V 1 r -' . . i 11 is i1 . n ii if ; : I n i I i r 11 5 BY S. J. ROW. CLEAEFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1861. : VOL. 8.-NO. 1-5. FIEST ANNUAL XESS AO! OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of tte United Statet. Fdlovo-citizen, SeJe ad Ihnse of jn the midst of unprecedent a -i!t .; troubles we have cause of great , yi iod for unusual good health and Most abundant harvests. Ton will not be sur prised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies Of the times, our intercourse wmi loreigu na tions has been Attended with profound solici tude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. A disloyal portion ot the American people have, during the whole year, been en gaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation which endures factious do mestic division is exposed todisrespect abroad, and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke foreign intervention. Nations thna tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency jind ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted undi-r such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those adopting them. The disloyal citizens of the United States who have ottered the ruin of our country in re turn for the aid and comfort which they have wnvoked abroad have received less patronage and encouragement thau they probably ex- Iected. If it were just to suppose, as the in surgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations, in this case, discarding all moral, so cial and treaty obligations would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the acqui sition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object more distinctly or clearly thiough tbe destruc tion than through tbw preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign na tions are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound argument could bo made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily and easliy by aiding to crush this rebellion, than by giving encour agement to it. The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the embarrassment of commerce. 1 nose nations, however, not improbably saw from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as our domestic commerce. They oan scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong nation promises more durable peace and a more extensive and reliable commerce than can the same na tion broken into hostile fragments. It is not my purpose to review our dissentions with fereign States, becauso whatever might bo their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of our country and the stability of our Government mainly depends not upon theru, but on the loyaltf , virtue, patriotism and intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, is herewith submitted. I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and liberality towards foreign pow ers, averting causes of irritation, and w ith firru iei maintaining onr own rights and honor. Kinoe, however, it is apparent that here, as in evy other State, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties. I recommend that adequate and ample measures bo adopted for maintaining the public defenses on every side. While under the general recommenda tion provision for defending our seacoast lino occur to the mind, I also in the same connec tion, ask the attention of Congress to our great kikes and rivers. It is believed that some for tifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well selected points upon these, would bo vf great importance to the national defence and preservation. I ask attention to the view of the Secretary of War, expressed in hia report upon the same general subject. I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of East Tennessce,and West ern North Carolina shall be connected with Kentucky, and other faithful parts of the Union by railroad. I therefore recommend, as a military measure, that Congress provide torthe construction of such a road as speedily as possible. Kentucky, no doubt, will co-op-mte and through her legislature, make the most judicious selection of a line. The north ern terminus must connect with some existing railroad, and whether the route shall be from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumber land Gap, or from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxvlllc, or on some "Jill different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the general government co-op-crating, the work can be completed in a very short time, and when done it will be not only of vast present Usefulness, but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future. Some treaties, designed chiefly for the in terests of commerce, and having no grave po litical importance, have been negotiated and will be submitted to the Senate for their con sideration. Although we have failed to in duce some of the commercial powers to adopt desirable meliorations of the rigor of mari time war, we have removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform, except uch as are merely of temporary and acciden tal occurrence. I invite your attention to the correspon dence between Her Britanic Majesty's Minis ter, accredited to tbis Government, and the Secretary of State, relative to the detention of Je British ship Perthshire, in June last, by ";e United States steamer Massachusetts, far upposed breach of the blockade. As this "cteMion was occasioned by an obvious mis Pprehonsion of the facts, and as justice re tires that we should commit no bclligerant ct not founded in strict right, as sanctioned by Public law, I recommend that an appropria tion be made to satisfy the reasonable demands or the owners of the vessel, for her detention. I repeat the recommendation of my prede cessor in bis annual message to Congress in jjeeembcr last, in regard to the disposition of " surplus which will probably remain after I'tisfjing the claims of American citizens Jainst China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under the act of the 3d of cb, 1859. If, however, it should not be eetued advisable to carry that recommenda "n into effoct, I would suggest that authority J given for investing the principal over the Proceeds of the surplus referred to, in good CUrities. with a tn tha sntisf mlinn nf '"ch other just claims of our citizens against ed Qa as are nqt unlikely to arise hereafter fa the course of our extensive trade with that Empire. By the act of the Gth of August last, Con gress authorized the President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against and' to capture pirates This authority has been exercised in a single instance only. For the more effectual protec tion of our extensive and valuable commerce, in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me mat it would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, and the Con sular Courts now established by law in Eastern countries to adjudicate the cases in event that this should not be objected to by the local au thorities. If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hay ti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it un willing, however, to inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress. I submit, for your consideratisn, the expe diency ot an appropriation for maintaining a Charge-de-alfairs near each of those new States. It does not admit of doubt that important com niercial