Morrimlale, Aug. 19. 1363.
riMlE CONFESSIONS AND EXFER1-
1 ENCE OF A NERVOUS YOUNtl MAN. Pub
lished as a warning and tor the especial benefit
of young men. and thode who suffer with Nervous
Debility. Loss of Memory, Premature Decay, io., i
by one who hna cured himself by simple means,
nfter being put to great expense and inconveni
ence, through the use of worthless medicines pre- j
ncribed by learned Doctors. Single copies may i
be had (free) of the author, C. A. Laxbekt, Esq.,
Greenpoint. Long Island, by enclosing an addres
sed nvelope Address, CHA'S A. LAMBERT,
July 22.180.5. Ureenpoint.Long Island, New York.
SHERIFF'S SALES. By virtue of sundry
writs of Venditioni Exponas, issued out of the
Court of Common Pleas of Clearfield county, and
tome directed, there will be exposed to Public
iale, at the Court House, in the borough of Clear
field, on the Fourth Monday of September next,
A. D. IS63, at 1 o'clock, P. M., the fallowing de
scribed Real Estate, viz:
A certain tract of land situate in Chest town
chip, Clearfield costity Penn'a, bounded as fol
lows : Beginning at a post corner, thence north
Sj deg west one hundred and fifty perches to a
post, thence by laud of Anthony McUarvey and
Lawrence Killiaui two hundred and four perches
iu h post, thence along the line ot Aaron Pierce to
a white pir.e, thenee by land of I sane Kirk to
llace of beginning, containing one hundred and
seveoty-one acres more of less, being part of a
larger .Survey in the name of George Mosser with
two small log houses, blacksmith shop and log
bAin thereon erected aad about seventy-five acres
cleared with a young bearing orchard. Seized,
taken in execution, and to be sold as the property
ut Kobert MePherran.
Also a certain tract of land, situate in. West
Liberty. In Clearfield county, Penn'a. and bound
nt on the west by lot No. 19, on the north by the
trie Turnpike, on the east by an alley, and on
the south by lands of Jacob Hcberling. being each
l i) feet in front and running back 120 feet, known
iu plot of said town as No. 13 and 15 with two ;
storv frame house ereeted thereon Seized, ta- !
k-n in execution, and to be sold as the property
if Jojci'b Kishell.
Also a certain tract ol land situate in Fergu
fuh totfuebip. Clearfield county. Penn a. bounded
V. v land3 of Win. Keed. Joseph Moore. Wm. Moore.
Alexander and John Ferguson and Thomas Hen
ry i-our iiing tuo hundred Ojsres more or lets a-)'-r.:
f.jrty &i-res cleared thereon, and a large
i tuik liarn erected thereon. Stized. taken in ex
e 'itirtD. and to be sold as the property of Bonj.
':uNh'.rn aiid Tcoinas Henry. Administrator of
'i !iv-i:ai McL'racken, dee'd.
Asi it certain tract of land situate in Chest
: -x: -hip. Clearfield county, Penn'a, bounded by
i hi ''ii SinK'U Rorabaugh. Andrew and Solomon
lozer and lands late of Moees Pierce and others,
e t-'LtaiLiug eighty-two acres, about an acre cleared
tLer -ec. .Seized, taken in execution, and to be
i ild as the property of Aaron Pierce and Austin
Curry.
Also By virtue ot Pnndry 'writs of Levari
I'lrnm. the following described real estate:
AM those three several tracts of land situate
rarity in Decatur township. Clearfield county,
am partly exteudiuz into Centre countv. State
f I'eLijsylvauia. originally surveyed upon wlTr
:;ut dated July let 1784 respectively granted to
I 'u.itnuel Fletcher. Elizabeth Harrison and John
iiarrtstn. adjoining lands conveyed to Joseph
II ir. t.-'ii. Thomas liillicgiou. Francis Lathropand i
j hers and Patented April I860 to the said Hen !
