V
1
r -' . . i 11 is i1 . n ii if ; : I n i I i r 11
5
BY S. J. ROW.
CLEAEFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1861. :
VOL. 8.-NO. 1-5.
FIEST ANNUAL XESS AO! OF
ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
President of tte United Statet.
Fdlovo-citizen, SeJe ad Ihnse of
jn the midst of unprecedent
a -i!t .; troubles we have cause of great
, yi iod for unusual good health and
Most abundant harvests. Ton will not be sur
prised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies
Of the times, our intercourse wmi loreigu na
tions has been Attended with profound solici
tude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic
affairs. A disloyal portion ot the American
people have, during the whole year, been en
gaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the
Union. A nation which endures factious do
mestic division is exposed todisrespect abroad,
and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or
later, to invoke foreign intervention. Nations
thna tempted to interfere are not always able
to resist the counsels of seeming expediency
jind ungenerous ambition, although measures
adopted undi-r such influences seldom fail to
be unfortunate and injurious to those adopting
them.
The disloyal citizens of the United States
who have ottered the ruin of our country in re
turn for the aid and comfort which they have
wnvoked abroad have received less patronage
and encouragement thau they probably ex-
Iected. If it were just to suppose, as the in
surgents have seemed to assume, that foreign
nations, in this case, discarding all moral, so
cial and treaty obligations would act solely
and selfishly for the most speedy restoration
of commerce, including especially the acqui
sition of cotton, those nations appear as yet
not to have seen their way to their object
more distinctly or clearly thiough tbe destruc
tion than through tbw preservation of the
Union.
If we could dare to believe that foreign na
tions are actuated by no higher principle than
this, I am quite sure a sound argument could
bo made to show them that they can reach
their aim more readily and easliy by aiding to
crush this rebellion, than by giving encour
agement to it. The principal lever relied on
by the insurgents for exciting foreign nations
to hostility against us, as already intimated,
is the embarrassment of commerce. 1 nose
nations, however, not improbably saw from
the first that it was the Union which made as
well our foreign as our domestic commerce.
They oan scarcely have failed to perceive that
the effort for disunion produces the existing
difficulty, and that one strong nation promises
more durable peace and a more extensive
and reliable commerce than can the same na
tion broken into hostile fragments. It is
not my purpose to review our dissentions with
fereign States, becauso whatever might bo
their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of our
country and the stability of our Government
mainly depends not upon theru, but on the
loyaltf , virtue, patriotism and intelligence of
the American people.
The correspondence itself, with the usual
reservations, is herewith submitted. I venture
to hope it will appear that we have practiced
prudence and liberality towards foreign pow
ers, averting causes of irritation, and w ith firru
iei maintaining onr own rights and honor.
Kinoe, however, it is apparent that here, as in
evy other State, foreign dangers necessarily
attend domestic difficulties. I recommend
that adequate and ample measures bo adopted
for maintaining the public defenses on every
side. While under the general recommenda
tion provision for defending our seacoast lino
occur to the mind, I also in the same connec
tion, ask the attention of Congress to our great
kikes and rivers. It is believed that some for
tifications and depots of arms and munitions,
with harbor and navigation improvements, all
at well selected points upon these, would bo
vf great importance to the national defence
and preservation.
I ask attention to the view of the Secretary
of War, expressed in hia report upon the same
general subject. I deem it of importance that
the loyal regions of East Tennessce,and West
ern North Carolina shall be connected with
Kentucky, and other faithful parts of the
Union by railroad. I therefore recommend,
as a military measure, that Congress provide
torthe construction of such a road as speedily
as possible. Kentucky, no doubt, will co-op-mte
and through her legislature, make the
most judicious selection of a line. The north
ern terminus must connect with some existing
railroad, and whether the route shall be from
Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumber
land Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee
line, in the direction of Knoxvlllc, or on some
"Jill different line, can easily be determined.
Kentucky and the general government co-op-crating,
the work can be completed in a very
short time, and when done it will be not only
of vast present Usefulness, but also a valuable
permanent improvement, worth its cost in all
the future.