advantages might bo secured by favor able treaties with them. The operations of the Treasury during tho period which has elapsed since your adjourn ment, have been conducted with signal suc cess. The patriotism ;f the people has placed at tha disposal of the Government the large means demaaded by the public exigencies. Much of the National Loan has been taken by citizens of tho industrial classes, whose confi dence in their country's faith and zeal for their country's deliverance from present peril have induced them to contribute to the sup port of the Government the whole of their r limited acquisitions. This fact imposes pe culiar obligations to economy in disburse ments and energy In action. The revenue from all sources, including loans for the financial year, ending on the 30th of June, 18G1, was $8G,835,900 27, and the ex penditures for the same period including pay ments on account of the public debt, were $84,578,834 47, leaving a balance in the Treas ury on the 1st of July, of $2,257,06-5 80. For the first quarter of tbe financial year ending on the 30th of September, 18G1, the receipts from all sourses including the balance of tbe 1st of July, were $102,532,509 27, and the ex penses $98,239,733 09 leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of $1,29,776 18. Estimates for the remaining three-quarters of the year and for tho financial year of 18G3, together with his view of ways and means for meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by tho Secratary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expendi tures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far sustained the Government will continue to sustain it till peace and union shall again bless the land. I respectfully refer to the report of tho Secretary of War for information respecting the numerical strength of the arm', and far recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well being of tho various branches of tho service entrusted to his care. It is gratilying- to know that the patriotism of the people have proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds tho force which Congress authorized me to call into the field. I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion to the credita ble degree of discipline already attained by our troops, and to the excellent sanitary con dition of the entire army. The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia upon a uniform basis, is a subject of vital importance to the future safety of the country, and is commen ded to the serious attention of Congress. The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection that has so considerably diminished tho number of its officers gives peculiar importance to his recom mendation for increasing tho corps of Cadets to the greatest capacity of tho M ilitaryAcademy By mere omission, I presume. Congress has failed to provide Chaplains,for Hospitals occu pied by v olunteers. 1 his subject was brought to my notice and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which proper ly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the dates, respectively named and stated in a schedule containing also the form of the letter, marked A. and herewith transmitted. These gentlemen I understand entered up on the duties designated at tho times respec tively stated on the schedule and have labored faithinlly therein ever since. I therefore re commeftd that they bo compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army. I would also here further suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at the hospitals as well as with regiments. The report of the Secretary of the Navy, presents in detail the operations of that branch ot the service. J.ne activity and energy which have characterized its administration, and trio results ot measures to increase its efficiency and power. Such have been tho additions by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said a Navy has been created and brought into service since our difficulties commenced. Besides blockading our extensive coast. Squadrons lareer than ever before assembled under our flag, have been put afloat and performed deeds which have increased our Naval renown. I would invite special attention. to the re commendation of the Secretary for a more perfect organization ot the Navy by introdu cing additional grades in the service. The present organization is detective ana unsatis factory and the suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted ob viate the difficulties auuaea to, promote uar mony, and increase the efficiency of the Navy. There are three vacaucies on ine pencn ot the Supreme Court, two by the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean, and one by tbe resignation or Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of th out-going Judges resided within tho States now overrun by revolt, so that if their successors were appointed in tbe same localities thoy could not now serve upon tbeir circuit, and many of the most competent men there, probably, would not take the personal hazard of accepting to serve even here, upon the Supreme Bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the an pointments Northward, thus disabling myself irom aomg justice to the South, on the re turn of peace ; although, I may remark that to transfer to the North one which has hereto fore been in the South, would not, with refer ence to territory and population, be uniust. During the long and brilliant judicial career oi juage juctean, Ins circuit grow into an empire altogether too largo for any one Judge to give the Courts therein more than a nomi nal attendance rising in population from 1,- in 1830, to 6,151,405 in 18G0. Be sides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial system. .If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that ail the states shall be accommodated with Circuit Courts attended by Supreme Judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota,' Iowa, Kansas,FIorida, Texas, California and Oregon have never had any such Courts. JN or can this well be remedied without a change of the system, because the adding of Judges to the Supreme Court enough for the accommoda tion of all parts of the country with Circuit Courts, would create a Court altogether too numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit Courts are useful or they are not useful. If they are useful, no State should be denied them. If not useful, no State should have them. Let rhem be provided for all or abolish ed to all. Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an improve ment upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court bo of convenient number in every event. Then first, 1st the whole country be divided into circuits of convenient size the Supreme Judges to serve in a number of them corresponding to their own nnmbor, and independent Circuit Judges be provided for all the rest. Or, secondly, let the Supreme Judges be relieved from Circuit duties, and Circuit Judges provided for all the Circuits ; or thirdly, dispense with the Circuit Courts altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly to the District Court and an independent Supreme Court. I respectfully recommend to the considera tion of Congress the present condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which constantly em barrass those engaged in the practical adminis tration of them. Since the organization of the government Congress has enacted some five thousand acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than six thousand closely printed pages, and are scattered through many vol ums. Many of these acts have beed drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions are often obscure in them selves, oi in conflict with each other or, at lea9t so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the best informed person to ascertain precisely what the statute law really is. It seems to me very important that the statute laws should bo made as plain and in telligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass as may consist with the full ness and precision of the will of tho Legisla ture and the perspicuitv of its language. This, well done, would, I think, greatly facilitate tbe labors of those whose duty it is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the people by placing before them in a more accessible an intelligi ble form the laws which so deeply concern their interests and their duties. I am inform ed by some, whose opinions I respect, that all the acts of Congress, now in force, and of a permanent and general nature might be re vised and re-written so as to bo embraced in one volume, or at most in two volumes of or dinary and commercial size, and I respect fully recommend .to Congress to consider the subject, and if my suegesiion bo approv ed, to devise such a plan as their wisdom shall seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed. One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the entire suppression in many places, of all the ordinary means of administering civil justice by tho officers In the form of existing law. This is tho case in whole or in parts in all the insurgent States, and as our armies advance upon and tako pos session of parts of those States, the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are noi courts, nor officers to whom the citizens of tho States may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims, some have estimated It as high, as $200,000,000 duo in large part from insurgents in open rebellion to loyal cit izens who are even now makin? great sacrifi ces in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the Government. Under these cir cumstances I was urgently solicited to estab lish, by military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not became I had any doubt that the end proposed the collection of the debts, was just and right in itself, but be cause I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in the uuusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope that a plan may bo devised for the ad ministration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under the control of this Government wheth er, by a voluntary return to allegiance and or der, or by tho power of our arms. This, however, not to be a permanent in stitution but a temporary substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be re-established in peace. It is important that some more couvenients means should be pro vided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the Government, especially in view of their increased number, by reason of the War. It is as much the duty ot Government to ren der prompt justice against itself, in favor of citizens as it to administer the same be tween private individuals. The investigation and adjudication of claims in their nature be longing to tho judicial department. Besides, it is apparent that tbe attention of Congress will bo mora than usually engaged, for some time to come, with great national questions. It was intended by the organization of tho Court of Claims mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of Congress, but while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable means of investigation, it in a great degree fails to effect the object of its creation for the want of power to make its judgments final. Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say danger of the subject, f commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making judgments final may' not properly be given to tho court, reserving the right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other provisions as experience may nave shown to be necessary. I ask attention to tho report of the Post master General, the following being a sum mary statement of the condition of tho Do partment. The revenue from all sources du ring tho fiscal year endinz June 30. 1861. in eluding the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the transportation of free mail matter, was $9,049,296 40 being almost two per cent less than the revenue for 1860. Tho expenditures were thirteen millions six hun dred and six thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine dollars and eleven cents ; showing a decrease of more than eight per cent as com pared with those of the previous year, and leaving an excess of expenditures over the revenue for the last fiscal year of $4,557,462 ii. i he gross revenue for year ending June 30, 18G3, is estimated at an increase of four percent on that of 1861, making $8,083,000, to which should be added the earnings of the Department in carrying free matter, viz : $700,000 making $9,383,000. The total expenditures for 18G3 arc estimat ed at $12,528,000, leaving an estimated defl ciency of $3,145,000 to be supplied from the lreasury, in addition to the permanent appro priation. The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of tbis District across the Potomac river, at the time of establishing the Capital here, was eminently wise ; and conse quently, that the relinquishment ot that por tion ot it which lies within the State ot Vir ginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of re gaining that part of the District, and the re storation of tbe original boundaries thereof, through negotiation with the State of Virginia. The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public business pertaining to that Department. The depressing influences of the insurrection have been especially felt in the operations of the patent and general land offices. The cash receipts from the public lands du ring the past year have exceeded the expense) of our land system only about $200,000. The sales have been entirely suspended in tbe Southern States, while the interruptions to the business of the country, and the diversion of large numbers of men from labor to mili tary service, have obstrccted settlements in the new States and Territories of the Northwest. The receipts of the Patent Office have de clined in nine months about $100,000 render ing a large deduction ot the force empioved necessary to make it self-sustaining. lhe demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the causualties ot the -existing war, have already been made. There is reason to believe that many who are now upon the pen sion rolls, and in receipt of the bounty of tho Government, are in tbe ranks of the insurgent army, or giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of tho Interior has directed a sus pension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of their disloyalty. . 