BY S. J. ROW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, MAY 28, 1862.
VOL. 8.-W. 39.
PB0FES8I05AL BUSINESS CABDS.
HB. WOODS, Attorney at Law, Indiana, Pa
, Professional business promptly attendee to.
-pv 0. CROUCH, Physicias, Curwensville. Clear
jj. field county, Penn'a. May 14.
J- j, CRANS. Attorney at Law and Real Estate
jm Agent. Clearfield, Pa. Office adjoining bis
'residence, on Second str6et. May 16.
-iir M. M'CULLOUGH, Attorney at Law, Clear
W. field, Pa. Office, witk L. J. Crans, Esq.,
-on Second Street. July 3, 1861.
WILLIAM A. WALLACE,' Attorney at Law.
Clearfield, Pa. Office, adjoining his resi
dence on Second street. Sept. 1.
ROBERT J. WALLACE. Attorney at Law. Clear
field, Pa Office in Shaw's new tow. Market
'street, opposite Naugle's jewelry store. May 26.
TT F. NAUOLE, Watch
nd Clock Maker, and
XjL dealer in Watches, Jewelry, Ac
Graham's row, Market street.
ileum ia
STov. 1.
TT BUCIIER SWOOPE. Attorney at Law.Clcar
jJCl. field, Pa. Offiot in Graham's Row, four doo s
vest of Graham A Boynton's store. Nov. 10.
J P. KRAT7.ER Merchant, and dealer in
, Boards and Shingles, Grain and Produce
Jb'ront St, above the Academy, Clearfield. Pa. j 1 2
A J. PATTERSON, Attorney at Law.Curwens-
ville, Pa., will attend to all business en
tniAted to his care. Office opposite the New
Methodist Church. Jan. 15, 1802.
WILLIAM F. IRWIN, Marketstret, Clearfiold,
Pa., Dealer in Foreign and Domestic Mer
chandise, Hardware, Queensware, Groceries, and
family articles generally. Nov. 10.
DR. WM. CAMPBELL, offers his professional
services to the citizens of Morris and adjoin
ing townships. Residence with J. D. Denning in
Kylertown, Clearfield county. May U, 1859.
J II M'ENALLY, Attorney at Law. Clearfield,
. T. Practices in Clearfield and adjoining
counties.' Office in new briek addition, adjoining
the residence of James B. Graham. Nov. 10.
JOHN QI ELICH. Manufacturer of all kinds of
Cabinet-ware, Market street, Clearfield, Pa.
Jle also makes to order Coffins, on short notice, and
attends funerals with a hearse. AprlO.'ia.
T) IC11ARD MOSSOP, Dealer in Foreign and Do
I V mestic Dry Goods, Groceries, Flour, Bacon,
Liquors, Ac. Room, on Market street, a few doors
west of Journal OJice, Clearfield, Pa. Apr27.
IARRIMER A TEST, Attorneys at Law,Clear
J field. Pa. Will attend promptly to all legal
.-and other business entrusted to their care in Clear
"field and adjoining counties. August 6, 1858.
JA3. B. LARRIMU. ISUAEL TEST.
TR. M. WOODS, tenders his professional servi
le ces to the eitixens of Clearfiold and vicinity.
Residence on Second street, opposite the office of
h- J. Crans, Esq. Office, the same that was recent
Jy occupied by Hon. G R Barrett, where he can
fee found unless absent on professional business.
I1HOMAS J. M'CULLOCGH, Attorney at Law,
X Clearfield, Pa. Office, over the -Clearfield
.co. Bank. Deeds and other legal instruments pre
pared with promptness and accuracy. July 3.
D. g. Bcsn. :::::::: t.j.m'cclloi-gh
BUSH A M'CULLOUGirS
ConEcrws CVfice, Clkakfielp, Pfevs''i..
SALT! SALT!! SALT !!! A prime arti
cle of ground alum salt, put up in patent
meat, at 3.25 pr saeK, at the cheap ensh store of
November 27. K. MOSSOP.
rrUVENTY-FIVE HUNDRED ACRES
A OF LAND AT PRIVATE SALE, extending
(o the mouth of the Moshannon. An eligable
troperty; on reasonable terms. Inquire of
1 J U. BUCUEK SWOOPE,
Decl9-tf. Attorney at Law. Clearfield, P
PROPOSALS, Proposals for the building of
. aPrivey at the new Court Houc in the bor
ough of Clearfield , will be received at the com
missioners' office, until the 27th day of May next.
Plans and specifications can be seen at the com
misioners' office. By order of the board of Com
missioners. WM S. BRADLEY, Clerk.
BRIDGE STOCK FOK SALE. The Com
missioners of Clearfield county, will offer at
Public Sale, at the court house, ou Tuesday the
:27th day of May next, at 2 o'clock, p. m., one hun
dred and thirty (130) shares of stock in the bridge
across the Susquehanna at. Clearfield. By order
ot the board, WM. S. BRADLEY, Clerk.
DR.LITCH'S MEDICINES. Afresh sup
ply of these invaluable Family Medicines
are for sale by M. A. Frank, Clearfield, consisting
of Pain Curer; Restorative, a great .cure for colds
and cough; and Anti-Bilious Physic. They have
been thoroughly tested in this community, and
are highly approved. Trt them.
NOTICE Daniel Faust of Curwensville has
charge of my business in my absence. He is
authorized to receive and receipt for money duo
me. and is the only peison authorized to do so.
Persons having business with me will please call
on him. JOHN PATTON.
Curwensville, April 2, 1862.
MORRISDALE HOUSE The undersign
ed having taken the Morrisdale House, sit
uate in the town of Morrisdale, Clearfield county,
respectfully solicits a share of the publio patron
age. No pains or expenso will be spared to ren
der guests comfortable. Charges moderate.
April 2, '62. GEORGE RICIIaRDS.
IJLASTERING The subscriber having lo-
a. cated himself in the Borough of Clearfield,
would inform the publiethat he is prepared to do
work in the above line, from plain to ornamental
of any description, in a workmanlike style. Also
whitewashing and repairing done in a neat man
nsr. and on reasonable terms.
April 7. 1858. EDWIN COOPER-
TROVISIO.N AND GROCERY STORE
fee, Tea, Sugar, Rioe, Molasses, Ac. Also, Li
enors of all kinds, Tobacco. Segars. Snuff, Ac; all
f which he offers to purchasers on the most ad
vantageous terms. Give him a call, and try hit
articles. tmar21 ROBERT LLOYD
VULCANITE BASE FOR
ARTIFICIAL TEETH.
Attention is especially called to this article, as a
ubatitute for gold in inserting teeth. Many per
rons who have trird all kinds of metalio bases pre
fer this, and in those cases where it is applicable,
it will in a great measure beoome a substitute for
fold, direr or platina. Its chief advantages are,
.cheapness, lightness and perfect adoption to the
.mouth ; it having a soft iesby feel to the parts of
mouth with which it comes ia oomtact.
A.M. Hills is prepared to pat up teeth on the
uietnite Base, with Goodysar's Patent Gum,
hkh is the only reliable preparation', and can
only b had through their regular agents.
Dr. Bills will always be found is bis office on
ridy and Saturday, unless notice appears to the
.contrary, in the town papers, the previous week.
-a. The undersigned keeps constanti on nana
at his store room in Philipaburg, Centreyoounty, a
fall stock of Flour, llami. Shoulders, bides. Cof
Confiscation of Rebel Property.
The Beal Interests of the Border States and the
Freu State Identical.
SPEECH OF HON. JOHN PATTON,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
In the House of Representatives. April 23, 1862,
on the bill (II. R. No. 106) to facilitate the
suppression of the rebellion and to
prevent its return.
Mr. Speaker, during the months past in
which I have sat in this Hall, 1 have never
claimed the attention of the House. The
measures that have come up for our consider
ation have, for the most part, been of the na
ture that the duty of every loyal Representa
tive has been so clear and unmistakable that
debate, further than necessary to the perfec
tion ol details, has seemed to me impertinent
and factious, and to have only the efiect to con
fuse and embarrass or delay proper action.
The time Las called for deeds, not words ; and,
fortunately for the country, there has been
that unanimity of patriotic spirit in this House,
that all attempts to paralizo by delay and to
divide by the introduction of false issues have
been promptly put aside.
I should not have departed from my habit
of siLnco now, but lor the beliei that my con
stituents, in comirton with all loyal men of
whatever section, have a deep interest in the
passage of some measure tor the confiscation
of the property of rebels, and I should feel
myself neglectful of my duty did I allow the
occasion to pass without urging the considera
tions which will determine my own action.
I dtsire to address myself to the Represen
tatives of the "border States"niore especially.
It is not my purpose to stand here and de
nounce any of the loyal citizens of the slave
holding States because they may differ from
me on questions of policy or expediency, nor
do I entertain an unkind feeling against a sin
gle one of them. I can truly say that I have
none of the prejudices common to partisans.
Politics has not been my profession ; nor, ex
cept soar as necessary to enable me to vote
nnderstandingly, and to discharge my duties
to my constituents, have I made it my study.
Since I have been a member of this House it
has been my privilege to form many agreeable
acquaintances among the members from the
border States, and I have found them true and
loyal citizens, and, I believe, as willing to
make any sacrifice that they are clearly con
vinced is necessary to save our common coun
try as those from the North. If there are
differences between us I believe they are the
results, on both sides, of honest couvictions ;
and I desire to address myself only to their
reason and their patriotism, disclaiming, on
my own part, all partialities and prejudices,
and asking an equally kind and candid consid
eration of what 1 may have to say.
What is it, I ask, that has so terribly dis
tracted and disorganized our country, that
has put in motion a million of bayonets, caus
ed the sacrifice of thousands of lives, and the
expenditure of hundreds of millions of dollars?
Certainly no differences of language, religion,
or ancestry ; nor can it bo the clashing of the
Irue interests of various sections. The cham
pions of both sides agree that it is the result
of the natural conflict betweeu slave labor and
free. And where rests the responsibility for
the culmination of this conflict in open war?
I apprehend that, after the events of the
past year, there can be but one answer to this
question, whatever may be the difierence of
opinion as to the original merits of the con
troversy. For, while the people ot the
North "have believed slavery to bo wrong,
morally, religiously, and politically, and cal
culated to retard the proper development of
the industrial interests of the States where it
existed, if not contrary to the letter and the
spirit of our Constitution, they have not by a
single act of legislation interfered with the
just or assumed rights of those States. Ag
Mr. Benton once said, they (the slave States)
never asked for anything that they did not re
ceive ;" and up to this very day there has not
been '.be shadow of a law passed by Congress
restricting any rights of slaveholders iu the
States. We have said, "you may have and
enjoy your system of labor, aud we will have
and enjoy ours." But the slaveholdi'ig States
were not content with this, or anything short
of the employment of the whole power ol the
Government in the extension and perpetua
tion of their system. Because, for the first
time in almost half a century, we have placed
a man at the hed of the nation who is only
not partial to slavery, the slaveholding leaders
hnve combined against the proper authority of
the Government, and are now attempting to
institute a government the corner stone of
which," according to their own declaration,
shall be the institution of human bondage."
Sir, from the very beginning of the sgita
tion, now half a centnary old, we sought to
avert the final struggle by compromise after
comprimise. To the successive and ever-rising
demands of the slave power we opposed
only compliance after compliance, oftentimes
accompanied, I rejoice to say, with protest,
but always ending in submission, until there
was nothing but the very vital principle of
our free society that we had not yielded,
and even that we had compromised. It is not
my intention to review the history of the pe
riod referred to. We are all familiar with
its leading events. I desire only to introduce
a single reminiscence, with a view to illus
trate the good faith In which I know the peo
ple of the North acted throughout, and their
desire for an amicable settlement of the mat
ter in dispute. It was my privilege to be a
member of the national Whig convention held
at Baltimore, in 1852, at which General Win
field Scott was nominated for President. We
then entered into a solemn agreement that we
would discountenance all agitation of the sla
very question, both in and out of Congress.
The same year the Democracy held their na
tional convention, and passed similar resolu
tions. The country then rested in the belief
that these pledges were made in good faith,
and that the vexed question bad been put to
rest. I returned to my home after the ad
journment of that convention with the confi
dent belief that the slavery question, as set
tled by Congross in 1850, and ratified by the
two great national patties in 1852, was a final
ity," as it was thon pronounced ; and I, In
common with other members of the party to
wblcbl belonged, determined that there should
be nothing wanting on my part to make the
fulfillment of that compromise complete ; and
I can say, without the possibility of contradic
tlon, that, distasteful as was the fugitive slave
law to a majority of our people, for the eak
of peace it was acquiesced in, and allowed to
have lull force in our strongest anti-slavery
communities, and no law of Congress was ever
more faithfully executed in either section of
the Union.