Some treaties, designed chiefly for the in
terests of commerce, and having no grave po
litical importance, have been negotiated and
will be submitted to the Senate for their con
sideration. Although we have failed to in
duce some of the commercial powers to adopt
desirable meliorations of the rigor of mari
time war, we have removed all obstructions
from the way of this humane reform, except
uch as are merely of temporary and acciden
tal occurrence.
I invite your attention to the correspon
dence between Her Britanic Majesty's Minis
ter, accredited to tbis Government, and the
Secretary of State, relative to the detention of
Je British ship Perthshire, in June last, by
";e United States steamer Massachusetts, far
upposed breach of the blockade. As this
"cteMion was occasioned by an obvious mis
Pprehonsion of the facts, and as justice re
tires that we should commit no bclligerant
ct not founded in strict right, as sanctioned by
Public law, I recommend that an appropria
tion be made to satisfy the reasonable demands
or the owners of the vessel, for her detention.
I repeat the recommendation of my prede
cessor in bis annual message to Congress in
jjeeembcr last, in regard to the disposition of
" surplus which will probably remain after
I'tisfjing the claims of American citizens
Jainst China, pursuant to the awards of the
commissioners under the act of the 3d of
cb, 1859. If, however, it should not be
eetued advisable to carry that recommenda
"n into effoct, I would suggest that authority
J given for investing the principal over the
Proceeds of the surplus referred to, in good
CUrities. with a tn tha sntisf mlinn nf
'"ch other just claims of our citizens against
ed
Qa as are nqt unlikely to arise hereafter fa
the course of our extensive trade with that
Empire.
By the act of the Gth of August last, Con
gress authorized the President to instruct the
commanders of suitable vessels to defend
themselves against and' to capture pirates
This authority has been exercised in a single
instance only. For the more effectual protec
tion of our extensive and valuable commerce,
in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me
mat it would also be advisable to authorize
the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture
any prizes which pirates may make of United
States vessels and their cargoes, and the Con
sular Courts now established by law in Eastern
countries to adjudicate the cases in event that
this should not be objected to by the local au
thorities. If any good reason exists why we should
persevere longer in withholding our recognition
of the independence and sovereignty of Hay ti
and Liberia, I am unable to discern it un
willing, however, to inaugurate a novel policy
in regard to them without the approbation of
Congress.
I submit, for your consideratisn, the expe
diency ot an appropriation for maintaining a
Charge-de-alfairs near each of those new States.
It does not admit of doubt that important com
niercial advantages might bo secured by favor
able treaties with them.
The operations of the Treasury during tho
period which has elapsed since your adjourn
ment, have been conducted with signal suc
cess. The patriotism ;f the people has placed
at tha disposal of the Government the large
means demaaded by the public exigencies.
Much of the National Loan has been taken by
citizens of tho industrial classes, whose confi
dence in their country's faith and zeal for
their country's deliverance from present peril
have induced them to contribute to the sup
port of the Government the whole of their
r limited acquisitions. This fact imposes pe
culiar obligations to economy in disburse
ments and energy In action.
The revenue from all sources, including
loans for the financial year, ending on the 30th
of June, 18G1, was $8G,835,900 27, and the ex
penditures for the same period including pay
ments on account of the public debt, were
$84,578,834 47, leaving a balance in the Treas
ury on the 1st of July, of $2,257,06-5 80. For
the first quarter of tbe financial year ending
on the 30th of September, 18G1, the receipts
from all sourses including the balance of tbe
1st of July, were $102,532,509 27, and the ex
penses $98,239,733 09 leaving a balance on
the 1st of October, 1861, of $1,29,776 18.
Estimates for the remaining three-quarters
of the year and for tho financial year of 18G3,
together with his view of ways and means for
meeting the demands contemplated by them,
will be submitted to Congress by tho Secratary
of the Treasury.