1, recommend that Congress authorize that officer' to cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension roll. The relations of the Government with the Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by by the insurrection, especially in tho South ern Superintendency, and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents of the United States Government appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency, have been unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in the officebefore that time, have espoused the insurrectionary cause and assume to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from tho insurrec tionists. It has been stated in tho public press that a portion of these Indians have been organized as a military force and are attached to the army of the insurgents. Although the Gov ernment has no official information upon this subject, letters have been written to the Com missioner of Indian Aflairs by several promi nent chiefs, giving assurance of their loyalty to the United States, and expressing a wish lor the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon the repossession of the country by the Federal forces, the Indians will readily cease all hostile demonstrations, and resume their former relations to the Gov ernment. Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the Government. - While it is fortunate that this great interest is so independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from the Government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something more cannot be given voluntarily with general ad vantage. Annual reports, exhibiting tbe condition of our agriculture, commerce and manufactures, would present a fund of information of great practical value to the country. While I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the opinion that an agricultural and statistical bu reau might profitably be organized. The execution of tbe laws for the suppression of the African slave trade bis been confided to the department of the Interior. It is a subject of congratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of this in human traffic have been recently attended with unusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade and one person engaged in equipping a slaver have been comvioted, and subjected to the penalty of fine and imprisonment ; and one captain, taken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of offence under our laws, the punishment of which is death. The Territories of Colorado. Dakotah, and Nevada, created by the last Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been inaugurated therein under auspices especially , gratifying, when it is considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. 7 The abundant natural resources of these territories, with the security , and protection afforded by an organized Government, will doubtless invite to them a large immigration when peace shall restore the business ot the country to its accustomed channels. I submit tho resolu tions of the Legislature of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of me territory. So far the authority of the United States has been upheld in all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend their interests and defence to tho enlightened and generous care of Cofgress. I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of tbe District of Columbia. " The insurrection has been tho cause of much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no liepresenta tive in Congress,that body should not overlook their just claims upon the Government. At your late session, a joint resolution was adopted, authorizing the President to take measures for facilitating a proper representa tion ot the Industrial interests of the United States at the Exhibition of the Industry of all Nations, to bo holden at London in the year 1862. I regret to say, I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject a subject at once so interesting in itself, and so exten sively and intimately connected with the ma terial prosperity of the world. Through he Secretaries of State and of the Interior, a plan or system has been devised and partly matured, and which will Ims laid before you. Under and by virtue of tho Act of Congress, entitled "An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary Purposes,' approved August Gth, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the latter thus liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by operation of which per sons of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide tor accepting such persons from such States according to some mode of valuation in lieu pro banto of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed upon with such States respectively, that such persons on such accep tances by the General Government bo at once deemed free, and that in any event steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the one "first mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence,) at some place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider too, whether fhe free colored people already in the United States, could not, so far as individuals may desire, bo included in such colonization. To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of territory and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be ex pended in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acquisition of territory for near ly sixty years, the question of the Constitu tional power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on tne pica of great expediency. It it be said that the only legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, this measure effects that object, for emigration of colored men leaves addition al room for white men, remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the im portance of procuring Louisiana more on po litical and commercial grounds, than on pro viding room for population. On this whole proposition, Including the appropriation of moneys with the acquisition ot territor7, does not the expdietcy amount absolute necessity that without which the Gov ernment itself canuot be perpetuated if the war continues. In considering the policy to be adapted for suppressing the insurrection, I have been anx ious and careful that the inevitable conflict for tbis purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and remorseless revolutionary strug gle.. I have therefore, in every case thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary object of the con test on our part, leaving all questions which are not of vital military importance, to tbe more deliberate action ot tbe legislature. In the exercise of m best discretion I havo adhered to the blockade of the ports held by the insurgeants, instead of putting in force by proclamation the law of Congress enacted at the late session for closing these ports. So a!so,obeying the dictates of prudence as well as the obligations of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress to con fiscate property used for insurrectionary pur poses. If a new law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its prosperity will be duly considered. The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed. Y e shall not be in baste to determine that radical and . extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well us disloyal, are indis pensable. The Inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration and tbe message to Con gress at the late special session, were both mainly devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and consequent war have sprung. Nothing more occurs to add to or substract from the principles or general purposes stated aud expressed in those document. The last ray of hope for preserving the Union, peaceably, expired at the assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has oc cured since may not be unprofitable., What was painfully uncertain then, is much better defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in the right di rection. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support from North of Mason and Dixon's line, and the freinds of the Union were not free from apprehension on that point. This, however, was soon settled definitely and on the right side. South of the line, noble little Delaware led off right from tbe first. Maryland was made to seem against tbe Union. Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up within her limits, and we were many days, at ono time, without the a bility to bring a single regiment over ber soil to the Capital. Now ber bridges and railroads are. repaired and open to the Govesnment. She already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none to the enemy, and her peo ple at a regular election have sustained the Union by a larger majority, and a larger ag gregate vote than they ever before gave to any candidate on any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now decidedly, and, I think, unchangeably, ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparitlvely quiet, and 1 bclievo cannot again bo overrun, by the insurrectionists. These three States ot Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first, havo now an aggre gate of not less than forty thousand iu tbe field for the Union ; while of their citizens, certainly not more than a third ot that number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubt ful existence, are in arms against it. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months.'winter closes on the Union people of Western Vir ginia, leaving them masters of their owo country. An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating the narrow peninsular region of the counties of Accomac and Northampton, and known as . the Eastern Shore ot Virginia, together with some con tiguous parts of Maryland, havo laid dwn their arms, and the people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protec tion of the old flag. This leaves no armed in surrection north of tho Potomac nor east of tha Chesapeake. Also, we have obtained a tooting at each of the isolated points on the southern coast of llatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Sa vannah, and Ship Island; and we likewiso have some general accounts of popular move ments in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee. These things demonstrate that the cause of the Uniou is advancing steadily southward. Since your last adjournment. Lieutenant-' General Scott has retired from the bead of the army. During his long life the nation has not been unmindful of his merit,yet,on calling" to mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly ho bas served his country for a time far back In our history, when few of the now living had oeen born, and tbenceforward continually. I cannot but think we are still debtors. I sub mit, therefore, for your consideration, what lunner mark of recognition is due to h:m and to ourselves as a grateful people. With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive duty of appointing in his stead a General-in-Chief of the Army. It was a fortunate circumstance that neither in council : or country was there, so far as I know, any dif ference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. The retiring Chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General McCIellan for the position, and in this tho nation seemed to give a unanimona concur rence. The designation of Gen. McCIellan is, therefore, in a considerable degree, the selec tion of the country as well as of the Executive, and hence there is better reason to hope that there will be given him the confidence and cordial support thus, by fair implication, promised, and without which bo cannot, with so full efficiency, servo the country. It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones, and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than that an army is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at variance and cross purposes with each other. And the same is true in all joint operations, wherein thoso engaged can have none but a common end in view, and can differ only as to the choice of means. In a storm at sea, no one can wish the ship to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down together, because too many will direct, and no single mind can be allowed to control. It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon tho first principles of popular government the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered publfc documents, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In these documents we find the abrigdment of the existing right of suffrage, and the de nial of the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, except tho Legislature, boldly advocated, with labored arguments, to prove that large control of the people in Government is tho source of all po litical trouble. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a ' possible refuge from the power of tho people. In my present position I could scarcely bo justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of liberal institutions. But there is one point with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to placo capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor, in the structure of the Government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital ; that nobody labors ' unless somebody elso, owning capital, some how by the use of it, induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it best that the capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to wortc by tbeir own con sent, or buy tbem and drivo them to it with- ' out their consent. Having proceeded so, far, it is naturally con cludcd that all laborers are either hired labor ers or what we call slaves. And further.it is as- 8umed, that whoever is once a hired laborer, is fixed in that condition for life. Now thero is no such relation between capital aud labor, as assumed, nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed tor life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them arn groundless. Labor is prior to and independ ent of capital. . , . Capital is only tho fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first exist ed. Labor is the superior of capital, and de serves much tbe higher consideration. Capi tal has its own rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor ia it de nied that there is, and probably always will be relation between labor and capital, producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of the community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor, or buy another few to labor for tbem. A large majority belong to neither class, neither work for others nor have others working for tbem. ; In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people, of all colors, are neither slaves nor re asters, while in the Northern, large majority aro neither hirers nor Nred. COSCLCDED OH TOCRTH 1 V' t- 1 II
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers