ffiaftgmait'g Journal
f
T lAKCKL J. BOW.
CLEARFIELD. PA., OCT'R 8, 1862.
PEOPLE'S THIOff STATE TICKET.
TOE AUDITOR GENERAL
HON. THOMAS E. COCIIRAN,
OF YORK COUSTT, .
TOR SURVETOR GBX1RAL.
HON. WILLIAM S. ROSS,
OF LDSER5E COFSTT.
FOR CONGRESS,
HON. OLENKI W. SCO FIELD,
OF W ARBEIT COTSTT.
FOR STATE 8R5ATOR,
LOUIS W. HAL L,
OF BLAIR COUSTT.
H O N.
FOR ASSEMBLY, " .
MARTIN S. SHANNON, of Jefferson Co.
WARREN COWLES, of M'Kean Co.
DEMOCRACY ITS AIMS AND OBJECTS.
On oar outside we publish a number of let
ters "to the People of Pennsylvania," by Mr
Loeser and Mr. Boyer of Pottsville, Pa., show
ing the opinions held by Francis W. Hughes
the Chairman of the Democratic State Central
Committee, in 1861. Since printing the let
ters named, we have received - a copy of the
resolutions referred to, which will also be found
In another column of to-day's Journal.
When these letters made their appearance,
public attention was naturally directed to the
Secession proclivities of Mr. Unghes, which
were made the subject of comment by the pa
pers in the eastern part of the State. The
disclosures made in these letters compelled a
reply from Mr. Hughes. Instead of excus
ing, or, indeed, denying the indictment, be
has eome out in what is neither more nor less
than a heartless defence of his determination
.to drag Pennsylvania oat of the Union and to
attach her to the bloody despotism of the
Shareholding traitors.' The resolutions refer-
red, to, Ave been put forward by Mr. Hughes
in bis own defence over bis own signature, ad-
ritingtheta to be his own production.
A fact in this connection, worthy of notice,
is, that Mr. Hughes, in the resolutions of the
Democratic State Convention held July 4th,
1862, (of which he is the author), as well as in
several addresses to the People of the State
as Chairman of the State Committee and on
ail occasions, so far aa his personal safety
would permit baa advocated the spirit and
purpose of the resolutions which he now pub
lishes in his own justification, as the .leader
and exponent of the doctrines of the Democ
racy of Pennsylvania. No donbt, some of the
small-fry politicians wilf tr to smooth the
matter over, but it won't do, the treason is
too glaring. On this subject the Philadelphia
Prttt of October 2d, 1862, says: -
"It will not do for the Breckinridge leaders
to say that this ,laot proof of the treason of
rancis w. Hughes was unknown to them,
unless, indeed t hey at once repudiate him and
' his doclnne. They Know the man and knew
bis opinions. They knew that at the time he
bad the infamous resolutions he now avows
In bis possession be intended to offer them.
Tbejr knew bis real feelings, expressed to them
in private conversation. Thev knew his ob
jects aa to the South, and his relationship
with leading traitors in the South. , Aud
knowing these things, they have allowed him
to put himself forward as their organ, and as
the champion of the Southern traitors. He
is now revealed to the world as the enemy of
the Union, and yet, revealed as be is, however
odious to the people in general, he cannot be
less acceptable to tbera, for they took him
with a knowledge of all his sentiments and of
all bis desigus. He is even their candidate for
U. S. Senator. He is the volunteer and ac
cepted editor of their papers. They , made
bint the chairman of their State Committee,
and in speaking his own sentiments therefore,
be speaks the sentiments of the Breckinridge
leaders of Pennsylvania. Thus do we have
stbis precious cabal consolidated in one mass,
animated by one purpose, and one result
hatred of the American Government, sympathy
with the traitors, and a full committal to the
doctrine that Pennsylvania should unite her for
tun with the Southern Confederacy."
Freemen of Clearfield County 1 read the res
olutions referred to." They clearly set forth
the aims and objects of the Breckinridge-Val-landigbam
politicians of Pennsylvania. And
. remember that, as the election is at band, you
have an Important duty to perform to your
country. It is your duty to see that the right
men are elected to represent you in Congress
and In the State Legislative Halls. The ques
tion now presented to tbo People of the State
is, "Shall Pennsylvania decide in favor of the
rebellion or not T" This is the question which
you hare to decide on next Tuesday, the 14th
day of October. It is do longer an issue as
to the confiscation bill, the tax bill, the draft,
or the emancipation of the slaves of rebels'
bat simply, whether the people, by their votes,
shall declare in favor "of the Union or in favor
of the traitors. Decide ye between the two.
Right axd Paopaa. We are glad to see
that the authorities have determined to have
all persons who hare obtained exemption from
the draft, on the ground of being foreigners,
and who then attempt to vote at the coming
lection, pat upon the enrollment list immedi
ately. This is right. -No man who refuses to
fight for bis Government bas a right to parti
cipate in the eleotion of its officers.
FuKTto bear the "pupil" repudiate hit
teacher onUide of the. county. It's ail in
ain, Billy, to try jfo wash your. hands of Big
torwtbey won't get elaan. Ton ought to be
athamod jto treat iria jo jbabbily after bis
coming to yotrr-reacoe la hit lata prodigious
jsaaifesto. Ton might wouad his "pbeelinks.
PATRIOTS, TO THE BESCTTE !
The man who falls to perceive that a vote
for the Democratic party at the coming elec
tion will be regarded as a repudiation of the
war policy of the Government, must be dull
of apprehension Indeed. Let these Democra
tic candidatea triumph, and everywhere, all
over the land will be heard the cry, that the
people refose to sustain the Government in
crushing out this rebellion. In vain will be
the efforts of our brethren and friends in the
field, who are nobly offering their lives a sac
rifice to their country, if we at home, show by
our votes that we do not, heart and band, sus
tain the Government and the cause for which
they are fighting." Let every loyal man, there
fore, go to the polls and deposit bis vote for
the representatives of the Union sentiment of
the country regardless of personal consider
ations regardless of subordinate questions
regardless of everything but the certainty that
his vote will be counted for his country and
for -the war against treason and rebellion.
Thus you can lend a helping band to the Gov
ernment. Thus, you can sustain and encour
age the heroes in the field. Thus, and thus
only, can yon discharge your whole duty, and
stand absolved before God and man. Let ev
ery patriot then be at the polls, resolved to be
earnest, active, and vigilant, lest the enemys
of our country achieve a victory more disas
trous in its consequences . than any that bave
gone before. Loyal men be on the alert I
"Eternal vigilance is the price of libeity !"
WALLACE VS WALLACE.
Our neighbor Wallace, as we have hereto
fore said, is up to any emergency ready to
"shift his sails to every breeze." He has al
ways been in favor of compromising our pres
ent difficulties with the rebels and in favor ot
the Breckinridge-Vallandigham "Union as it
was," 1. e. slavery in all the Mates and Ter
ritories at least such has been the tenor of
his speeches heretofore. Lately , however, we
are reliably informed, he was in Blair county
trying to persuade the.' Douglas Democrats
(who are called Abolitionists by the Breckin-
ridgers) that he is in favor of a vigorous pros
ecntion of the war, and for putting down the
rebellion at any and every .cost even to the
freeing of every slave in the Southern States.
If this be so, Mr. Wallace is trying to "carry
water on two shoulders": tbe Breckinridgers
on the one and the Donglasites on the other.
How will Mr. Wallace explain bis present
position satisfactorily to the people of Clear
field county ? He undoubtedly is playing a
two handed game at the present time. He is
either deceiving the people of Blair county,
or he is deceiving the people of Clearfield
county. If be deceives bis constituents be
fore the election is it likely that he would
carry out their wishes should be be elected 7
Most assuredly not! Is he the man, then, for
the present emergency, if his course is as sta
ted? We think not! Then, what are the
people to do t Why vote for the man who
"coraes up to the scratch" all the time, and
that man is Locis W. Haul, the tried and true
friend of the Union and the Constitution a
man who fully sustains the Government, and
favors the putting down of the rebellion with
out any equivocations.
' HON GLENNI W. SCOFIELD.
Below we give extracts from several of the
papers in thisdistrct, which plainly show how
the nomination or Hon. Gleni W. Scofield,
for Congress, is received in other counties:
From the Erie Gaiette.
"We commend Mr. Scofield to the confi
dence and support of our fellow-citizens
He possesses a clear, vigorous, well-organized
and well-stored mind, and is in every
respect fitted for a seat in Congress.
Mr. Scofield is extensively known as an able
lawyer and a forcible and impressive pnblic
speaker. In vigor and clearness of intellect.
and personal character and standing, be has
no superior in tbls part of Pennsylvania.
Although not a partisan, realizing it to be a
duty at the present time by every proper
means to encourage and develope the loyal
sentiments of all parties, he yet is a decided
Republican or, in other words, a warm friend
to the -National Administration, endorsing
and maintaining its civil and military policy,
and especially the policy which contemplates
a vigorous prosecution of the war for the sup
pression of the infamous rebellion. We ask
for bim the suffrages of the people of Erie
Couoty, in the lull confldenc that if elected.
he will prove himself a' capablo, reliable and
efficient Representative."
From the (Brookville) Jefferson Star.
Hon. Glenxi W. Scofield In our last
week's paper, we suggested that Judge Sco
field was the choice of Jefferson county for
Congress since the declination of Gen. Patton.
Since then, the Convention met and nomina
ted him. This meets the approval of our peo
ple, and all rejoice in the selection. He made
boats or tnends here when he presided as
Judge, by his candor and evident fairness.
At the time, we heard dozens of all r,rti
speak his praise.
In bim the people bave a gentleman of honor
and uprightness of ability and legislative
experiance. Iiconnection with these qualifi
cations, be is among the most finished public
speakers in the State. Here, then, is a com
bination of qualifications that make bim the
man for the place. In aditiontoall of these, be
is a war man in the real sense of the term.
In bis behalf, we feel free in appealing to the
people of Jefferson county to give bim a cheer
ful and triumphant support. An uncompromi
sing Union man, he will exert a . powerful
influence in behalf . of the Union. . He coraes
from a District that has done its fall share in
behalf of the government. Every feeling and
aspiration in bim beats high for the perpetuity
of the entire nation. Union rotors of the
District rally around bis standard.
AjfOTHER tSmiLIt Frnm Ih. Kat;n.
drams and noise on Saturday evening, we sup
posed there was something on mnnir th
"nnterrlfled." We hava since learned that
the "monkey show' gar a free exhibition
1 tt uuania jbrrove.
; THE BIGLEE MANIFESTO.
. Of all the great men our country bas produ
ced, we know of none with such penchant for
long, windy epistles on the eve of an election
as bis excellency Ex-Governor, and Ex-Senator
Bigler. All recollect the ponderous and
formidable document known as the Waverly
Letter, issued immediately preceeding:, tbe
election when be was Ust a candidate for Gov
ernor, and few in this community can have
forgotten that immortal document known as
"Bigler's Appeal," which called upon "the
Gueiichs, Jhe Ogdens, the Shaws the Louns
berrys, ect.'ectj,'' to rally to his relief when
be found himself being so badly strangled in
the conflict with the "S-'am," of other days.
True to bis old instincts, he has again grati
fied this singular propensity, and we have the
result in a "peramble" occupying some three
columns ol the last "Republican," purporting
to be in compliance with the request of thirty
six specimens of the quint-essence of the
double distilled Locofocoism of Clearfield.
The object of this last fulmination of his Ex
cellency, is to prove, in tbe first place, that the
declaration of Hon. L. W. nail, in his recent
speech in this place, "that the Crittenden
Compromise was defeated by reason of certain
Senators from the Cotton States witholding
their votes on the Clark Amendment," is "not
true, "and Secondly, to show "that the South
was tor the Crittenden Amendment," and
"did desire a compiomise," and that "hence
the Republicans are responsible for tbe hor
rible consequences of its failure." We shall
take up these two "points" of his Excellency,
and dispose of them in their order "please
or displease whom it may."
And first, was the "Crittenden proposition
defeated by certain Senators from the Cotton
States witholding their votes on the Clark
Amendment According to Mr. Bigler, the
Clark Amendment was expressly intended to
defeat the Crittendon Compromise, and its
adoption by a majority rote effected that ob
ject. By reference to the proceedings of the
Senate on the 16th of Jarnary, it will be seen
that on a call of the yeas and nays immediate y
preceeding the vote on substituting for the
Crittendon proposition, Mr. Clark's amend
ment, theru were ffty five votes c ist- The
vote was then taken on tbe Clark proposition.
when these fifty five Senators were upon the
floor in person, and there were bntfor'.y eight
cast. Who were the men that did'ntvotef
We quote the answer from the Speech of Mr
Latham of California, who ought to be good
Democratic authority, as follows :
1 "Mr. Benjamin ot Louisana, Hemphill and
Wigfall of Texas, Mr. Iverson of Georgia, Mr.
Johnson of Arkansas, and Mr. Slidell of Lou
isiana, were in their seats and refused to vote."
Tbe Clark amendment was then substituted
for that of Mr. Crittenden by two of a majori
ty. Had only ftco of these men voted, it would
have been defeated, and the Crittenden com
promise" been preserved intact. Who then
are to blame for its defeat? . , ,
But says Mr. Bigler, bad these Senators
voted it would not have saved the "Critten
den compromise," "because it required a two
third vote to submit amendments to the Con
stitution." What an argument ! If the Re
publicans intended to defeat . it, and never
wanted to see it adopted under any circum
stances, why did Mr. Clark offer his amend
ment at all 1 Why did they not rely upon the
impossibility of it getting a two-third vote?
Wby did Mr. Cameron, move a re-consideration,
and thus give these same Senators an
other opportunity to defeat tbe Clark amend
ment 1 Is it not absurd to say that because
the Republicans made an effort to modify the
proposition, that none of them would ever
vote for its adoption 1 What did they do al
terwards f They passed an amendment fy a
two-third vote', forbidding Congress ever inter
fering with Slavery in any of the States!
They passed bills for the organization of Ter
ritorial Governments for all the remaining ter
ritory belonging to the United States, permit
ing slaves to be taken Into these territories, and
held as property, and expressly giving the
power over Slavery to the people when they
come to form their State Constitution. Now
with this Amendment to the Constitution,
and these Territcrial Bills, how much of the
"Crittenden compromise was left!" What
better compromise could have been made 7
And yet. says Mr. Bigler, the "Crittenden
Compromise" never would have got a two
third vote I
But the correctness of Mr. nail's remark,
that the "Crittenden Compromise" was lost
by Senators from the Cotton States refusing
to vote, does not rest upon our understanding
of the record alone. Not having been there,
we might be mistaken. We appeal therefore
to better testimony than our own or Mr. Big
ler's. The Hon. Horace Matxard,' of Ten
nessee, who cannot be charged with being a
Republican, much less an Abolitionist, who,
though a Southern man, is a noble, true-hearted
patriot, in a most eloquent speech deliv
ered to his fellow citizens of Nashville, on
the 20th of March last, nses the following
language :
The Crittenden Compromise, whose rejec
tion has furnished a theme for so many seces
rion harangues, was substantially a restoration,
by Constitutional amendment, of the old Mis
souri Compromise line of 36 deg. and 30 min
utes, a measure which the Supremo Conrt
had decided that Congress had no Constitu
tional power to adopt, and the adoption of
which in 1820, by tbe patriots of that day,
had for tbe last several years been unceasingly
denounced as an outrage on the South by the very
class of politicians who have been most famous
in the advocacy of Secession. The vrovosiiian.
failed in the Senate by the act of Six Southern
f A V . A J I
oenaiors rtjusxng 10 vote, inougn present m their
seats, all of whom are now luminous ornaments
in the rebel dynasty." :
Yet,- says Mr. Bigler "it is not true," that
tbe ''Crittenden Compromise" failed because
these six men witheld their votes! Mr. Lalh
am, of California, whom we have before quo
ted, a Democrat of tbe deepest dye, in bis
speech in the Senate, attributes tbe defeat of
tbe Compromise to tbe same source, as follows :
"I recollect fall well tbe joy that pervaded
tbe faces of some of these gentlemen (who
refused to vote at tbe result, and the sorrow
manifested by the venerable Senator from
Kentucky. If you will turn to page 443 of
the 1st part of the Congressional Globe for
tbe Thirty-Sixth Congress, yon will find when,
at a late period,' Mr. Cameron, from Pennsyl-
vania, moved to reconsider tbe vote, that the
vote was reconsidered ; and when at last tbe
Crittenden propositions were submitted on
tbe second day of March, these Southern States
having nearly all seceded, they were then lost by
but one vote. If these Seceding Senators had re
mained, they would have passed by a large vole.
I believe more, Mr. President, that these gen
tlemen were acting in pursuance of a settled
and, fixed plan to break, up r and destroy tlsis
government."' 4 1 ?, i i ' -1
Andrew Johnston of Tennessee, than whom,
though a Breckinridge Democrat, atruer pa
triot and a braver man is not to be found,
whose testimony cannot be gainsayed, in his
speech on the expulsion of Bright, delivered
on the 31st January 1862, says:
"Six Southern men refused to vote, when
the Amendment would have been rejected by
four ot a majority if they had voted. Who
then has brought these evils on the country 1
Was it Mr. Clark? He . was acting out bis
own policy; but with the help we had from
the other side ot -the Chamber (the Republi
can) if all those on this Side (the Democratic)
bad been true to the Constitution, the Amend
ment of the Senator from New Hampshire
would bave been voted down. Who did it t
Southern traitors. They wanted no compromise.
They accomplished their object by witholding their
votes and hence the country has been involved in
the present difficulty,".
Yet in the f ice of the record, in the face of
all this testimony Mr. Bigler says Mr. Hall's
remark "is not true," and he makes a labori
ous effort at special pleading to throw the onus
of the present condition of. affairs, "for parti
zan purposes,", entirely on the Republican
party. T His time during bis "retiracy," might
be better occupied, with more credit to binr
self and more advantage to tbe country. We
pass to his second proposition. -.
The effort to show that ."the South was for
the Crittenden Compromise and did desire it,
and that "the Republicans are responsible for
the horrible consequences of its failure," is
equally abortive with the denial of tbe truth
of Mr. Hall's declaration as to tbe cause ot its
defeat. The attempt of Mr. Bigler, and those
of like kidney, to visit the responsibility of
the fearful strnggle in which wo are now en
gaged, upon the heads of any but the guilty
rebels who are still in arms against the Gov
ernment, is an insult to the patriotism, loyalty
and intelligence of the entire North., They,
and they alone, are responsible, and every ef
fort to relieve them of that responsibility, or
palliate tbeir guilt, should meet with tbe un
qualified disapprobation of a loyal people.
To say that the leading Southern men who
brought about this rebellion the men who
witheld their votes from the Crittenden prop
osition, and others entertaining ttr; same sen
timents, were for the compromise, and did
desire it, seems to be too absurd to require
serious consideration. If they were In favor
of it, why did they not vote for it? Mr. Bigler
should know, what every school boy of sixteen
summers can tell him, that the active and ac
tual conspirators for the destruction of the
Government, have been earnestly endeavor
ing to accomplish their ends, ever since tbe
disgraceful overthrow of Nullification in South
Carolina by the prompt and energetic action
of tbe Federal Government in 1832. From
that day, until the culmination of their
schemes in the attack on Fort Snmpter, these
chagrined ani disappointed leaders "nursed
their wrath to keep it warm," and seized up
on every pretext to alienate the affections of
the Southern people by sectional appeals. For
thirty years,' ' as avowed in the Convention
which passed the Ordinance of Secession in
South Carolina, a conspiracy has existed there
to dissolve tbe Union. Governor Pierpost,
(a Democrat and a Southern man) in his mes
sage on July 2d uses the following language:
"The fact is no longer disguised that there
bas been in the South for many years a secret
organization, laboring with steady perseve
rence to overthrow the Federal Government
and destroy constitutional libeity in this coun
try. The cry of danger to the institution of
Slavery, has been a mere pretext to rouse and
excite tbe people."
. That such a conspiracy existed to break np
the Union, regardless of any concessions or
compromises, is evident, from the speeches at
the preceeding Session of Congress by promi
nent men, who declared time and again that
in case of tbe election of a president by a cer
tain political party they were in favor of their
states seceding from the Union; from the
conduct of these same men at the nominating
Conventions ot the Democratic party at Balti
more and Charleston, in April and June 1860,
showing a determined purpose to ensure the
defeat of the party to which they professed to
belong; from their conduct during the presi
dential canvass in haranguing the people, not
with a view of showing that their candidate
could or ought to be elected, but to persuade
them in tbe event of the success of ono of his
competitors, to rebel against tbe Government
and Affect its overthrow; and lastly and
plainly, from their own positive declarations
that they desired no Compromise, and would
not bave it, it permitted to make tbe terms
themselves. On the 2d of March 1861, Mr.
Wigfall, Senator form Texas, declared on the
floor of the Senate, no doubt in the bearing of
Mr. Bigler, that if we were to "hand thtm blank
paper and ask them to write a Constitution to
suit themselves, Ihey would never again be Con
federated with us." (Congressional Globe 36th
Congress, Second Session, page 1398.) .And
yet, says Mr. Bigler, tbe Republicans "will
forever fail to satisfy the world that the South
was not fairly committed to a settlement on
the basis of the Crittenden proposition!!"
Certainly tbey must fail, if the world" ia as
obtuse as Mr. Bigler.
During the debate in tbe South Carolina
Convention, on the Ordinance .of Secession,
Mr. Gregg declared "On the one side the
Federal Government declarea its intention to
collect revenue in our ports, on the other, we
declare we are free." We desire no Cfamm-.
mis c." (Rebellion Record, Vol. I. a. 2.)
Among the documents submitted at the open
ing 01 the British Parliament by Earl Russell,
the Minister "of Foreign Affairs, was a letter
written as far bacs as August 1861, by' W 11
Iiatn L. Yancy and others,-Commissioners to
pave the way for the recognition of tbe South
ern Confederacy, from which we take thia
extract; : ' : v r
"It wa from no fear that the slaves uonld
be liberated that Secession took place.""' The
very party in power has proposed to guaran
tee Slavery forever in the States, if the South
would but remain in the Union."
In the face of this plain and conclusive tes
timony, Mr. Bigler declares, that tbe South
was f.r the compromise, and that the present
calamities are the result of its failure. Ver
ily, Mr. Bigler knows better what they, want
ed, than they did themselves.
What is the testimony of loyal Southern
statesmen, as to whether or not the. South
were committed to tbe compromise ? They
certainly bad an equal opportunity whh Mr.
Bigler to know the wants of tbeir people and
leaders. James S. Rollins of Missouri, in a
speech delivered in Congress, on the 24th
day of April last, says : . "
"Tbe purpose from tbe beginning was to
break up the Government. For more than
a quarter of a century a great party, founded
upon the most pernicious theories, and deny
ing tbe most obvious and direct teachings of
the Federal Constitution, as lound in the let
ter as well as in the spirit of that instrument,
and its contemporaneous exposition by the
authorized departments of the Governmect, as
well as by the great minds of the nation most
competent to expound it, have been feeking
pretexts to divide and dismember the Confed
eracy. Checked in their purposes of disloj ally
by that man of iron will, Andrew Jackson, in
1832, and relieved from the dangerous predic
ament in which they found theinstlvt-s placed
at that time by the generous and liberal states
mauship of Henry Clay, they have lost no
opportunity since to sow the seed of discord
and encourage and foment a spirit of disloyalty
and opposition to authority of the Federal
(jrovernment. starling out originally In their
crusade upon the tarifl question, they readily
relinquished it for one of a more excithtble
character, and in regrd to which the south
ern heart could be more easily fired." '
Senator Johnson, whom we have before quo
ted, in the sumo speech, on the expulsion of
Bright, says : . , .
"No; it was not compromise that the lea
ders wanted ; they wanted power ; they wanted
to destroy this Government, so that they
might have place and emolument for them
selves. They had lost confidence in the intelli
gence and virtue and integrity ot the people
mm ineir capacity 10 govern memseives ; and
they intended to separate and form a govern
ment , the chief corner-stone of which should
be slavery, disfranchising tbe great nriss of the
people, of which we have seen constant evi
dence, and merging the powers ot government
in the hands of the f iw. I know what 1 sny.
I know their feelings and their sentiments.
1 served in the Senate here with them. 1
know tbey were a close corporation, that had
no more confidence in or respect for the
people than bas the D y of Algiers. I fought
that close corporation here. I knew that they
were no friends of the people. I knew that
Slidell and Mason, and Benjamin and Iverson,
and Toombs were the enemies of free govern
ment and 1 know so now. I commenced the
war upon them before a State seceded ; and I
intend to keep on fighting this great battle
before the country for the perpetuity of free
government. They seek to overthrow it, and
to establish a despotism in its place. That is
the great battle which is upon our hands.
The great interests of civil liberty and free
government call upon every patriot and every
lover of popular rights to come lorward and
discharge his duty."
Mr. Matsabd, of Tennessee, in Lis speech
before quoted says : -
"I was anxious for the pissago of the Crit
tenden Cm promise. Not so, however, the
men in league against the government. They
wanted no compromise, and some of them
were heard to declare that they would accept
none even if furnished with blank p iper and
permuted to write it out themselvet."
Mr. Latham, of California, says:
"Mr. President, being last winter a careful
eye-uitness of all that occurred, I soon be
came satisfied th it it was a deliberate, wilful
de8igi, on the part of some representatives of
Southern States, to seize upon the election of
Mr. Lincoln merely as an cxcne to precipi
tate this revolution upon tin country. One
evidence, to my mind, is the fact that South
Carolina never sent her Senators here."
These authorities clearly prove, Bigler to
the contrary notwithstanding, that the Sena
tors from the Cotton States were in favor of
no compromise, that they had determined
on the destruction of the Government, and
the erection of a despotism of their own,
that slavery was a mere pretext, acd that nei
ther the Crittenden proposition or any other
concession upon the part of the' North with
regard to it, .wonld have been accepted by
them, or would have averted the calamity.
That the welfare of slavery was not tbeir ob
ject, is plain from the paradoxical demands
they have made for it during the past quar
ter of a century. They demanded new terri
tories as an outlet, while at the same time
they complained or want of labor in the South.
They demanded that its universality should
be recognized, and at the same time denied
the power of the nation to interfere with it,
because its existence depends on local law.
They demand that Congress should enact
codes for its protection, and at the same time
asserted it bad no power over it in the ten i
tories. They demanded non-intervention by
those not interested in the institution, and at
the same time asked the power of the Federal
Government to force it upon an unwilling
people. They demanded that the Missouri
Compromise the line of 36 deg. 30 minutes,
should be abrogated, and having obtained
tbeir request, we are now told by Mr. Bigler,
that they were "fairly committed" to its res
toration by the Crittenden Amendment. It is
perfectly plain, that slavery was till the time a
mere pretence, and that no concession on our
part, with regard " to it, would have been
productive ol any lasting good We might,
multiply authorities speech after speech of
these men in tbe past their repeated decla
rations as they come to us through tbe South
ern papers at the present air prove beyond
doubt or cavil their determination, long form
ed, at all hazzards and under all circumstan
ces to dissolve tbe Union. .
We bave thus, as we think, by a fair state
ment of tbe facts, completely taken the wind
out ot the sails of Mr. Bigler 'a fulmination.
We hTr'Wrlv.l.nn ik.i u r.:t ... I
j " iu tatiurc vi lue
Crittendon proposition is to be attributed to
the refusal 01 Senators fro.o the Cotton States
to vote, and secondly, that thse very Sena
tors, who represented the disaffected in the
South, so far fn.tn being "committed to a
compromise," were opposed to all compromi
ses, would not accept any, and had pre-deter-mined
the present attempt to overthrow the
Government.
And now, me might very properly Inquire
what was the olject of Mr. Bigler, and the
thirty-six members of bis party to whom he
has addressed his letter, in this most abortive
effort 1 For whom' as it intended as a vindi
cation ? Did Mr. Hall charge the defeat of
tbeCrittenden amendment upon tbo Democrats
of the north 1 No.' Did he attempt to fix upon.
them, in any degree, the responsibility of this
rebellion? Not at all. But be 'charged it
upon the leaders of the South upon tbe men'
who now occupy the highest positions in the
rebel government. Why then should Mr.
Bigler and his disciples take the matter np in
such high dudgeon? Why should he under--take
the task of vindicating these rebels t
We leave the reader to answer.
In reply to this labored ' attempt to fasten
the responsibility or the present condition of
things upon the Republican party, we' might
bave retorted that it rested, in a great nieas--nre,
upon tbe imbecile, Vacilaiine, and pur- -poseless
administration o James Buchai.an.
and those who clung to and sustained it..
Certainly never bad men a greater opportuni
ty, and never was it more ignominiously -thrown
away. Had he, and those who sus
tained him in the Senntu, at the commence
ment of that Session of Congress, asserted tho
doctrines of Gen. Jackson's proclamation to
South Carolina, and declared their intention
to enforce them, who can doubt that the spir
it of rebellion would have beon sent cewed
and abashed to its lair ? We might Lave re
torted, too, that bad Mr. Bigler and his party
never repealed the Compromise of 1820, it
would never have reqnired restoration by the
Crittenden Amendment. We might have aali
something about' the c insistency and good
faith of Mr. Bigler and his party at the pres
ent time, complaining that the Constitution
was not amended, while they hoist aa their
motto "The Constitution s 1 is and the U
nion as it was " But we have no disposition
to divert one particle of the responsibility ot
this wicked rebellion from where it properly
rests upon those conspirators, who at the
head of armies, in the mad pursuit of power,
are reddening their bands in the blood of our
sons, fathers, husbands, brothers, and friends.