It is gratifying to know that the expendi
tures made necessary by the rebellion are not
beyond the resources of the loyal people, and
to believe that the same patriotism which has
thus far sustained the Government will continue
to sustain it till peace and union shall again
bless the land.
I respectfully refer to the report of tho
Secretary of War for information respecting
the numerical strength of the arm', and far
recommendations having in view an increase
of its efficiency and the well being of tho
various branches of tho service entrusted to
his care. It is gratilying- to know that the
patriotism of the people have proved equal to
the occasion, and that the number of troops
tendered greatly exceeds tho force which
Congress authorized me to call into the field.
I refer with pleasure to those portions of
his report which make allusion to the credita
ble degree of discipline already attained by
our troops, and to the excellent sanitary con
dition of the entire army.
The recommendation of the Secretary for
an organization of the militia upon a uniform
basis, is a subject of vital importance to the
future safety of the country, and is commen
ded to the serious attention of Congress.
The large addition to the regular army, in
connection with the defection that has so
considerably diminished tho number of its
officers gives peculiar importance to his recom
mendation for increasing tho corps of Cadets
to the greatest capacity of tho M ilitaryAcademy
By mere omission, I presume. Congress has
failed to provide Chaplains,for Hospitals occu
pied by v olunteers. 1 his subject was brought
to my notice and I was induced to draw up
the form of a letter, one copy of which proper
ly addressed, has been delivered to each of
the persons, and at the dates, respectively
named and stated in a schedule containing
also the form of the letter, marked A. and
herewith transmitted.
These gentlemen I understand entered up
on the duties designated at tho times respec
tively stated on the schedule and have labored
faithinlly therein ever since. I therefore re
commeftd that they bo compensated at the
same rate as chaplains in the army. I would
also here further suggest that general provision
be made for chaplains to serve at the hospitals
as well as with regiments. The report of the
Secretary of the Navy, presents in detail the
operations of that branch ot the service. J.ne
activity and energy which have characterized
its administration, and trio results ot
measures to increase its efficiency and power.
Such have been tho additions by construction
and purchase, that it may almost be said a
Navy has been created and brought into service
since our difficulties commenced. Besides
blockading our extensive coast. Squadrons
lareer than ever before assembled under our
flag, have been put afloat and performed deeds
which have increased our Naval renown.
I would invite special attention. to the re
commendation of the Secretary for a more
perfect organization ot the Navy by introdu
cing additional grades in the service. The
present organization is detective ana unsatis
factory and the suggestions submitted by the
department will, it is believed, if adopted ob
viate the difficulties auuaea to, promote uar
mony, and increase the efficiency of the Navy.
There are three vacaucies on ine pencn ot
the Supreme Court, two by the decease of
Justices Daniel and McLean, and one by tbe
resignation or Justice Campbell. I have so
far forborne making nominations to fill these
vacancies for reasons which I will now state.
Two of th out-going Judges resided within
tho States now overrun by revolt, so that if
their successors were appointed in tbe same
localities thoy could not now serve upon tbeir
circuit, and many of the most competent men
there, probably, would not take the personal
hazard of accepting to serve even here, upon
the Supreme Bench.
I have been unwilling to throw all the an
pointments Northward, thus disabling myself
irom aomg justice to the South, on the re
turn of peace ; although, I may remark that
to transfer to the North one which has hereto
fore been in the South, would not, with refer
ence to territory and population, be uniust.
During the long and brilliant judicial career
oi juage juctean, Ins circuit grow into an
empire altogether too largo for any one Judge
to give the Courts therein more than a nomi
nal attendance rising in population from 1,-
in 1830, to 6,151,405 in 18G0. Be
sides this, the country generally has outgrown
our present judicial system. .If uniformity
was at all intended, the system requires that
ail the states shall be accommodated with
Circuit Courts attended by Supreme Judges,
while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota,' Iowa,
Kansas,FIorida, Texas, California and Oregon
have never had any such Courts. JN or can
this well be remedied without a change of the
system, because the adding of Judges to the
Supreme Court enough for the accommoda
tion of all parts of the country with Circuit
Courts, would create a Court altogether too
numerous for a judicial body of any sort.
And the evil, if it be one, will increase as
new States come into the Union. Circuit
Courts are useful or they are not useful. If
they are useful, no State should be denied
them. If not useful, no State should have
them. Let rhem be provided for all or abolish
ed to all. Three modifications occur to me,
either of which, I think, would be an improve
ment upon our present system.
Let the Supreme Court bo of convenient
number in every event. Then first, 1st the
whole country be divided into circuits of
convenient size the Supreme Judges to serve
in a number of them corresponding to their
own nnmbor, and independent Circuit Judges
be provided for all the rest. Or, secondly,
let the Supreme Judges be relieved from
Circuit duties, and Circuit Judges provided
for all the Circuits ; or thirdly, dispense with
the Circuit Courts altogether, leaving the
judicial functions wholly to the District Court
and an independent Supreme Court.
I respectfully recommend to the considera
tion of Congress the present condition of the
statute laws, with the hope that Congress will
be able to find an easy remedy for many of the
inconveniences and evils which constantly em
barrass those engaged in the practical adminis
tration of them. Since the organization of
the government Congress has enacted some
five thousand acts and joint resolutions, which
fill more than six thousand closely printed
pages, and are scattered through many vol
ums. Many of these acts have beed drawn in
haste and without sufficient caution, so that
their provisions are often obscure in them
selves, oi in conflict with each other or, at
lea9t so doubtful as to render it very difficult
for even the best informed person to ascertain
precisely what the statute law really is.
It seems to me very important that the
statute laws should bo made as plain and in
telligible as possible, and be reduced to as
small a compass as may consist with the full
ness and precision of the will of tho Legisla
ture and the perspicuitv of its language. This,
well done, would, I think, greatly facilitate
tbe labors of those whose duty it is to assist
in the administration of the laws, and would
be a lasting benefit to the people by placing
before them in a more accessible an intelligi
ble form the laws which so deeply concern
their interests and their duties. I am inform
ed by some, whose opinions I respect, that
all the acts of Congress, now in force, and of a
permanent and general nature might be re
vised and re-written so as to bo embraced in
one volume, or at most in two volumes of or
dinary and commercial size, and I respect
fully recommend .to Congress to consider
the subject, and if my suegesiion bo approv
ed, to devise such a plan as their wisdom shall
seem most proper for the attainment of the
end proposed.
One of the unavoidable consequences of the
present insurrection is the entire suppression
in many places, of all the ordinary means of
administering civil justice by tho officers In
the form of existing law. This is tho case in
whole or in parts in all the insurgent States,
and as our armies advance upon and tako pos
session of parts of those States, the practical
evil becomes more apparent. There are noi
courts, nor officers to whom the citizens of tho
States may apply for the enforcement of their
lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent
States, and there is a vast amount of debt
constituting such claims, some have estimated
It as high, as $200,000,000 duo in large part
from insurgents in open rebellion to loyal cit
izens who are even now makin? great sacrifi
ces in the discharge of their patriotic duty to
support the Government. Under these cir
cumstances I was urgently solicited to estab
lish, by military power, courts to administer
summary justice in such cases. I have thus
far declined to do it, not became I had any
doubt that the end proposed the collection of
the debts, was just and right in itself, but be
cause I have been unwilling to go beyond the
pressure of necessity in the uuusual exercise
of power.
But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are
equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore
I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the
hope that a plan may bo devised for the ad
ministration of justice in all such parts of the
insurgent States and Territories as may be
under the control of this Government wheth
er, by a voluntary return to allegiance and or
der, or by tho power of our arms.
This, however, not to be a permanent in
stitution but a temporary substitute, and to
cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be
re-established in peace. It is important that
some more couvenients means should be pro
vided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims
against the Government, especially in view of
their increased number, by reason of the War.
