I?
u
. i . ' . ' ' ' r- : :
BI S. J. ROW.
CLEARFIELD, PA.. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 1861
VOL 0.-NO. 13.
fTA.NTED. All inda of grain willbe taen
F in payment of debta due me. for which th
jihet marlet prices will be given.
Dec.ll.lSiil. JAMES B GRAHAM.
D'
kK.LlTCII'S MEDICINES. A fresh sup
"Dlyor these invaluable Family Medicines
are for sale by M. A. Frank. Clearfield, consisting
of Pain Curer; Restorative, a ercatcure forcolda
and cough; and Auti-Bihoti Physic. They have
been thoroughly tested in this community, and
are highly approved. Try tbem.
TO THE PPBLIC.Tbe undersigned hav
ing purchased the entire stock of the late firm
of Aoore t Etxweiler, and having made large ad
ditions thereto, is now prepared to wait upon cus
tomers. Thankful for the very liberal patronage
heretofore extended to the firm, he hopes by
strict personal attention to business to merit a
outinuence of the same.
March 26, '62 -tf. D. F. ETZWEILElt.
PROVISION AND GROCERY STORE.
The undersigned keeps constantl on hand
at bis store room in Philipsburg, Centreycounty. a
full stock of Flour, Hams, Shoulders, tides, Cof
fee. Tea, Sugar. Kice, Molasses. Ac. Also, Li
quors of all kinds. Tobacco. Sjegars, Snuff, Ac; all
of which he offers to purchasers on the most ad
vantageous terms Uive him a call, and try his
articles. Imar2l ROBEttT LLOYD.
GODEY'S LADY'S BOOK FOR 18G3.
Great Literiky and Pictoeial Year '.
The publisher of Oodey's Lady's Book, thank
' ful to that public which has enabled him to pub
lish a magazine fur the last 33 years of a larger
. circulation tban any n America, has made an ar
rangement with the most popular ant borers in this
country Mario IIakla.xd. vuthoress of -Alone.'
-Hidden Path' -Moss Side," 'Nemesis," and
Miriam, who will furnish a story for every num
' her of the Lady's Book for 136.1. This alone will
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tar abend of any otaer magazine. Marion liar
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StTty-SurtA and HlxtySrvrnth volumes of Co
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12 Double Extension Colored Fashion Plates, equal
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1 i.i i : . - .
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ana only touna iu Uodey. to wit: "Onsnnal Mu
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tain for 14 such steel engravings as were publish
ed during the yearlS62. and those for 1863 will
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(Jodey s V.'ood engraving Novelties Of these
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ine. no matter what its price may be.
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Ladies. Mr. 11. A. Breer, the celebrated Horti
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.4.W)pgY, 823 Cbastnot Street, Pbil'a Pa
MY OWN WAT1TE lAJTO.
I love. oh. how I love the land
The land that gave me birth : ,
That glorious spot, by wisdom planned
To beautify the earth .
: 'Tis not Old England's sunny clime,
Nor Erin's rock-girt sh. re ; "
Nor-Scotia fair, tbe land of rhyme, '
Nor Cambria I adore ;
But 'tis my own Columbia fair.
'Twas there I first drew breat'i;
. 'Twas there I dwell, and only there
I wish to sleep in death.
I love. oh. how I love my flag ;
The flag that o'er me waves,
'Twas blood-bought, on each peak and crag.
And guards its champion's graves,.
'Tis not Old Englands bloody cross,
Nor Erin's shamrock green
E'en Scotia's emblem were but dross
And Cambria's, too, I ween.
But tbe flag I love, 1 proudly own",
'Though termed a painted rag;
Tbe tyrant dreads tbee on his throne,
My star-enspangled flag. .
I love, oh, how I love that race
Of heroes, staunch and true
Who rode for freedom in the chase,
And overhauled it. too.
'Tis not the men of England, nor
Of Erin, I adore :
Nor sons of bonnie Scotland's lore,
Nor those of Cambria's shore.
But 'tis the freemen of the soil.
Where first I drew my breath
Where waves my flag : and on that sail
I wish to sleep in death
HON. JOSEPH HOLT OS THE WAR.
Lofer fc Hiram Earney of New York, in which
Judge Holt shows the necessity of Sustain
ing tho Government and the "War.
To the Editor of the Evening Pot : The ac
companying letter from the Hon. Joseph Holt
was written in reply to a letter from me, ex
pressing to him my personal desire that he
would accept an invitation which hid been
sent to him by a committee of gentlemen to
attend and address a public meeting in this
city upon the state of the country and the is
sue of the times. Mr. Holt wrote the letter
so lustily that he did not think it quite fit for
publication, and therefore at the time marked
it private. But be has just uow, at my request,
consented to its publication; and I therefore
place it at your disposal, with the remark,
however, that neither in existing circumstan
ces, nor under any probable change in the
condition or conductor the parties to this
strnjgje, would foreign intervention be, in my
opinion, defensible or excusable.
IIlRAM BARNET.
New York, November 10, 1862.
JUDGE HOLT 8 LETTER TO MR. BARNET.
Washington, October 25. 1862.
Hon. Hiram Barney Dear Sir: Four fa
vor of the 22.1 Instant has been received. An
invitation similar to that which you so kindly
urge upon me, I have been obliged within a
few days to decline, in consequence of en
gagements here which occupy every moment
of my time, and I must uow-make tbe same
answer to yourself.
There will doubtless be present with you on
the occasion referred to those capable by their
eloquence of effecting all tbe good that popu
lar addresses can now accomplish. I must be
frank, however, and say that to me it seems
that what is at this moment needed is not
words, however glowing, but heroic deeds.
The tongue of an archangel could scarcely
comfort and animate the popular spirit in the
presence of tbe inaction of our armies. After
an unparalleled expenditure of treasure, and
the marshalling of such armies as the world
has never seen, and after sacrifices which are
clothing the land in mourning, at the expira
tion of eighteen months from the commence
ment of the rooellion we find it more defiant
and determined, and more successful in its in
vasions and spoliations, than at any moment
since the struggle began. This is fiotn no
Idck of devotion on the part of the people, who
have poured out their blood and treasure like
water, nor yet from any lack of courage on
the part oi our brave volunteers. Our sold
iers have been everywhere panting for a sight
of the enemy, while the great heart of the
country, in its solemn and earnest solicitudes,
is like a groundswell ol tbe ocean, pressing on
our forces towards the battle-field. A sad
dened belief is rapidly spreading that, unless
the present condition of things is speedily
changed, our cause will b-i lost. An tmmedi
ate, bold and aggressive movement upon the
enemy .following up every blow struck and
gathering the fruits of eveiy victory gained
is what is required for our deliverance. To
the accomplishment of this single object the
lLougbts, the efforts and the prayers of the
whole country should be directed. If those
who are in front will not go forward, the pub
lic safety will demand that they be assign -d
positions in the rear. What are sensibilities,
what the reputation, or what the cherished
schemes of any general in the fit-Id. as com
pared with the life of such a government and
country as ours I If, with the cloudless skies,
and bracing airs, and fine roads of the autumn,
our vast and completely appointed army can
not do its work, when will it be able 'to do it?
If Lee, Jackson and Longstreetcan move with
promptitude and dashing celerity in the cause
.of treason and barbaric vandalism, why can
not our chieftains move as promptly -and as
fast in the canse of honor and loyalty 7 Uow
much longer will tbe natioaeQdure that all its
sacrifice! be fruitless? Its conviction that it
possesses, twice told, the power to subdue this
rebellion is not more complete .than,; in my
judgment, will be its determination that nei
ther the follies nor the crimes of men shall
render that power unavailing.
It is tbe torpor of our armies this hope de
ferred for the hundredth time which basnn
furled that party banner whose shadow is now
resting on so many of the loyal States. - It is
not disloyalty which has prompted the dcplo
rablo moment, but a weariness and di scour
agement consequent upon the losses, burail
iations and delays wo have suffered ; yet it is
the most alarming sign of the times, and can
only be arrested by decided military succes
ses. It is the law of the very existence of
such political organizations to seek strength
by assaults upon the Administration, in whose
bands, for weal or woe, is the direction of
those movements cpon which necessarily de
pend the preservation of the Union. These
assaults will grow in vgor and bitterness a
they progress, and while thus indirectly af
fording aid and comfort" to the rebellion
win mate continual, albeit unconscious, ap
proaches towards an open affiliation with it
Let those who are called upon to rote a party
ticket in the midst of the tragic events now
upon us ponder well before doing so, the dis
aatrous consequences of such a policy a pol
icy from whose baleful tendencies no purity
o motive can possibly detract. Let them hes
itate long before they sow the seeds of d;s
sensions, whose bitter Iruits may be upon the
lips of their children's children. Let them
not forget that by thus presenting a divided
front they degrade our cause before the world
they paralyze our own strength, and add ira
measurably to the hopes, the confidence and
the power ol the enemy. Already the con
federate piess is pointing tho deluded people
of the south to these risinz distractions a
mong ourselves, in a tone not merely of hope
fulness but of exultation. , , .
If any man, as a motive for such a course
snppo-es that he has ground of complaint a
gainst the President, let him take heed that
his ill-directed hostility does not put in jeop
ardy tho republic itself, for whose preserva
tion from overthrow the Presidi-nt is inces
santly and loyally laboring. What has a con
froversy with the President of the United
btates to do with the anesticn of lovaltv t
onr country in the midst of such a struggle as
this I If he errs-as the best of men are lia
able to do he is soon to pass away, with all
bis deeds; but onr government and country
should, and If we are true to them they will,
endure for counHess ages to come. ThePrea-
ident, with all the dignity and responsibili
ties belonging to bis position, is but a pilot
on the national ship, for a single watch of the
night. Who will be so insane as to aid, how
ever indirectly, in scuttling the ship, merely
because be has a quarrel with the pilot from
whose hands the helm is so soon to be wrest
ed ? Who is willing that a savage shout, as
of victory, shall go up from that Rrmy of fe-
rocions rebels whose bands ar doubly dyed
in blood of onr people ? Who is willing that
thrill of joy shall run throughout the entire
south, and that bonfires and illumination shall
bo kindled In the city of Richmond over the
triumph of the opposition in the great Empire
State ? If such there be, let him vote a nartv
ticket. The occasion demands the develop
ment of the sublimest phases of human char
acter. If, with the duties to our land and to
our race which are pressing upon us, we can
not rise above a miserable scramble for party
spoils and power, then the sooner we creep
nto our graves the better.
Another danger which is threatened from
the inaction of our armies is from abroad. This
rebellion is as ubiquitous in the curses it scat
ters as it is foolish in its spirit. Jhe conflict,
from our commercial and other relations, con
cerns the happiness of the civilized world
Foreign nations, with a forbearance that can
not bs too much commended, have, without
nterlerence, waited patientlv and given us
every opportunity to subdue the rebellion.
But unless some decisive military demonstra-
ion soon takes plce, and the south is occu
pied by our forces, these nations will conclude
that we lack either the will or tbe power to
reestablish the Union. 1
Already a member of tbe English Cabinet
(Mr. Gladstone) baa openly declared tbat
Divis has made a nation of the south ;" and
uch an announcement, from such a source.
an not but be accepted as having a startling
ignincance. It the vast army in whose pres
ence, as it were, a half-beaten enemy is leis
ure! destroj ing one of the most important
railroads of the loyal States, does not do its
work speedily, European governments must
ere long yield to the clamor of their impover
ished and starving populations, and there will
come intervention, "with all its woes.'V Up
on this will follow at once intimate entangling
alliances with the south, to be succeeded by
hostilities with ns, and, in all human proba
bility, by the permanent establishment of the
Tebel confederacy. What fate might befall
our own institutions, amid tho bankruptcy and
demoralization and brokenne-s of spirit con
sequent on . such a dismemberment, I will not
trust myself to inqoire. . We cannot hope to
escape from this train of events by any ex
ploits of our navyj however brilliant, occupy
ing the southern coast and the cities upon the
seashore. This, though well and very well,
will be but fcrafching tbe extremities of the
giant,' instead of dealing blows at his heart.
That heart palpltata defiantly in the armies
of Lee and Jackson which have so recently
ravaged Mary land, and still from the banks of
the Potomac threaten the capital.
My faith in all the matter is simple and
briefly stated. It ia this t Forallthings that
are for the Union agii'nst all things that are
against it.' " I am for the Union as uncondi
tionally as I am for protecting ' my own body,
at every cost and buzzard, from the knife of
the assassin. fo human institution, no earth
ly interest, shall ever by me be weighed in
tbe scales against the life of my country. Least
of all will I approach with unsandalled feet,
or permit to be thus weighed, an institution
the feeding fountain of whose being the Af
rican slavery trade tho laws of; ray country
have for more than forty years denounced as
crime worthy of death a crime not agains
any particular code, or any particular form of
civilization, but a crime against the very race
to which e belong. ; Host it human generis is
the designation which the Christian legislation
of the United Slates has given the African
slave trade. , . -
. i; yieia to no man in veneration for the
Constitution, or in determination that its bles
"'8 uan do exienaua to those who respect
and obey it. Tiie door to all these blessings
is widely open to the southern people, and
they are earnestly invoked by tUe Presiden
to enter in and enjoy them.
These institutions and their every interest
are in their own hands, and can be saved not
only from ruin, but from the slig.'iest injury
by the utterance of a single word a word of
honor., , But, it in their passionate pursiii
of aepaiate empire, and in their blind resent
meats against brethren who have never wron
gt-d them, they refuse to speak that word, and
prefer to perish themselves, rather than that
the loyal Slates shall escape destruction lie i
so., the world will judze aright, and history
will record itsjudgement. But.is it not childish
prattle to say that the South cm claim to be
at the same moment the protege and the de
stroyer of'ihe Constitution 1 Does it not require
an audacity absolutely satantc to insist that the
beneficent provisions of that hallowed instru
ment shall be secured to States at.d people
who are hourly spurning arid spitting upon
its authority, and who are leading forward vast
armies lo overwhelm it, and with it the homes
and hopes of all who are rallying in its defence?
War cetainly one like this, in self-defence
is clearly constitutional but if such a war
has Its restraints, it has also its rights and du
ties, prominent among which is the right
and duty of weakening the enemy by all pos
sible means, and thus abridging tbe sanguinary
conflict. Xever until now has it entered into
tho imaginations of men to conceive that
among these duties is that of seeing that the
enemy is clothed and fed. and armed before he
s struck. In prosecuting the war, while exe-
cising our right to weaken the enemy, we may
destroy not only ships upon the sea, and for
tresses and cities upon the land, but human
life upon the battle-field. But what institution,
what material interest is more hallowed than
human life, and what material interest is there
belonging to the enemy tbat we are obliged
to spare, even though by so doing we perish
ourselves the Constitution is achirter of
national life, and not of national death. AH
movements which seek or tend to the dissolu
tion of the governments created by it, and of
which it is the soul, are in conflict with its
spirit and with tbe scope and end of its enact
ments, and may be resisted to the death bv its
express or implied authority. Xeither the
keenest vision nor the most delicate ear can
detect in any line or letter of that glorious
character the faintest throb of sympathy with
treeson or traitors.
Pardon these hurried words, which are spo
ken in crimination of none, but in grief alone.
There is abundant cause for sorrow, but none
for despair. No man more . sincerely desires
tbe re-establishment of the Union than does
the President himself. Let it be onr trust
that while an October sun is yet shining, the
mind on which all depends will devise ways
and means to overcone every ohsticle to the
onward march and triumph of our armies.
New York has already sent a hundred and
seventy regiments into the field. The muskets
they beat prove that they are unconditional
Union men. God forbid that the fathers, and
brother and sons whom they hare left behind
should, through a show of distension at the
ballot-box, do aught to weaken their hands or
to add to the strength and courage of the trai
tors whose 8wordsare lilted against their bos
oms. Very respectfully,
Tour obedient servant, J. Holt.
A Petrified Mam. According to the "Ter
ritorial Enterprise," a petrified man was found
some timo ago in the mountains south of Grav
elly Ford. E very limb and feature of the sto
ny mummy was perfect not even excepting the
left leg, which had evidently been a wooden
one during the, lifetikie of the owner ; which
ifetime, by the way, came to a close about a
century ago in the opinion of a savan who has
examined the defunct. The Enterprise adds:
The people, of the neighborhood volnnt.-ered
to bury the poor unfortunate, and were even
anxious to do so, but it was discovered when
bey attempted to remove him that the water.
which had dripiied upon him for ages from the
crag above, had coursed down his back : and
deposited a Iitnstone sediment under him.
which had: glued hint to- the bed rock upon
which he sat as with a cement of adamant, and
Judge S. refused to- allow the charitable citi
zens to blast bUn4ro i is position. ,
LETTEE FE0r. A SOUTHERN LAWYER. :
: The President's Proclamation.
e eoVT from the Aational Intelligencer; a
letter of R. J. Meigs, State Librarian of Ten
nessee for many years, and a distinguished
Southern lawyer.' Mr. Meigs, who was born
in alave State, and has lived all his life in
Kentucky and Tennessee, lelt the later State
at the beginning of the Rebellion, and since
has pissed much of his time in' Philadelphia,
This legal opinion of an eminent Southern
lawyer on the President's Emancipation Proc
lamation, is so Clear and to the point, that all
should read it. . - v
; 15 BaOADWAt, Nkw York, Oct. 1, 1862.
To the Editors of the National Intelligencer : I
was called on yesterday for my subscription to
the Intelligencer by your agent and having paid
him, took his receipt to Nov. 15, 1862, at
which time thirty-five years will have elapsed
since I became a subscriber. Judging from
some of your recent articles, such as the ironi
cal one .of Sept. 20th, entitled "The Pursuit
of Truth under Difficulties," and the like, I
infer that you consider the President's late
emancipation proclamation, as it is styled, an
illegal measure of war against the Confederate
States. I propose, not for your instruction
of course, but to make myself uuderstood, to
copy from Vattel certain passages, and to ask
whether they constitute the law ( war betwe
the Confederate States and the United States
"A civil war breaks the bands of society
ana Uovernment, or, at least, suspends thci
force and effect : it produces in the nation two
independent parties, who consider each othe
as enemies, and acknowledge no common
Judge. Those two parties, therefoie. must
necessarily be considered as thenceforth con
stitutiiig, at least for a time, two seperate bod
les two distinct societies.
'Though one of the parties may have been to
blame in breaking the unity of the State and
resisting the lawful authority,' they are not
the . less divided iu fact. Beside, who shall
judze them ? Who shall pronounce on which
side the right or the wrung lies? On earth
they have no common sueriors. They stand
therefore in precisely the same predicaments
as two nations- who engaged in a contest, and
being unable to com- to an agreement, have
recourse to arms." Book 3, sec' 293.
"Whenever, therefore, a numerous body of
men think they have a right' to reMst the aov
ereign, and find themselves in a condition to
appeal to the sword, tbe war 'Bght to be car
ried ' on by contending .parties in the same
manner as by different nations. B' Oli 8, sec
294. - - - - - ;
"Now, f n reference to the property of the
belligerents, what is the manner of can-ring
on war by different nations ?' .-.
'A State taking up arms in a just cause has
a double risrht against her enemies. 1st. A
right to obtain possession of her property with
held by the enemy, to which must be added
the expenses incurred in the pursuit of an oh
ject, the chaiges of the war, and the repara
tion of damages, for were she obliged to bear
these expenses and losses she would not fully
nxover her property or obtain her due. 2d.
She has a right to weaken heV enem v in order
to render him incapabltt of supporting his un
just violence a right to deprive him of the
means of resistance. Hence, as from their
Source, originate all the rights which war
gives over things belonging to tbe enemy -
Book 3, sec. 160.
"Wo have a right to deprive our enemy of
his possessions, of everything which may aug
ment his strength and enable him to make
war. This every one endeavors to accomplish
in the manner most suitable to him.
41 Whenever we have an opportunity we
seize on the enemy's property and convert it
to our own use ; and thus diminishing the en
emy's power we augment our own, and obtain
at least a partial indemnification or equivalent,
either for what constitutes the subject of the
war, or for the expenses and losses incurred
in its piosecution ; in a word, we do ourselves
justice." Book 3, sec. 161.
"The right to security often authorizes ns
to punish justice or violence. It is an addi
tional plea for depriving an enemy of some
part of his possessions. This manner of chas
tising a nation is more humane than making
the penalty to fall on the persons of the citi
zens. With that view, t nine's of value may
be taken from her, such as rights, cities, prov
inces." Book 3, sec. 162.
If I understand these passages, they show
that the Confederate States and the : United
States are, for the purposes of tbe war, to be
considered independent States. This "being
so, justice must be on tbe one side or on the
other. Supposing it to be on the side of the
United States then this authority lays it down
that "a State taking up arms in a just cause"
has a right to deprive its enemy of bis pos
sessions, of everything which may augment
his strength and enable him to make war;"
and, with" a view to security, "things of value
may be taken" from the offending nation,
such as rights, cities, provinces." Thus,
therefore, to weaken the wrong doer, the in
ured nation may seize bis property ; and to
obtain security against a repetition of the
wrong, the wrongdoer may be deprived of bis
rights, cities and provinces.
Now, upon tbe supposition tbat the Uni
ted States have taken up arms against tbe
Confederate States, an independent nation,
in a just cause," may I ask you to show your
readers in what respect the President's eman-
cipation proclamation is not sustained by tbe
law of nations that is by the common sense
, vuu-.,- .J. , c.
of mankind? While tbe Confederate Slates
declare .themselves an independent nation,
nd as such commence war against tbe United
States, and convert to tbe use of tbe Confed
eracy the property of the United States, wher
ever they can seize it by violence, or obtain
posaesMon of it by fraudulent collusion with
the officers entrusted with ' its custody, Is it
fndeed unlawful for tbe United States to de"
pri ve the Confederate States of their posses
sions, of the very thing Which constitntes their
strength, and enables them to make war? And,
with a view to future security, is it illegal for
the United States to deprive' the Confederate
States of tbef right to bold men in bondage,
who if they were free, would labor or fight on
the side of the United States, seeing tbat thaso
men, being held in bondage, are made both to
labor and fight on tbe side of the Confederate
States? 7 '. R. J. Mews.
AK AGREEABLE EPISODE. .
One of the most remarkable i results of the
autumn election is, tbat while the opponents
of the Administration have . succeded in tho
middle free stares; snch as Pennsylvania, New
York, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, they have
signally failed in nearly.' all the border slave
states. In Delaware and Missouri, wbich-are
slave states, ffie unconditional Union men
bave triumphed, ind in Missouri, where the
question was put,, the emancipationists have
carriedthe day. Wo hav no doubt that in
Eastern Virginia, Eastern Tennessee and Ken
tncky we should see the same result," If elec
tions could be held in these districts. -.
We might refer, in this connection, to an
other singular fact, which is, that the real U
nion men of these border states are mora
earnest, determined and" Unrelenting in their
hostility to the rebels, than many of the pro
fessed Unionists of tbe free states.' "Such
men as Johnson, Brownlow and Carter in Ten
nessee, Gralz Brown and Drake of Missouri,
Holt and Rousseaa of Kentucky, Hamilton of
Texas, and hundreds of others, put many of
our more northern loyalists to the Mush. A..
midst tho hottest . fires of rebel wrath, (heir
property - and their families exposed to- vio
lence, and surrounded by : slaveholder's 'on all
side9, they yet uphold the government in 'its
extremest measures, and with a force and in
tensity of tflort that has no parallel in tbe fre
states. They would scorn to allow 'their In
terests in slavery to deflect their fidelity from
the higher interests of the nation; and they
would scorn still more to allow their local prej
udices to weaken their devotion to the 'great
principles of constitutional - government.'
While men at the North," who have nothing to
lose bytbe destruetioaLofJtho Institution.
are doing w hat they dare to nphold it, wbllo
ra.n who were born and educated -trader tho
influences of free society repudiate their birth
right and betray their traditionalp'rineipies to
prosper the eanse of the nation's enemies,
these noble spirits cheerfnlly sacrifice tboir
estates, their comforts," their hereditary senti
ments, and the approval of life-long friends,
in the earnest and perilous discharge of their
duty to the conntry. . ; '
The reason of this difference is, that these
slave state patriots know what the rebellion
means; they know its ambition and Its malig
nity; and they are no: deluded by tbe false
hopes of peace which professional democrats
aflect to cherish. They know that the leaders
of the revolt, convinced of their otter inability
to retain or recover their political power witb-
n tbe Union, are determined to destroy the
Union; that they hav set their lives upon the
cast, and will stand the hazard of the die,
come what will. The rebels jeer and mock at
the foolish proposals of conciliation which
sometimes obtrude themselves in the speech
es of democratic ora'ors, and they tell ns, at
the Richmond Dispatch did in an article of
November lOtb, on "the. electios inYankea-
dom," that "the old flag is the most detested
of symbols to the whole body of ' southern so
ciety," the boasted American eagle in reality
a mere "Yankee buzzard," and that "if sla
very were legalized in every state, the South
would never accept the condition for a return
to the. land of bondage." In such a state of
feeling in the seceding states, the wise men
of all parties regret to see tbat war alone can
terminate the existing difficulties.
But, besides, tbe slavery question has become
in several of the border slave states a question
of immediate and local concern. A large par
ty in Delaware, in Maryland " and in Missouri
has come to the conclusion tbat it is detrimen
tal to the commonity, and that it mast be, in
some way or other, extinguished. In Missou
ri, particularly, the late elections turned en
tirely opon the issue of emancipation; and the
people, by clear majorities have decided in
favor of .freedom. Of the nine , members of
Congress chosen, four are declared emancipa
tionists, two are unconditional Union . men,
and only three are pro-slavery democrats.whilo
the majority of the state legislature is repor
ted to be in favor of emancipation. This is a
glorious result, and in Itself compensates tbe
patriotic heart for whatever shocks and suffer
ings it may have experienced through the un
toward judgments of tbe ballot box elsewhere.
One more state will assuredly rank itself, and
by its own deliberate action, among tbe num
ber of the ' free states la' a very" short time.
Her example will prove contagions in Ken-
tucky, in Maryland, in Delaware,1 and In the
. ; . , tt, . ... , . .
western part of Virginia, nntil tbe whole line
Of the border is completely redeemed from
the awful' curse which now bangs npoq "It
prosperity and blights its' good name. PfiiU
adelphia Worth American. "" ' : " '
- One of the moat anceesaf ol military" orranl-
xationa In St; Louis,' la composed of Tnen over
45 years old an,lefrally ekempiiroltfsirv4fls.'
h -'J