n llillington. coutainingin the aggregate eleven
hundred and eighty-seven acres and twenty two
.c.-lLcs of land with the allowance, excepting
tii'-re out and therefrom two lots, one of 200 acres
uti.i allowance agreed to be sold and conveyed to
.' hn Guss aud Abraham Ooss. their heirs and As--r.iand
the other in the possession of the heirs :
ir a-iu3 of Abraham (loss now deo'd, and con- ;
: ..iuii.g one hundred and fifty four acres and one
hiibdrel and fifty-four perches according to a cer
tain survey by Thomas Ross of Clearfield county
Purveyor, being together thre hundred and fifty
1 ' acres and one hundred and twenty-four
erclies. thus excepted from the original tracts
ar.d leaving eight hundred and thirty-two acres
ii.J fifty-four perches with the allowance now con-u-yed
by the same, more or less, together with all
ani singular ways, waters, water courses, rights, j
hlerties privileges and improvements. Seized,
taken in execution, and to be sold as the proper- '
ty of Lavid I Pruner, A. O. Curtin, John M. Hall
"ui J . J.Lingle.
Also all that eerjain twostory house or build
ing situate in the township of Woodward and ;
cuuLtj of Clearfield or lot on south side of road '
leading from Alexanders Fording to Philipsburg
in the village of Puaey ville. bounded on the west
by lot owned by Henry Peters, east by land of
Hubert Alexander, said house being in size six
teen feet by twenty feet, and the lot or piece of
ground and curtilage appurtenent to said build
ing, the sum of forty dollars and fifty cents, being
a debt contracted for work and labor done by
'id Constantino Bonkinmyer. Seized, taken in
execution, and to be sold as the property of Geo.
V. Miles. .
Also By virtue of sundry writs ot Fieri Facia,
the following real estate, to wit :
Tsro certain tracts of land situate in Brady tp ,
Clearfield county, Penn'a, one beginning at a Lin
eorner, thence extending by improvement of Levi
I'ale loath sixteen degrees west So perches to a
1'Oit, thence along the turnpike road south eighty
a degrees west 100 perches to a post, thet.ee
north one degree west 72 7-tenth perches to a
YnSt- t'jeDCe north eighty nine degrees east
.. ti-ttnth perches to the Lin and place of be
ginning, containing fifty-one acres and forty ono
lurches, being part of a larger tract of land sur
ged on warrant to Henry Whyroff, about forty
eres cleared with a two story frame dwelling
bouse 32 by 32 feet and log Stable erected tbereon
Ail defendants interest in a certain tract of
Jnd situate township, county and state aforesaid,
'eing allottment No. 6 of tract No. 354. bounded
the south by the above named tract.on the west
hJ lands of S. R. Lobaugh. on the north by Long.
nd on the east by Wm. Garr's heirt containing
acres more or less, about 12 acres clearer with
Vtwo story plank frame house erected thereon.
;ied. taken in execution, aad to be sold as the ,
property of Tolbert Dale.
EDWARD PERKS. Sh ff. 1
"herir t Office, Clearfield, Aug. 1J, 18fi3.
OUR COUNTEY'S D2AD.
They live to God, they live to God,
Though gone from human sight !
Tbe good and brave, who left their homes
To battle for the right.
To thee. O God, they still live on,
. Though ceased their mortal strife;
And wait the triumph of the Cause,
More dear to them than life.
In sight of men they seem to die,
And perish from the earth ;
But Thou, dost give them, even here,
A new, immortal birth.
Though chastened for a little time,
Thou dost reward their pain ;
To die. to suffer for the right,
Is. e'en on earth, to gain.
For to their Country still they live,
And, on her roll of fame
Recorded shall forever stand
Each brave and and honored name !
CONSCRIPTION.
The first Conscription bill ever proposed to
the Congress of the United States was framed
by George Washington himself, in 1790. This
bill was more severe than the later one pre-part-d
by Monroe, or even the present law.
lie proposed to make ail free male inhabi
tants, between the ages of eighteen and sixty,
liable to service, except actual mariners, and
those exempted by the laws of the respective
States. All who were liable to service were
to be divided into three classes, viz :
(1.) All between eighteen and twenty-one.
(2.) All between twenty-one and forty-five.
(3.) All betweeD forty-five and sixty.
They were to be divided into legions, regi
ments, companies and sections, the latter to
consist of twelve persons each. When it be
came necessary to rai.e meu (or an anny,tbey
were to be furnished by the classes frora eigh
teen to forty five. Drafted persons were to
serve three years as regulars, and the liberty
of procuring substitutes was guarded against
abuse by stringent regulations. Persons be
longing to the third 4class were to be called
into active service only in cases of actual in
vasion or rebellion.
In addition to these regulations, Washing
ton, on whose patriotism the shadow of a doubt
never rested, recommended the adoption of" a
"permanent rale that those who in youth de
cline or refuse to subject themselves to the
course of military education established by
the laws should be considered as unworthy of
public trust or public honors, and be excluded
therefrom accordingly." He also believed
and taught that the Government possessed the
right to compel the citizens oi tho several
States to bear arms in its defence, and "the
right to regulate the service on principles ot
equity for the general defences."
The Conscription bill prepared by Mr. Mon
roe in 1814, differed in man respects from
Washington's. Its principal feature was the
proposition to divide t tie entireiree male pop
ulation between the agen of eighteen and forty
five into classes of one hundred persona each.
Each class, in the event uf hostilities, was to
furnish one man tor the war w itl.in thirty days
after the classification, and to replace him in
the event of casualty. In case of failure to
comply with the law. a draft was to take place
iu the delinquent class. The men thus draft
ed were to ?erve as regulars, as was the case
in Washington's plan, and as such were no
longer to be considered as subotdinate to
State authority. .
A substitute for Mr. Monroe's bill was pro
posed in Congress by Mr. Giles, it was made
a test question in 1814, and received the hear
ty support of the Democratic party, both in
Congress and in tbe country at large. But
for the conclusion of peace it would have
been passed by Congress, with an amendment,
which the Democratic members insisted on
engrafting upon the original bill, 'authori
zing tbe President, in case of neglect or refu
sal of the Governors of the State to execute
the provisions of the law, to call directly on
the militia officers of the State to carry them
into eflect."
. Tbe same questions of constitutionality
which are now the subject of controversy be
tween the General Government and the Gov
ernors of some of the States, were fiercely ag
itated during- tbe war of 1812. It was held
by tbe Governor of Connecticut that ttip mi
litia could - not be called out upon the requi
sition of tbe General Government, except in
case of actual invasion, and that when called
into the field they could not be taken from un
der the command of officers appointed by tbe
States, or placed under tbe immediate, orders
of an officer of the United States army. This
.will be recognized at once as precisely the
position occupied by the Copperheads of to
day, who, in their zeal to weaken the arm of
the Government, and thus insure the success
of the rebellion, are not ashamed to procure
their weapons by breaking into the armory of
tbe old Hart ford Convention. It was also held
by tbe Governor of Connecticut that the pri
vate soldiers could not be legally detached
from tbe bodies to which they belonged when
called into' tbe service. These absurd claims,
which, if allowed, would have destroyed the
military power of tbe country, received the
anction of tbe Council and Legislature of tbe
State. Id Massachusetts tbe Judges of the
Supreme Court declared that the power of de
ciding whether the exigency existed which
ould justify the Government i calling out
the militia belonged exclusively to tho btate.
The President, in his Message to Congress
of November 4, 1812,' strongly dissented rroni
fhese decisions, and declared that if sustained
they would effectually cripple the U. States
as a military power. The question was finally
decided in 1827 by the Supreme Court of the
United States, which held that it belonged
exclusively to the PresidentXo judge when
the exigency exists which would justify cal
ling out tbe militia. And this, down to the
present war, was also tbe opinion of the Dem
ocratic party, which as late as last summer
was nearly unanimous in urging the authori
ties at Washington to a draft, and in denounc
ing the system of volunteering aa too expen
sive, and too slow for the exigency of tbe
times. They followed the lead of Washing,
to'i, Madison, Monroe, and all the most dis
tinguished statesmen of their party in uphold
ing the constitutionality and the expediency
of a draft. If it was constitutional last sum
mer, how can it be unconstitutional now 1 If
it was expedient then, why is it not a thousand
fold more expedient now, at a time when the
Union ranks are being thinned by the return
borne of so many regiments - whose term of
service has expired? It requires but little
observation to see that tbe opposition to the
draft does not arise from principle, but that
it is instigated by sympathy with tbe rebel
lion, aud a fixed purpose to render tbe war un
popular among the people.
LEWIS CASS FOE HIS COUNTRY.
It is stated, on the best oi authority, that
the veteran and venerable American Demo
crat and statesman, Lewis Cass, has openly
declared bis abhorrence of the course at pres
ent pursued by many of his past partizan as
sociates, and that he now bravely proclaims
the sublime necessity of every man at once
ranging himself on the side of the Govern
ment as it is represented by the National Ad
ministration of Abraham Lincoln. Gen. Cass
has long viewed with disgust the course pur
sued by the Buchanan clique iu Pennsylvania,
the Vallandigham combination in Ohio, and
the Seymour conspiracy in New York. In
fact, he never fully affiliated with these men
when the Democratic party was in the pride of
its h irniony and power. Lewis Cass always
regarded James Buchanan as an unsafe Ameri
can stutesman, and accepted position durivg Bu
chanan's Administration, not that he had any re
spect for or confidence in the man clothed with
Executive power, but that he was convinced he
could assist in guarding the interests of his
country , aud that he knew he would be serving
the aspirations and claims of his own immediate
personal partizan Jriends- It will be remem
bered that Gen. Cass left Buchanan after he
h"A waited all argument and entreaty to pre
vent hi in from allowing the conspirators to
posses themselves ol all the resources of the
Government. Even then be warned the coun
try of what has already transpired. He an
nounced, by his resignation, that conspiracy
was at work in the administration of the im
becile Buchanan, and now, before or just at
the close of the war, Lewis Cass comes out
boldly to warn his countrymen against the
dangers to be apprehended from power again
being vested in the bands of the old Demo
cratic leadets. This warning is solemn and
earnest. It teaches men the duty of uphold
ing the Government by only placing those in
power who are faithful to that government, and
who will defend it against all enemies. Lewis
Cass is for his country .' Let his (d friends in
Pennsylvania respond to tbe appeals of this
veteran Democrat and statesman, by also sus
taining their country ; and by sustaining, as
well those who are now toiling to suppress tbe
rebellion. No Pennsylvania Democrat who
believes in the warning of Cass, can do aught
but vote for Andrew G. Curtin.
A Cute Trick. A dandy was recently
walking under theoircades of the Hue do Riv
oil, in Paris, holding in his band a gold-headed
cane of splendid workmanship. A man
supported by two crutches came up, and ask
ed for alms in a pitiful tone. The dandy, mov
ed to pity, gave the beggar a small silver coin.
At the same moment, a person near him sud
denly exclaimed : "How can you, sir, allow
this rogue to deceive you? Please to lend
me your caue, and I will show you that tbe
rascal runs better than I can.' The dandy
without reflecting, lent bis cane ; the beggar,
the moment he perceived it in bis detractor's
hands, threw away his crutches and took to
his heels, and was followed by tbe man with
the cane, whilst the spectators, and the dandy
particularly .remained in convulsions of laugh
ter at tbe sight, and exclaiming alternately,
Oh, he will be caught?" But both the
racing heroes disappeared at the next turning
in tbe street, and their victim remained wait
ing for bis cane, which cost five hundred francs.
A Dilemma. There were two Mike Sulli
vans, the Boston Herald says, living at Fort
Hill, neither of whom had any other distinc
tion. One of them was drafted, but which of
them, neither could tell, nor any one else.
One of them was called upon by a friend, who
inquired if he was the Michael Sullivan Who
bad been drafted. "Yes," said Mike,"I sup
pose I am."' "Are yon sure ot that, now ?
exclaimed Mike's friend. "How tbe divil do
you know but yon are the other Mike." .
Tbe man who imagined himself wise, be
cause he detected some typographical errors
in a newspaper, baa gone east to get a perpen
dicular view of tlto raiuuow.
JUDGE W00DWAKD OIT FOREIGNERS.
In the Pennsylvania Constitutional Conven
tion of 1837, on the 17th day of November,
the following proceedings occurred :
"A motion was made by Mr. Magee, of Per
ry county, That the Convention proceed at
this time to the second reading and consider
ation of resolution No. 48, in the words fol
lowing, viz :
Resolved, That a Committee be appointed to
inquire into the expediency of so amending
the Constitution of Pennsylvania, as to pro
hibit the fature emigration into this state of
free persons of color and fugitive slaves, from
other States and territories."
'Mr. Thomas, of Chester county, moved to
amend the same by inserting between the
words -of" and "free" In the third line, the
word "foreigners."
Mr. George W. Woodward, of Luxerne
cbunty, moved to amend the amendment by
adding thereto, the words.
"And that the said committee bo also in
structed to inquire into the propriety of so
amending the Constitution, as to prevent any
foreigners lio may arrive in this State after
the Fourth of July, 1841, irom acquiring the
ngni io vote or hold office in this common
wealth." Mr. Woodward supported his amendment,
as follows: (See Pr. and Deb. ou Penn'a.
Con.-, 1837.)
Mr. Woodward said, that he had not antici
pated this morning that an opportunity would
be presented to introduce this subject, to the
notice of tho Convention ; he was not, there
fore, prepared at this time to say more than a
very few words; although, it was a subject
which had been on his mind for a long time
past and had claimed his serious considera
tion. I have long felt a desire, said Mr. W., that
something should be done in relation to it
that the facts should be investigated, and that
m proper and efficient measures should be
adopted, if, upon that investigation, it should
turn out that measures of any kind were re
quisite. Sir, I appreciate as much as any man living,
the many political rights and privileges which
I, in common with the people of tbe United
States, are now enjoying, and it is my honest
impression that we do bat squander those
privileges in conferring them npon every in
dividual who chooses to come and claim them.
Ho knew that a great portion of those who
came among us from foreign countries, consist
frequently of tbe worst part of the population
of those countries, that they are unacquainted
with the value of these privileges, and that,
therefore, they do not know how to value
them. I think that in thns conferring indis
criminately upon all, we are doing injury to
our liberties and our institutions ; and I be
lieve that, if the time has not yet come.lt will
speedily come, when it will be indispensibly
necessary either for this body or some other
body of this state, or of the United States, to
inquire whether it is not right to put some
plan into execntion by which foreigners should
be prevented from controlling our elections,
and brow-beating our American citizens at
the polls.
At the time tbeconstitution of Itbe United
States was formed, it was necessary to pro
mote emigration. The population of our
country was wasted by a long war, and it was
necessary to bold out inducements to foreign
ers to come here. But times have greatly
changed within the last few years. The rea
son and the necessity for extending this in
dulgence to emigrants have ceased. Besides
this, it is to be considered that there are other
inducements in tbe climate, and in tbe natur
al advantages of the country to prevail upon
them to come here, without adding to them
tbe incentive of office. In expressing these
sentiments, Mr. Chairman, I wish it to be un
derstood that I cherish no prejudice against
foreigners, I entertain no feeling of unkind
ness towards them, from whatever part of tbe
world they may come, nor would I do any
thingwhlcb should have a tendency to pre
scribe them from coming. We have many
very estimable men among tbem ; and I do
not propose in my amendments to take any
thing away from tbem. I merely wish that
a committee should inquire, wether it is com
petent tor us to introduce a provision into the
constitution of the kind I have mentioned, to
take effect after a certa in date, so long dis
tant that all future emigrants may know what
their privileges are to be, before they leave
ther own country. My proposition is not in
tended, nor will it operate, retrospectively ;
it effects no one now here, and no one who
may be on bis way here. It looks exclusively
to tbe future. " What valid objections can
there be to the inquiry 1 Why should we
throw open these great political privileges to
every species of character that may light on
our shores ? Are these privileges of such
little value, that we do not deem tbem worth
protection or defence ? Have they no claim
npon onr feelings no claim upon our affec
tions 1 Have they not been woo in many a
well fought field ? Are all tbe treasure and
tbe blood which have been poured forth for
the attainment of these privileges, to bo
regarded as nothing t Have they not been
bequeathed to us by those who sacrificed all
they bad no earth to' secure tbem T Are they
not truly and emphatically our most precious
legacy? And what claim have foreigners
from any country aye: sir, from any country,
which is strong enough to Justify us in prosti
tuting our political privileges by conferring
them carelessly affd indiscriminately on any
individual who may reside here for two or
three years become a naturalized citizen
and then command our offices ? There .are
very many of these emigrants who know noth
ing of political privileges in their own country
before they emigrate to this. Tho word is
unknown to tbem, or if they bear of it
at all, they hear of it as something in which
they have on participation. - Is not this tbe
fact ? Sir, we all know that it is ; we know
that very many of these emigrants never en
joyed any political privileges themselves
that they have no knowledge of tbem and,
least of all, have they any knowledge of our
people, our government, or our institutions.
The acquirement of this knowledge is not the
work of a day. They have no sympathy in com
mon with ns ; they hare no qualifications to
render tbem fit recipients of these high politi
cal privileges. If any of us choose to pass over
to England, Ireland, or France, and to settle
ourselves there, whtt do we gain by tbe
change I mean in a political point of view.
Nothing ; we lose all. Wo are not suffered
to acquire any political privileges sucb as we
bestow upon them. This is not reciprocacy
the advantage is all on ono side ; and what
ever we pay give to them, we ourselves can
acquire nothing of the kind ? Why should
this be so ? Or, if the adoption of sucb a sys
tem was necessary at one time, why should it
still be adherred to, when everything in the
form of necessity basloug since passed away ?
I can discover neither wisdom or policy in so
doing.
The idet, Mr. President, is simply this I
would afford to all foreigners who shall come
to this country after tbe date of my amend
ment, protection in their person, their proper
ty.and all the natural rights which they could
enjoy under any civilized or well ordered gov
ernment. I would permit tbem to acquire
wealth ; to pursue objects of their own am
bition; I would, in short, allow tbem to be
come in all respects equal citizens with us,
except only this one matter of political privi
leges. All their natural and aL) their civil
rights, should be amply guarantied and pro
tected ; and they should become citizens in
common with us in relation to all objects, ex
cept voting and holding office. And do we
not bold out sufficient inducements for for
eigners to make this country their home,
even if we take from them these political priv
ileges ? Surely, sir, we do such, indued, as
no other nation upon earth can proffer.
But, Mr. President, it is not my design to
enter into tbe discussion of this matter at the
present time ; and I owe an apology to the
convention for having said so much in regard
to it. I have a feeling on the subject; though
1 confess that I entertain doubts whether this
convention has the power to act. I am well
aware of the nature of the provision in tbe
constitution of the United States, and which
has been referred to by the gentleman from
the county of Philadelphia, (Mr. Martin) I
would do nothing in contravention i t that
provision ; I merely wish that tbe question
should be referred to a committee, that they
may inquire whether this convention has tbe
power to act at all in tbe premi sea : and if
it has the power, whether it would be expedi
ent to act. I am, however, surrounded by ma
ny valued friends whose opinions and judge
ment I appreciate ; and it appears that they
are unanimous in thinking that I should with
draw it. I, therefore, yield my own judg
ment to tbeir's, and, having explained my
views, I withdraw the amendment.
A Vermont Yankee claims to have invented
a self propelling wheel, or perpetual motion.
A correspondent of the Boston Journal thus
describes it: It is a simple wheel, rous on
gudgeons, and is independent of any outside
spriug, weight or power, as a propeller. On
the same axle on which the metal wheel 's
fixed is a band wheel, on which a band rung
over a small pulley that drives a small! circu
lar saw. Set it on a table and remove tbe
brake, and it will start itself and run with
great velocity, driving the saw. It is tbe sim
plest thing in tbe world, but I cannot intelli
gibly describe it ; but it is at once understood
by the beholder. It will not, nay, cannot stop
without a biake, as it is so fixed by means of
balls and arms that tb descending side oi the
wheel is perperually further. from tbe centre
of tbe motion than the ascending.
The Copperheads are opposed to enlinting or
reinforcing the armyt for fear the war will ba
brought to a close, . and the soldiers come
home to vote. They dread the closing of tbe
war, tbe suppression of tbe rebellion und tbe
return of the soldiers more than they do pes
tilence and famine I They know it will be a
sorry day for tbem when tbe seven hundred
thousand soldiers return. Therefore prolong
tbe war, keep the army weak, and unable to
give tbe rebellion a final blow until after tbe
next Presidential election, and a Copperhead
may be elected, if tbe soldiers are not at home
to vote. : r
We see an annouueemeut of the marriage
of s Mr. Greenback. Now look out tor an is
sue of "legal tender-" - : ; : .
A brayiqg donkey, however stupid ho may
look-, is unquestionably an asf-loot an4mal.
WHAT IS TE0UGHT 0 GOV. CUETI
The New York Sun, referring o tbe nomi
nation of Governor Curtfn by the Pittsburg
Convention,' says :
"Gov. Curtin is a man of unquestionable
energy, and is certainly the moat availablo
candidate of bis party, end the only one who
could have any chance of success." .
The Presbyterian Banner says t
"Gov. Curtin is now a tried man. He baa
proved himself to be adequate to the demands
of the times, truly a patriot, most prompt and
energetic in raising forces for the war, con
servative of Pennsylvania's best interests,
fearless in tbe discharge of duty, and untiring
in bis industry. Those who would urge the
war efficiently, to the preservation ot the U
n ion and the enforcement of the laws, have
good ft-asons to confide in Gov. Curtin."
Respecting the chances of a falling off in
the vote for Gov. Cort in, in Allegheny county,
tbe Chronicle says :
"We do not think there will be any falling
off in the Governor's vote, slight or other
wise. A few of tbe clique Who have opposed
him may decline voting for biui, but, on tbe
other hand, there are numbers of democrats
who will give him their support, so that the
probabilities' are strong that he will poll as
large a vote in tbe county as any man' on tbe
ticket."
Judge Woodward and a frank old Landlord.
In one of the Northern counties of this
State, where trout-fishing delights the sports
man, is a country tavern', known as "Rough
and Ready and the proprietor of it fs well
represented by bis sign. Some miles distant
resides a legal gentleman who is on very
friendly terms with the innkeeper; and last
summer this individual drove up to the inn,
accompanied by another gentleman, when old
Boniface come out to bid them welcome. Tbe
lawyer, with a manner that was intended to
impress the landlord with tbe dignity of the
stranger visitor, said to him : "Well, ,
we have come to spend a few days with you
and enjoy fishing; this is Judge Woodward."
The landlord's brow lowered ; he scanned the
Judge for a moment, and then Inquired t "Is
this the Judge who decided that our brave
soldiers have no, rigbt to vote 7" He gave
a constitutional decision on tbo question,"
said the lawyer. "He can't stay in my bouse;
I want nothing to do with anybody who is op
posed to soldiers voting ; you can drive on,"
said old "Rough and Ready :" and be turned
his back on his visitors with a dignity and1
contempt tbat would have become a Cffisar ;
and tbe lawyer and Judgo Woodward had to
seek other quarters'.
A Democratic Papfcr Supporting the
Union Nominees. Tho Huntingdon Globe,
an old Democratic paper, hoists the names of
Curtin and Agnew. In so. doing, tbe editor
says : "We raise to our masthead to-day tbe
names of Andrew G, Curtin and Daniel Ag
new, because wo believe tbem to be the norm
nees of tbo "party which firmly sustains tho
constituted authorities of tbo nation in enforc
ing all tbe laws thereof aud in protecting the
principles upon which tbo Government rests,
and is, therefore, at once tbe party of law, ot
liberty, and patriotism," and because we be
lieve the other party which has nominated
Woodward and Lowrie, "cripples tbe consti-
tutedaotborities of tbe nation in enforcing
tbe laws, securing its safety aDd preserving
its life, and is, therefore, tbe parent of mobs,
the enemy of order aud a participant in trea
son tbe class whttse detestable practices &o
only give aid and comfort to' the common en
emy, but, as confessed at Richmond', light up
these days of rebel darkness and disaster, and
stimulate them to renewed and desperate ef
forts to recruit their armies, and to whom in
part is this day justly chargeable whatever'
calamity and afflictions tbe further protrac
tion of the contest may involve."
Dialogue. Uncle Sam: Secesht Copperhead:
Secesh. Stoop down here, Uncle!
Uncle Sam. What for, Secesh 1 .
Secesh. I want to cut your throat !
U. S. Guess not. J t don't want cutting. -Copperhead.
Yes, stoop down, Uncle 1 ,
U. S. Wbat ! do you, too, want to cat my
throat 1 ,
Copperhead . b,oo, never ! I wouldn't do
such a thing for the world ! I only want to
bold your arms pinioned behind your back.
while Secesh cuts it. That's very different.
you see !
U. S. No, I don't see ii. ' . .
, Au Irishman recently handed in to the tel
egraph office a dispatch intended to inform
another Emeralder, employed upon the pub
lic works in a neighboring town oi tbe de
cease of a friend. It reads thus r 'Barney,
come home ; I died last uigbt." :
A young conscript poetioally inclined, thua
ventilates bis notion of tbo (300 provision of
tbe new conscription act s
"I'm glad my dad three hundred has,
To save me from tbe army,
To ma's dear apron strings I'll bang, .
' Nor join the Union army." . ,
Pennsylvania contains 93 anthracite furna
ces, 150 charcoal and coke furnaces, 110 refi
ning forges, and 91 rolling mills. ;
" The bog that flies the highest and make
tho loudest buz,: is the' one 1 that generally
lights in tho dirtiest puddled "
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