It is as much the duty ot Government to ren
der prompt justice against itself, in favor of
citizens as it to administer the same be
tween private individuals. The investigation
and adjudication of claims in their nature be
longing to tho judicial department. Besides,
it is apparent that tbe attention of Congress
will bo mora than usually engaged, for some
time to come, with great national questions.
It was intended by the organization of tho
Court of Claims mainly to remove this branch
of business from the halls of Congress, but
while the court has proved to be an effective
and valuable means of investigation, it in a
great degree fails to effect the object of its
creation for the want of power to make its
judgments final. Fully aware of the delicacy,
not to say danger of the subject, f commend
to your careful consideration whether this
power of making judgments final may' not
properly be given to tho court, reserving the
right of appeal on questions of law to the
Supreme Court, with such other provisions as
experience may nave shown to be necessary.
I ask attention to tho report of the Post
master General, the following being a sum
mary statement of the condition of tho Do
partment. The revenue from all sources du
ring tho fiscal year endinz June 30. 1861. in
eluding the annual permanent appropriation
of $700,000 for the transportation of free mail
matter, was $9,049,296 40 being almost two
per cent less than the revenue for 1860. Tho
expenditures were thirteen millions six hun
dred and six thousand seven hundred and
fifty-nine dollars and eleven cents ; showing a
decrease of more than eight per cent as com
pared with those of the previous year, and
leaving an excess of expenditures over the
revenue for the last fiscal year of $4,557,462
ii. i he gross revenue for year ending June
30, 18G3, is estimated at an increase of four
percent on that of 1861, making $8,083,000,
to which should be added the earnings of the
Department in carrying free matter, viz :
$700,000 making $9,383,000.
The total expenditures for 18G3 arc estimat
ed at $12,528,000, leaving an estimated defl
ciency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the
lreasury, in addition to the permanent appro
priation. The present insurrection shows, I think,
that the extension of tbis District across the
Potomac river, at the time of establishing the
Capital here, was eminently wise ; and conse
quently, that the relinquishment ot that por
tion ot it which lies within the State ot Vir
ginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit
for your consideration the expediency of re
gaining that part of the District, and the re
storation of tbe original boundaries thereof,
through negotiation with the State of Virginia.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior,
with the accompanying documents, exhibits
the condition of the several branches of the
public business pertaining to that Department.
The depressing influences of the insurrection
have been especially felt in the operations of
the patent and general land offices.
The cash receipts from the public lands du
ring the past year have exceeded the expense)
of our land system only about $200,000.
The sales have been entirely suspended in tbe
Southern States, while the interruptions to
the business of the country, and the diversion
of large numbers of men from labor to mili
tary service, have obstrccted settlements in the
new States and Territories of the Northwest.
The receipts of the Patent Office have de
clined in nine months about $100,000 render
ing a large deduction ot the force empioved
necessary to make it self-sustaining.
lhe demands upon the Pension Office will
be largely increased by the insurrection.
Numerous applications for pensions, based
upon the causualties ot the -existing war,
have already been made. There is reason to
believe that many who are now upon the pen
sion rolls, and in receipt of the bounty of tho
Government, are in tbe ranks of the insurgent
army, or giving them aid and comfort. The
Secretary of tho Interior has directed a sus
pension of the payment of the pensions of
such persons upon proof of their disloyalty. .
1, recommend that Congress authorize that
officer' to cause the names of such persons to be
stricken from the pension roll.
The relations of the Government with the
Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by
by the insurrection, especially in tho South
ern Superintendency, and in that of New
Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas
is in possession of insurgents from Texas
and Arkansas. The agents of the United
States Government appointed since the 4th of
March for this superintendency, have been
unable to reach their posts, while the most of
those who were in the officebefore that time,
have espoused the insurrectionary cause
and assume to exercise the powers of agents
by virtue of commissions from tho insurrec
tionists. It has been stated in tho public press that a
portion of these Indians have been organized
as a military force and are attached to the
army of the insurgents. Although the Gov
ernment has no official information upon this
subject, letters have been written to the Com
missioner of Indian Aflairs by several promi
nent chiefs, giving assurance of their loyalty
to the United States, and expressing a wish
lor the presence of Federal troops to protect
them.
It is believed that upon the repossession of
the country by the Federal forces, the Indians
will readily cease all hostile demonstrations,
and resume their former relations to the Gov
ernment. Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest
of the nation, has not a department nor a
bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it
in the Government. - While it is fortunate
that this great interest is so independent in
its nature as not to have demanded and extorted
more from the Government, I respectfully ask
Congress to consider whether something more
cannot be given voluntarily with general ad
vantage. Annual reports, exhibiting tbe condition of
our agriculture, commerce and manufactures,
would present a fund of information of great
practical value to the country. While I make
no suggestion as to details, I venture the
opinion that an agricultural and statistical bu
reau might profitably be organized.
The execution of tbe laws for the suppression
of the African slave trade bis been confided
to the department of the Interior. It is a
subject of congratulation that the efforts which
have been made for the suppression of this in
human traffic have been recently attended
with unusual success.
Five vessels being fitted out for the slave
trade have been seized and condemned. Two
mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one
person engaged in equipping a slaver have
been comvioted, and subjected to the penalty
of fine and imprisonment ; and one captain,
taken with a cargo of Africans on board his
vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade
of offence under our laws, the punishment of
which is death.
The Territories of Colorado. Dakotah, and
Nevada, created by the last Congress, have
been organized, and civil administration has
been inaugurated therein under auspices
especially , gratifying, when it is considered
that the leaven of treason was found existing
in some of these new countries when the
Federal officers arrived there. 7 The abundant
natural resources of these territories, with
the security , and protection afforded by an
organized Government, will doubtless invite
to them a large immigration when peace shall
restore the business ot the country to its
accustomed channels. I submit tho resolu
tions of the Legislature of Colorado, which
evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of
me territory.
So far the authority of the United States
has been upheld in all the Territories, as it is
hoped it will be in the future. I commend
their interests and defence to tho enlightened
and generous care of Cofgress.
I recommend to the favorable consideration
of Congress the interests of tbe District of
Columbia. " The insurrection has been tho
cause of much suffering and sacrifice to its
inhabitants, and as they have no liepresenta
tive in Congress,that body should not overlook
their just claims upon the Government.
At your late session, a joint resolution was
adopted, authorizing the President to take
measures for facilitating a proper representa
tion ot the Industrial interests of the United
States at the Exhibition of the Industry of all
Nations, to bo holden at London in the year
1862.
I regret to say, I have been unable to give
personal attention to this subject a subject
at once so interesting in itself, and so exten
sively and intimately connected with the ma
terial prosperity of the world. Through he
Secretaries of State and of the Interior, a
plan or system has been devised and partly
matured, and which will Ims laid before you.
Under and by virtue of tho Act of Congress,
entitled "An Act to Confiscate Property used
for Insurrectionary Purposes,' approved
August Gth, 1861, the legal claims of certain
persons to the labor and service of certain
other persons have become forfeited, and
numbers of the latter thus liberated, are already
dependent on the United States, and must be
provided for in some way. Besides this, it is
not impossible that some of the States will
pass similar enactments for their own benefit
respectively, and by operation of which per
sons of the same class will be thrown upon
them for disposal.
In such case I recommend that Congress
provide tor accepting such persons from such
States according to some mode of valuation
in lieu pro banto of direct taxes, or upon some
other plan to be agreed upon with such States
respectively, that such persons on such accep
tances by the General Government bo at once
deemed free, and that in any event steps be
taken for colonizing both classes (or the one
"first mentioned if the other shall not be
brought into existence,) at some place or
places in a climate congenial to them. It
might be well to consider too, whether fhe
free colored people already in the United
States, could not, so far as individuals may
desire, bo included in such colonization.
To carry out the plan of colonization may
involve the acquiring of territory and also the
appropriation of money beyond that to be ex
pended in the territorial acquisition. Having
practised the acquisition of territory for near
ly sixty years, the question of the Constitu
tional power to do so is no longer an open
one with us. The power was questioned at
first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the
purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on
tne pica of great expediency.
It it be said that the only legitimate object
of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for
white men, this measure effects that object,
for emigration of colored men leaves addition
al room for white men, remaining or coming
here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the im
portance of procuring Louisiana more on po
litical and commercial grounds, than on pro
viding room for population.
On this whole proposition, Including the
appropriation of moneys with the acquisition
ot territor7, does not the expdietcy amount
absolute necessity that without which the Gov
ernment itself canuot be perpetuated if the
war continues.
In considering the policy to be adapted for
suppressing the insurrection, I have been anx
ious and careful that the inevitable conflict
for tbis purpose shall not degenerate into a
violent and remorseless revolutionary strug
gle.. I have therefore, in every case thought
it proper to keep the integrity of the Union
prominent as the primary object of the con
test on our part, leaving all questions which
are not of vital military importance, to tbe
more deliberate action ot tbe legislature.
In the exercise of m best discretion I havo
adhered to the blockade of the ports held by
the insurgeants, instead of putting in force by
proclamation the law of Congress enacted at
the late session for closing these ports. So
a!so,obeying the dictates of prudence as well as
the obligations of law, instead of transcending
I have adhered to the act of Congress to con
fiscate property used for insurrectionary pur
poses. If a new law upon the same subject
shall be proposed, its prosperity will be duly
considered.
The Union must be preserved, and hence
all indispensable means must be employed.
Y e shall not be in baste to determine that
radical and . extreme measures, which may
reach the loyal as well us disloyal, are indis
pensable. The Inaugural address at the beginning of
the Administration and tbe message to Con
gress at the late special session, were both
mainly devoted to the domestic controversy
out of which the insurrection and consequent
war have sprung.
Nothing more occurs to add to or substract
from the principles or general purposes
stated aud expressed in those document. The
last ray of hope for preserving the Union,
peaceably, expired at the assault upon Fort
Sumter, and a general review of what has oc
cured since may not be unprofitable.,
What was painfully uncertain then, is much
better defined and more distinct now, and the
progress of events is plainly in the right di
rection. The insurgents confidently claimed
a strong support from North of Mason and
Dixon's line, and the freinds of the Union
were not free from apprehension on that point.
This, however, was soon settled definitely and
on the right side.
South of the line, noble little Delaware led
off right from tbe first. Maryland was made
to seem against tbe Union. Our soldiers
were assaulted, bridges were burned, and
railroads torn up within her limits, and we
were many days, at ono time, without the a
bility to bring a single regiment over ber soil
to the Capital.
Now ber bridges and railroads are. repaired
and open to the Govesnment. She already
gives seven regiments to the cause of the
Union, and none to the enemy, and her peo
ple at a regular election have sustained the
Union by a larger majority, and a larger ag
gregate vote than they ever before gave to
any candidate on any question.
Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is
now decidedly, and, I think, unchangeably,
ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri
is comparitlvely quiet, and 1 bclievo cannot
again bo overrun, by the insurrectionists.
These three States ot Maryland, Kentucky
and Missouri, neither of which would promise
a single soldier at first, havo now an aggre
gate of not less than forty thousand iu tbe
field for the Union ; while of their citizens,
certainly not more than a third ot that number,
and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubt
ful existence, are in arms against it. After a
somewhat bloody struggle of months.'winter
closes on the Union people of Western Vir
ginia, leaving them masters of their owo
country.
An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred,
for months dominating the narrow peninsular
region of the counties of Accomac and
Northampton, and known as . the Eastern
Shore ot Virginia, together with some con
tiguous parts of Maryland, havo laid dwn
their arms, and the people there have renewed
their allegiance to and accepted the protec
tion of the old flag. This leaves no armed in
surrection north of tho Potomac nor east of tha
Chesapeake.
Also, we have obtained a tooting at each of
the isolated points on the southern coast of
llatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Sa
vannah, and Ship Island; and we likewiso
have some general accounts of popular move
ments in behalf of the Union in North Carolina
and Tennessee. These things demonstrate
that the cause of the Uniou is advancing
steadily southward.