From 1850 to the assembling of Congress in
the winter of 1853, the North was profoundly
fcilent on this and all other subjects calculated
to irritate our neighbors in the slaveholding
States ; and so earnestly was the compromise
of 1850 sustained, that the radical anti-slavery
element was held in check by the overpower
ing influence of the "finality" sentiment. I
am proud to say that the pledge made by the
Whig party to discountenance all agitation of
the slavery question was kept in good faith.
We are all familiar with the mariner in which,
in 1853-54, the question was reopened by a
portion of the Democratic party, and the whole
country kindled to a blaze of excitement.
The exciting scenes through which we have
passed since the repeal of the Missouri com
promise need not be recited. The southern
mind was poisoned agaiust the people ot the
North, through misrepresentations of their
purposes and desires; while the Whig party
of the South was crushed out, and the slavo
holding States were left exclusively in the
control of Davis, Toombs, and Floyd, their
confederates and coconspirators.
I have thus, Mr. Speaker, alluded briefly to
events with which we are all familiar, because
I apprehend that the subject to which they
relate will have a most important influence on
the fate ot this measure of confiscation in this
House. For, while I do not doubt that many
members will oppose it conscientiously, I as
fully believe that most of the opposition it w ill
meet will have its source in considerations
connected more or less intimately with the in
stitution of slavery. In the brief &urvey
which I have taken of the past relations of the
free States to the institution of slavery, it has
been my purpose to call to the recollection of
members from the border States the tact that
all political action of the North has been uni
formly friendly to the South for of the opin
ions and acts of an inconsiderable minority,
who never were able to affect legislation seri
ously, we are Dot bound to take account and
considerate of her every right ; and 1 firmly
believe it would have so continued so long as
the South should bavo seen fit to avail herself
of the protection tf the Constitution. There
fore it is that I hold slavery has no right to
claim from loyal Representatives on the floor
of this House any degree of immunity from
the retribution it has so rashly invoked upon
itself by its crimes against the Constitution.
I rejoice that there are men here from the
border slave States whom treason could neitb.
or seduce nor intimidate from their allegi
ance. I honor them for their fidelity, and I
appeal to their candor and patriotism for that
measure of co-operation with us of the free
States which shall be needful for the salvation
and restoration of the Republic. From the
bare fact of their presence iu this Hall we have
a right to expect it. And what should hinder
the men of the border States from joining
with us in the fraternal consideration of what
ever questions may grow out of the necessi
ties and exigencies involved in the suppres
sion of this most unholy rebellion? Have
we not shown a disposition to respect your
every right? What enmpromise was ever
broken by the people of the North ? Of what
violation of the Constitution do you accuse us?
Even during the last year, while slavery has
stood confessed the one cause of seemingly
impending national ruin, through all the dark
hours in which existence itself hung trembling
in the balance, and while the border States
were more than doubtful in their loyalty, the
people of the North stood unwavering to their
constitutional obligations obligations tramp
led under foot with every circumstance of in
sult and contumely by those claiming their
shelter and protection.
In this House and by the executive bead of
the nation the same jealous regard for consti
tutional obligations has been preserved re
gard not merely for obligations due to those
who continued unquestionably ioyal, but to
those who wavered between loyalty and re
bellion, and even to those who have gone over
to rebellion and are desperately striving to de
stroy the Constitntion. While I do not hesi
tate to say that I believe this tenderness has
been carried further than the supreme law of
national as of individual life, selt-preservatioo,
warranted, I am proud to recognize that in
grain loyalty to the constitutional forms which
could have been developed only under a free
constitutional Government, and which is It
self the highest vindication of such a form of
government.
But, sir, we have gone further in our respect
to the obligations we owe to you as loyal, con
stituent parts of our common country. The
loyal men of the free States are suffering loss
es of lift and of property compared with
which yours are trifling. For our communities
are compact, with infinite interests and indus
tries. All those vital relations and complex
interests which bavo formed and become ce
mented during half a century of peace are
rudely torn asunder by this war. The loss of
life is mainly ours; the burden ot taxation
must be borne mainly by a large-producing
and large-consuming, compact, industrial pop
ulation of the free States. It it become ne
cessary in the prosecution of this war for the
preservation of the Union to adopt measures
which should involve the ruin or the injury of
the institution of slavery in the rebellious
States we might well say to you of the border
States, that, if loss be entailed on you by such
measures, it is no more than has befallen our
own communities. By the strict letter of the
compact, the man whose interests are in slaves
can with no more propriety claim compensa
tion for injury to those interests which grow
out of a common strnggle lor self-preservation
than he whose interests may be in merchandise
or machinery, and may be affected in an equal
ly injurious way.