To excuse or paliate their goilt, is but to en
courage their treason. We tmst in God the
time will speedily come, when these traitors
can bo taken in the aggregate that we may
mete out to them that just retribution which
their crimes deserve.
BOYER in ELK C0TJHTY.
The follow ing, from the Elk County .id ro
cate indicates very clearly "a woolly brad in
the wood pile" 1
"The President, in a few remarks, stated
the object ot the meeting, (Democratic), after
which Dr. T. J. Boyer, was called on to make
a speech. The Doctor, as nxnal responded to
the call and entertained the audience for alKiut
halt an hour, in manner w rthy of note !
"Dr. C. H. Early was called upon, to ad I revs
tbe meeting after tbe Doctor bad concluded
the chair called upon Dr. Borer to define bis
position, on several points. The Doctor took
the floor the necond time, . and appeared to be '
so-r.ewhat excited. In our opinion, it would
bave been better to tivated the matter more
cool, and by so doing would not oflV-nd those
wno were opposed to him in a political point
ot view. The doctor should remember that it
is not best, even to speak the truth, at all times.' .
What's wrong 1 Couldn't the "iinterrifled
of Elk swallow the valiant Doctors infidel and
secesh pills? He was "excited," was be
He'll be more "excited' after tbe 2d Tuesday
ol October, when he discovers bow tbe honei-t
and loyal Democrats of this district will spurn
and repudiate the miserable trickery by which.
he got bis nomination. What a contrast be
tween this poor, weak, sputtering Doctor,
traveling about "damning" tbe Admititratiou
and prating about the Constitution which he
does not comprehend, and Capt. J. 11. Lar-
riraer, who was fairly entitled to the nomina
tion, who is daily exposing his life for the
preservation of that Constitution, and tbe
maintainance of the Government. But bis o-
pinions didn't suit tbe Breckinridge wire-pullers,
and hence be was set aside for th:s p or
creature, whose nauseating sentiments are too
disgusting even for some of those who assist
ed In his nomination. Men who vote for such
a candidate, knowing his character and opin
ions, roust certainly be wanting in self-respect
as well as love ol country.
HEW advertisement:
AitverttsemetU set 1 u larsrr tunf.ritLi.or out o fntual
sty I e will be charged do able price for space occupied.
Ta in.n.a attMfl.M Vl a it A OTT .
nv nntiM. Aafnllnnra- all r.nij ;h it
J w v. m t ... VStMbtV.. W M. V4 ,
Strays, $1; Auditors' notices, 1,50; Adminis-
tratora1 Asd EiMntnn' miiiuc 1 Kft &c an4
all other transient Notices at the same rates
inner ai vernaemen' s at 1 per sq aare, for S or less
inse:tions. Twelve lines (or less; coant a square.
ELECTION. A meeting of the Stockholders
of the Madera and O-oeola Turnpike i. Plank
Koad Company, will be bcld at Osceola, on Mon
day November 3d, at I o'clock p. 10.. for tbe pur
pose of Electing one President, five Directors and
one Treasurer, to serve for tbe ensuing year.
Madera, Sept. 8, 18rt2-pd. CHAS. J. PUSEY.
CAUTION. All persons are hereby caution
ed .against purchasing th rM certain hnnila
given about two years ago by John Thompson
and Thomas J. ThomDson to John J Arl nn ArJar.
dan township, and are now of reoord. The un
dersigned not having received value for the said
00DU8, nereoy gives notice that he will not pay
the game unless compelled by due proce of law
vet, o, uoz-p. JUUN THOMPSON. "
PRIVATE SALE. Tbe subscriber residing
ln CovinSTtOn townnhln la ilnimm nt aallina'
his real and oersonal
The tract of land contains 175 aeres, and is cover
ed with the best of timber, and has a sawmill
and dwelling house erected thereon. The saw
mill ia situated on Sandy creek, and is eapable ef
sawing o.OOO feet of boards in U honrs. This is
a very desirable loeation for lumbering, and par
sons desirous of engaging in the basiaMS wonld
do well to examine tha place. Terms moderate.
Sept. It, mi, J. fi. HUG LENT.