Since your last adjournment. Lieutenant-'
General Scott has retired from the bead of
the army. During his long life the nation has
not been unmindful of his merit,yet,on calling"
to mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly ho
bas served his country for a time far back In
our history, when few of the now living had
oeen born, and tbenceforward continually. I
cannot but think we are still debtors. I sub
mit, therefore, for your consideration, what
lunner mark of recognition is due to h:m and
to ourselves as a grateful people.
With the retirement of General Scott came
the Executive duty of appointing in his stead
a General-in-Chief of the Army. It was a
fortunate circumstance that neither in council :
or country was there, so far as I know, any dif
ference of opinion as to the proper person to
be selected. The retiring Chief repeatedly
expressed his judgment in favor of General
McCIellan for the position, and in this tho
nation seemed to give a unanimona concur
rence. The designation of Gen. McCIellan is,
therefore, in a considerable degree, the selec
tion of the country as well as of the Executive,
and hence there is better reason to hope that
there will be given him the confidence and
cordial support thus, by fair implication,
promised, and without which bo cannot, with
so full efficiency, servo the country. It has
been said that one bad general is better than
two good ones, and the saying is true, if taken
to mean no more than that an army is better
directed by a single mind, though inferior,
than by two superior ones at variance and
cross purposes with each other. And the
same is true in all joint operations, wherein
thoso engaged can have none but a common
end in view, and can differ only as to the
choice of means.
In a storm at sea, no one can wish the ship
to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down
together, because too many will direct, and no
single mind can be allowed to control.
It continues to develop that the insurrection
is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon tho
first principles of popular government the
rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of
this is found in the most grave and maturely
considered publfc documents, as well as in
the general tone of the insurgents.
In these documents we find the abrigdment
of the existing right of suffrage, and the de
nial of the people of all right to participate
in the selection of public officers, except tho
Legislature, boldly advocated, with labored
arguments, to prove that large control of the
people in Government is tho source of all po
litical trouble.
Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a '
possible refuge from the power of tho people.
In my present position I could scarcely bo
justified were I to omit raising a warning voice
against this approach of returning despotism.
It is not needed nor fitting here that a
general argument should be made in favor of
liberal institutions.
But there is one point with its connections,
not so hackneyed as most others, to which I
ask a brief attention. It is the effort to placo
capital on an equal footing with, if not above,
labor, in the structure of the Government.
It is assumed that labor is available only in
connection with capital ; that nobody labors '
unless somebody elso, owning capital, some
how by the use of it, induces him to labor.
This assumed, it is next considered whether
it best that the capital shall hire laborers, and
thus induce them to wortc by tbeir own con
sent, or buy tbem and drivo them to it with- '
out their consent.
Having proceeded so, far, it is naturally con
cludcd that all laborers are either hired labor
ers or what we call slaves. And further.it is as-
8umed, that whoever is once a hired laborer,
is fixed in that condition for life. Now thero
is no such relation between capital aud labor,
as assumed, nor is there any such thing as a
free man being fixed tor life in the condition
of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions
are false, and all inferences from them arn
groundless. Labor is prior to and independ
ent of capital. . , .
Capital is only tho fruit of labor, and could
never have existed if labor had not first exist
ed. Labor is the superior of capital, and de
serves much tbe higher consideration. Capi
tal has its own rights, which are as worthy of
protection as any other rights. Nor ia it de
nied that there is, and probably always will be
relation between labor and capital, producing
mutual benefits. The error is in assuming
that the whole labor of the community exists
within that relation.
A few men own capital, and that few avoid
labor, or buy another few to labor for tbem. A
large majority belong to neither class, neither
work for others nor have others working for
tbem. ;
In most of the Southern States a majority of
the whole people, of all colors, are neither
slaves nor re asters, while in the Northern,
large majority aro neither hirers nor Nred.
COSCLCDED OH TOCRTH
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