" But this House, on the recommendation of
the Executive, with a singular unanimity, vol
untarily, and in advance, has tenderea to
loyal citizens who are interested in the insti.
tution of slavery full compensation for all in
jury to either publio or private relations which
may en6ue from its downfall. We have not
done this -arbitrarily ; we have not proposed
to meddle with your internal affairs; but, find
ing yon without crime or fault of your own,
involved in the fate of a system upon which
events, no less than the immutable principles
of divine justice, have set the seal of speedy
destruction, we have come forward and, in ef
fect, invited the people of yonr States to a
friendly consideration of the loss to them
volonteerins. in addition toboaring our own
heavy burdens, to relieve them fiom a loss
which is inevitable.
What, I ask, stands in the way of a magnan
imous recognition of this generous offer?
And what has there been in the political ac
tion of the North, either before or since the
rebellion, which should deter you, from en
tering fully, freely, and without any feeling
of jealousy or ot injury, upon the considera
tion, with us of whatever measures the pro
gress and continuance of this war may render
necessary? Suppose the bill now before the
-House shall operate unfavorably to the insti
tution of slavery, what is there in that circnm
stance to call out your opposition, or to pre
vent your giving it that calm, candid consid
eration which you would to any other meas
ure of like justice aud necessity ? If slavery
must have the life of the Republc, or the Re
public must have the life of slavery, will you
hesitate in choosing between the two? Are
you not unconditional Union men? Would
you not regard it as a high privilege to pre
serve tho Government to which you and we
owe all, by the sacrifice even of a portion of
what you regard as your interest? ? But we
invite you to no sacrifice in which we are not
willing to bear even more than an equal part.
Not only, then, on tho ground that we have
respected every constitutional obligation as
toward all .the 6lave States; not only on the
ground of a magnanimity and a fraternal con
sideration of the rights ot the border States
beyond what is set down in the compact, but
on the ground of common suffering and com
mon wrong endured at the hand of a common
enemy, do we appeal to those who represent
those States in this Honse to join with us in
all measures which tend to the restoration of
the Union on the basis of mutual justice and
protection.
Some settlement ot the conflict which is now
being waged there must be, and the interests
of the border States, any more than ours of
the more northern States, do not admit of any
settlement which does not involve a restora
tion of the former limits of the Union. But
on what terms shall the people of the rebel
lious States, or rather that portion of the two
or three hundred thousand slaveholders which
instigated and which upholds the rebellion,
come back ? What do gentlemen propose ?
Are those seats which wero vacated on the
eve of this rebellion, by men then, already,
while the oaths they had sworn to uphold
the Constitution were fresh on their lips,
steeped to the eyes in treason, are those
seats to have the same occupants as be
fore ? Are the men who come fresh from
leadership on the fields of rebellion, whose
hands are red with the blood of our sons and
our brothers, to come again on to this floor,
and here, again, nnder the protection of the
Constitution they have outraged and defied,
to renew in these Halls the contest which has
disturbed the country for more than half a
century, and the bitter fruits of which we are
now reaping ? How will the constituents of
gentlemen from the border States whose homes
have been desolated ; how will the loyal peo
ple of the North who have contributed of their
treasure and their lives so lavishly to put
down' the rebellion, relish such a proposition ?
For myself, I say aud in this I know that I
represent all but an inconsiderable, a com
pletely powerless minority of the people of
the free States while the problems, connect
ed with our social and political institutions
were working tbemselvrs out in pacific con
tests, regulated by legal and constitutional
forms, I was content to leave their solution
to natural laws. Whatever might be our ideas,
our private convictions, we all felt bound to
subordinate our action to the precepts and the
obligations imposed by the Constitution.
When all existing interests and relations are
bound up in the inviolability of an existing
compact, the responsibility of disturbing it, of
breaking up the foundations of society, of un
loosing the passions of thirty milions of peo
ple, and entailing upon them the suflering and
privation inseperable from a state of war, is
one which may well cause the most unscrupu
lous partisan to shrink from pressing to the
last appeal any cause of difference.
The South, with no provocation, without
even a reasonable apprehension of any, has
rashly assumed this responsibility, and I am
for holding the men who have instigated the
act to strict accountability. So far as those
actively and voluntarily engaged in promot
ing the rebellion are concerned, 1 hold that
we come to the consideration of the otatus to
be assigned to them and their property of
whatever kind, as an entirely original ques
tion. They having rejected all the resources
of argument, having deliberately repudiated
all the obligations of the compact, and waged
atrocious war, I am for a final settlement ot
the questions in dispute, one bich shall
leave no room for a renewal of the struggle.
The rebellious States, by the very act of re
bellion have forfeited all their rights under
the Constitution. The only laws by which
they held slave property have become void,
so far as they are concerned, because of tbeir
repudiation of the only authority that could
give them force.
But gentlemen will say that the people of
the southern States have been forced into re
bellion, that they will gladly return to their
allegiance if they are treated with lenity and
forbearance. But the measure of retribution
contemplated by this bill is not for the mis
guided people of the South, but for those who
have instigated, and who, after its passage,
shall continue to instigate and to uphold it.
I believe that the great mass of the people of
the South are not disloyal except as they are
deceived and misled. It is only slavery that
is disloyal ; and we propose to visit upon
the abused masses only mercy and forbear
ance, but upon the few who embody this dis
loyal power, exemplary punishment in seiz
ing tbeir property, and upon their persons if
they shall be within our reach. Is there any
thing in this to which any loyal man, whether
from the border States or the more northern,
can object ?
If the decision of the question involved in
this bill embraced only ordinary interests, if
the matter of slavery could be kept out of
sight, I apprehend there could be only one o
pinion on the main question involved, howev
er we might difier as to details. ' If the peo
ple of the Northwest or of New England stood
in the relation to the rebt of the country and
to this House in which the people of the ex
treme sontbern States stand, I apprehend
there would be no difference of opinion as to
the powers of the Government to bold the
leaders of the rebellion responsible either in
their persons or their property, which ia all
that is now proposed with regard to the rebels
of the South for their crime. But why should
there be this extreme sensativeness whenever
the subject or the relations of slavery are in
volved ? Is there any section of the country
which slavery has ever benefited ? Is
there any interest which its fiual overthrow
would prejudice ? What has slavery done for
you ot the border States, that you should
stand between it and merited retribution ?
The facts developed in the settlement of the
western States bear me out in the assertion
that if the entire area on which slavery exist)
could be swept clean of all inhabitants, if it
could be restored to the condition it was in
before civilized roan set his foot upon it, and
if with this the very namejof slavery could be
made to perish from ofl the continent, within
tweuty-five years a larger white population
than is now within its borders would have
carried thither the institutions and observan
ces of freeedom ; that there would be more
that is valuable to humanity than now
exists there after the lapse two hundred years
since some of tho States, within it were set
tled. I say this without bitterness, nut by
way of taunt or reproach, but in all soberness
and kindness.
Again 1 ask Representatives from the bor
der States, what has slav ry done for tbeir
constituencies ? What has slavery done for
Missouri, for Kentucky, for Tennessee, for
Maryland, or Virginia? The answer is, in
part, under our very eyes. The ravaged
fields, the desolated firesides, the ruined in
dustries, which are the fruits of the struggle
ot slavery, not for existence and protection,
but for absolute, undivided sway oirer the
whole continent these exhibit but a Email
portion of its infernal hankiwoik.
But, Mr. Speaker, sad as are these to con
template, they constitute but a trifling share
of the evil which slavery has wrought in some
of the fairest regions of this continent. What
magnificent possibilities have been sacrificed
or held iu abeyance in ti.ose States by the in
stitution of slavery--! They possess a soil Un
surpassed by any on the continent for fertility,
deposits of coal sufficient to furnish motive
power for the world, inexhaustible supplies of
mineral wealth, and yet the average valuation
of land in Kentucky is only one half what it
is in Ohio. In Missouri, with her incalculable
mineral wealth, the average is only one quar
ter what it is in Pennsylvania: in Maryland
only one third what it is in New Jersey, while
Virginia, with fertile valleys, with unrivaled
water power and rich beds of coal and iron,
is worth only one quarter as much per acre
as bleak, barren New Uamshire. Cold granite,
under the influence of free labor, is more
valuable than coal and iron under tho influ
ence of slave labor. In no spirit of boasting
or of unkindness I ask you to compare, or
rather to contrast, the general intelligence,
enterprise, and comfort of the respective pop
ulations of the States named.
Supposing, then, that this bill were to afiVct
and I do not deny that it will the institu
tion of slavery in the border States unfavora
bly, are not the people of those States ready
to sacrifice not only property but life, as true
and loyal citizens of the Union ? But, I re
peat, we ask no such doar testimony of tbeir
fidelity. We have tendered them entire im
munity from loss in any event, and now we
ask them to join with us in all measures which
the salvation of the Union may render neces
sary. They have now an opportunity to take
their place with the progressive communities
of the North, with full compensation for any
temporary injury to public or private interests
which might result trom the change in their
domestic policy. The war which weighs and
and must weigh so disastrously upon the in
dustrial North and upon the States of the ex
treme South, may be made the source of the
greatest benefits to them.
Why should not the people of the border
States rouse themselves to a sense of the mag
nitude of tho issues now presented, and rise
to the exigencies of the hour ? Why allow
old prejudices and associations to bind them
down to a policy which the events of the last
year have made antiquated ? If the rebellion
be crushed, slavery conies out of the contest
mortally weakened. If it be successful, do
the people of those States believe that the
North will ever give up territory which has
been redeemed at the cost of Springfield, Pea
Ridge, Mill Spring, Donelson, and Pittsburg ?
Would they desire that it should be given up ?
Maryland has pronounced herself for the Union
overwhelmingly, so has Kentucky, and half, at
least, of Tennessee. Supposing those States,
then, to remain with the North, bow long
would they be content, when associated ex
clusively with our freu Commonwealths, to
lag behind in population, intelligence, wealth,
and influence as they must, slavery continu
ing their sister States ? Nay, how loDg
could they resist the influences from the free
States? Slavery could not, under these cir
cumstances, diffuse itself. But there is no
such thing as standing still. Slavery and
freedom are two essentially, necessarily, bos
tile forces, and one or the other must perpet
ually advance.
The fortunes and the fatejof the people of the
border States, by their owu choice and by the
force of events mightier than they or we, then,
are cat with us of the free States, whatever
may be the result of this rebellion. Why
should not their Representatives on the floor
of this House recognize and act npon this fact
in regard to this measure of confiscation 1
The measure is intended to relieve the loyal
citizens of all the States, free and slave, in
some degree from the burdens imposed by
the war, and to fasten them upon those who
are responsible for its existence. In this ben
efit all loyal citizens share alike. The loyal
citizen of Massachusetts, of Kentucky, of
South Carolina, has an equal interest in the
passage of such a measure. While the loyal
people of the country are sacrificing property
and life in the maintenance of the forms of
constitutional liberty, Is it too much for them
to demand that those who are seeking to an
nihilate them should be held responsible to
the full extent of what is periled in their de
fense ?
Under what possible supposition, then can
it be for the Interest of the border States lon
ger to cling to the support of slavery ? 1 lay
aside in this argument all consideration of humanity-
I believe, indeed, that humanity
and the true interests of individuals and States
are always coincident; bntl waive all but the
plainost considerations of immediate interest,
and on this ground alone I hold that every
possible supposition indicates the policy of
freedom as the true one, both for the free and
the border slave States. You say that we are
legislating for the negro; but it 1 were- Indif
ferent to the rights and to the fate of the ne
gro race on this continent, my course would be
the same that it is.
My vote for the measure of emancipation in
this District the other day would be Justified
by such consideration alone. For more thaa
half a century has slavery held undisputed pos
session of tbisDistiict; and here you may oehold
the effects of slavery epitomized. In all this
time not one single branch of useful industry
has sprung up. With a genial climate suilei
to the production of every kind of fruit and
vegetable which is grown in tho milder regions
ot the temperate zone, the markets are sup
plied largely from the remote districts in tim
free States; large amounts of Federal patron
age are yearly dispensed to, and in favor of,
residents; but few improvements are made i
schools and churches are fully hall a century
behind tho institutions of education and re
ligion even in the rural distiicts of the free
States. An air of general unthrifl pervade
the town and the surrounding country.
I desire, sir, to see the capital tepresent fair
ly the industry, the energy and tho enterprise
of our country ; 1 desire to see arts and in
dustries, intelligence and culture represented
here; and the couutry surrounding us bloom
ing under the hand of the free laborer. Above
all, I desiie to see labor respected, so that for
eigners may see here somewhat of what makes
our national greatness; so that my own con
stituents may feel themselves at heme ia thir
national capital. Near this city is one of the
most striking illustrations ot what slavery
does fur a community. Hardly a cannon shot
from this very spot is one of the most mag
nificent water powerson the continent. From
that point a canal is already constructed, af
fording means of transportation to navigable
waters with a depth of fourteen or fifteen feet.
At this poiut is concentrated a power great
er than drives the wheels of all tho cotton
mills of New England. Why is it that capi
tal has shunned this magnificent power, with
the facilities for transportation, aud has bo lit
up the great seats of manufacturing Industry
in regions destitute of the advantages here
found? Why is it that the fertile regions of
the Potomac, the Shenandoah and the James,
instead of the regions, barren and comparative
ly difficult of access, of the Merriuiac, bave
not attracted capital aud industry?
I was forcibly impressed, sir, a few weeks
a by a remark made by the venerable gen
tleman lrom Maryland, Mr. Thomas, in re
gard to bis connection with slavery. He satd
that his father and grandfather were slavehol
ders; that he had never been willingly the
owner of a single slave, but bad liberated elev
en human beings. This was said in no spirit
of boasting, and yet it was with a heart over
flowing with honest pride that be announced
the fact; I doubt not that the heart of every man
in the House responded to this feeling. I con
less I felt grieved and disappointed when a
litte later I saw that gentleman, by his vote
against the resolution providing for concur
rent emancipation-recommended by the Pres
ident, and afterwards by his vote against eman
cipation in this District, do all in bis power,
in his legislative capacity, to prevent others
from experiencing the same satisfaction.
In what I bave said, Mr. Speaker, I have
not attempted the discussion ot legal, consti
tutional questions connected with the meas
ure ot confiscation. I leave that to others
who are better qualified for it. 1 have aimed
to present some general considerations in ita
favor, and to remove some general objections,
more especially those entertained by gentle
men from the border States, which I believe
stand more in the way of such a measure than
strictly legal objections. I have alluded to
the good faith always observed by the North
towards those interested in the institution of
slavery ; to the sincere desire always evinced
in her political action to arrive at a peaceful
solution of all difficulties; to the provoked
and atrocious character of the rebellion ; and
to the jealous regard shown by the national
Legislature, and by the Executive, for all con
stitutional obligations towards loyal slave
holders. I have referred to the magnanimocs
tender, on the part ol the Executive and of
Congress, of compensation to all loyal slave
holders, a tender made while every industrial
interest of the North is prostrate, and while
her people are staggering uuder the burdens
which they are bearing. I bave endeavored
to show that the real, the permanent interests
of the border slave States aie identical, in
seperable indeed, from those of the free States.
And now, I appeal to the gentlemen who
represent those States on the floor of the '
House, if it is not time to give up the preju- '
dices of the past, and to look to the great
facta of the present, and calculate their prob
able influence upon the future. In times cf
revolution events come thick and fast, and
wait not npon measures of timid policy. If
this struggle goes on and to me it seems cot
doubtfnl that It will no sane man can doubt
what will be the result, so far as the Institu
tion of slavery is concerned. The .North has
acted magnanimously ; but it cannot be sup
posed that she will postpone to slavery the
question of self-preservation. In all kindness
I say to gentlemen from the border States
that what we stand ready to do to-day the e
vents of to-morrow may put beyond the
bounds of possibility.
The Catholic Herald and Visitor furnishes
the following list of American Catholic Bish
ops, who bave left for Rome to be In atten
dance at the Convocation ; Most Rev. Dr.
Hughes, New York; Most Rev. Archbishop
Purcell, Cincinnati; Right Rev. Bishop Wood,
of Philadelphia; Bayley, of Newark j Fits
patrlck, of Boston ; O'Connor, of Pittsburgh ;
Timon, of Buffalo; Loughlin, of Brooklyn;
McFarland.or Toronto ; McCloskey.of Albany ;
Baillargeon.of Tioga. Canada; Duggan of Chi
cago j and Rapp-, of Cleveland.
"Impossible is a word only to be found in
the dictionary of fools," said Napoleon. It fa
not intellect that makes a man great, so much
as earnest purpose. The men in all tim-s who
have deeply impressed tbeir character upon
their age have not been so P'uch men of
high Intellectual power, as men ot indomnlta
ble will and unceasing Industry.
Muggins was passing up street one dsy with
a friend, when he observed a poor dog, that
bad been killed lying in the gutter. Muggins
paused, gazed intently at the defunct animsl,
and at last said : "Here Is another shipwreck I"
"Shipwreck 1 where ? "There's a baric that's
lost forever." Hla companion growled and
passed on.
A white glore often eon&eals a dirty band.