1 Wfil
BY S. J. ROW.
.CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1861.
VOL. 8-NO. 5.
ON GFABD.
At midnigat, on my lonely beat.
When shadow wrap the wood and lea,
A vision teems my view to greet
Of one at home that prays for me.
No roses Wow upon her cheek
Her form is not a lover a dream
Hut on her face, so fair and meek,
A host ef holier beauties gleam.
For softly shines her silver hair,
A patient smile is on her face,
And the mild lustrous light of pi aver
Around her sheds a moon-light graco.
She prays for one that's far away
The soldier in his holy fight
And begs that Heaven in mercy may
Protect her boy and bless tho Right,
Till, though the leagues lie far between,
Thid silent incense of her heart
Steals o'er my soul with breath sereno,
And we no longer are apart.
JSo guarding thus my lonely beat,
By shadowy wood and haunted lea,
That vision scorns my eye to meet
Of her at homo who preys for me.
CHARGE OF HON. SAMUEL LINN
TO THE GRAND JURY AT EEPT. TERM, 1861.
Gentlemen of the Grand Junt We enter
upon the discharge of our official duties to day
under very solemn and impressive circumstan
ces. Since the last term of this court, events
have occurred in tho history of our national
government of the most serious and startling
character. I need not refer to these events in
detail as they form a conspicuous part of the
history ot the rebellion against which this na
tion is now struggling, with which every intel
ligent citizen is presumed to be familiar. We
have fallen upon strange times, and are expe
riencing a state of national trial, which would
seem not to have beer apprehended by the
fathers and founders of this, confederacy. In
that admirable constitution by which the u
nion and compact of these States were formed,
and under which they have, until recently, re
mained linked together by a strong and peace
ful bond o( union, there are no provisions
which contemplate either an amicable sepa
ration or an attempt on the part of any one or
more of the States to forcibly withdraw from
the Union, and consequently, those public
functionaries whose duty it is to provide for
the public safety and protoctionhave been oc
casionally embarrassed by constitutional re
strictions, apparent or rca!, for a want of con
stitutional authority to meet fully and prompt
ly the exigencies of the times.
When we consider the magnitude of the re
bellion, the years which have been occupied
in diligent: and systematic preparation for this
attempt to overthrow the government the
number and character of the individuals con
cerneu in u me oiyeci ana purposes, as we
hae reason to belieru, have long been secret
ly meditated and are now openly and defiant
!y avowed the acts which they have already
dorre in furtherance of their plans, aud tho
further outrages Jnd atrocities which they
would seem to have in immediate contempla
tion, wo cannot but consider it the most alarm
ing cvmt that has ever occurred in our histo
ry. There Is enough In this to fill the stout
vat heart Wtth dismay cd terror-.
When our country Is In tho midst of such
perils, every citizen has duties which flow
from the allegiance that ho owes to the gov-
grnnient and4 which as a loyal freeman he is
bound to perform. The sum of these duties
is -that he shall do all that iu Liui is to aid in
protecting and defending the existence and
the honvr of the nation. This is a demand to
which a patriot is always ready to yield a
cheerful obedience. Next to his Maker, he
acknowledges -that his country has the high
est claims upon him.
We as a constituent branch of the State gov
ernment have duties devolving upon us., which
reUte to the present condition of public af
fairs duties which we should perform, prompt
ly, faithfully, and without fear, favor or af
fection, but we should at the same time give
to tbecn a temperate and impartial considera
tion. Of these I shall come presently to
epeak.
I am compelled, though with deep regret,
to believe that there is not at the present time
amongst the inhabitants of the loyal States, an
entirely unanimous and hearty co-operation
with the national government in the attempt
now making to suppress the rebellion, nay,
more, I am credibly informed that there are
amongst us not only persons who secretly
sympathize with the rebellion, but those also
who boldly and publicly avow sentiments
which are in opposition to the authority of the
government. Such persons, whilst they mer
it the contempt of the people of this, and eve
ry other civilized nation on earth, and are
bringing disgrace upon themselves and their
posterity, should nevertheless receive the
punishment which the law assigns to them.
This leads us to consider and define the of
fences which may be committed directly a
fainst the government. Although some of
these belong to the exclusive jurisdiction of
tbe federal courts, it may not be out of place
to notice them here in order that ycu and the
People of the county who happen to be present
ny be made to understand something of the
nature and extent of the obligations which
they owe as citizens. The present generation
Americans know but little experimentally
f a state of war, and it therefore should not
surprise us that their attention has never been
particularly directed to the duties which at
"ch a time are incident to the relation that
exists between a government and its citizens
"j" "ubjects. I am therefore lead to take a
charitalle view of the conduct of those who
way have seemed to forget or depart from
heir allegiance, and to attribute most, if not
'Much cases of delinquency, not so much to
disposition openly to violate the law or op
pose the known authority of the government,
to entire ignorance of the law's demands
oa of the nature and design of the rebellion.
1 f1? lead to more than suspect that artul and
kicked men are making it their business to de
Cee the people by leading them into the er
roneous belief that the war is waged for the
wpreruacy of a party, instead of being a strug
gle purely for the life or the nation. True,
Kt kind of loyalty, Is not very praiseworthy
r reliable which is Dot the spontaneons out
n!v ef a Pat"otIc heart, but needs the un
. leiaiog last oT penal sanction to keep it in
4aiPe. StiU it is better than open rebellion.
Inn aencs which directly affect or are In-l-wU
t0 tno go'ernmenf are Treason, Mis-
sion of treason, and certain positive rois
prem8yor conP ot it authority or us-
By the law of England there were various
acts defined by statute which would render the
perpetrator guilty of treason, but by our Na
tional Constitution it is directed that treason
against the United States shall consist only in
levying war against them or in adhering to
their enemies, giving them aid and comfort.
That the inhabitants of those States of this
Union which have assumed to withdraw there
from, and form a new and independent gov
ernment, have levied war upon the United
States within the meaning of the Constitution
will not admit of a doubt. Giving aid and
comfort to such persons, by such overt acts as
giving them intelligence, sending them pro
visions, furnishing them with supplies, or
arms, or the like, would be treason, and would
render the offender liable to punishment of
death.
Misprison of Treason, is tbe concealment of
treason, by being merely passive, lor any as
sistance given to the traitor, makes the party
a principal as there are no accessories in trea
son. This misprison is of a negative charac
ter, but, as has already been stated, there are
other misprisons affecting the government of
a positive nature, which we shall notice here
after. Treason may be committed against either,
against the governmont of a State, or of the
United States. When the offence is against
the sovereign authority of a single State, it
falls within the jurisdiction of the courts of
the State wherein it was committed, but where,
as in the pressent instance, war is waged a
gainst the federal government, tho federal
courts have exclusive jurisdiction. This court
cannot, therefore, take cognizance of any act
of treason, or misprison of treason growing out
of this rebellion, inasmuch as the war levied
by the Confederate States, as they are called,
is against the general government and not a
gainst the State of Pennsylvania.
But, as has already been intimated, theie
are misprisons of a positive nature, some of
which are grave misdemeanors, and may, like
treason or misprison of treason, be offences
against State or federal authority as the case
may be. I have heretofore neglected to ex
plain to you that the term "misprison" is of
French derivation, and means, in legal par
lance, contempt or neglect. Thns, misprison
of troason, consists in the neglect to give in
formation of tbe commission of an act of trea
son and is what is termed a negative misprison.
The positive misprisons which concern our
present inquiry and of which we shall now
proceed to speak, are such as involve an at
tempt to weaken the strong arm of civil power,
or a contempt of lawful authority. Thus, for
example, to dissuade a witness from giving
evidence, or from obeying the process ot
subpoena, to pursuade or assist a prisoner in
custody to escape, to refuse obedience to tho
call of & police officer for assistance to quell a
riot or apprehend an oriender or endeavor to
persuade others to disobey such call, are all
jnisdemeanors of this sort, based upon the
principle that it is unlawful to offer resistance
to lawfully constituted authority. It is safe
to assert, as a general principle, that any wilful
attempt to resist the authority ot the govern
ment, or to prevent or hinder the success of
its plans or designs in the prosecution of a
(war offensive or delensive, or to induce or
persuade others to do the like, is unlawful and
punishable as a high misdemeanor. Now. ap
ply this general principle to the condition of
our national affairs. A state of war actually
exists. The President of the United States,
by vlrtuo of the power reposed in him, has
issued his proclomation calling upon the Gov
ernors or the several Mates to furnish their
quota of troops for tho organization of a mili
tary force sufficient to protect tho government
and suppress a formidable rebellion. The
Governor of Pennsylvania, in response to this
demand, has issued a proclamation calling up
on all the able-bodied citizens within tho Com
monwealth, subject to military duty, to form
themselves into military companies and regi
ments, to be called and mustered into tho pub
lic service. Now it must be perfectly appa
rent to the most ordinary understanding, that
any attempt to prevent the carrying out ot
this design would be a gross insult to the gov
ernment and adaring contempt of tho authority
vested in it, and therefore a high misdemeanor
For, if the designs and plans of the govern
ment can with impunity be thwarted and ren
dered abortive, then all our high sounding the
ories respecting the supremacy of the govern
ment, and allegiance and sovereignty are but
beautiful figments of the imagination. Such
toleration could spring from no principle other
than would assert that the citizen is only bound
by his allegiance to the government so long
as its measures may be in accordance with his
own views, and is obliged to obey only such
laws as meet his entire approval.
Sappose a riot to occur in ono of our streets.
It is the duty of the officers of tho law to
suppress it,- and it is the duty of all good
citizens to aid and assist, for without such
regulation the public peace could not be main
tained, and wo would constantly be in the
midst of disgraceful scenes of tumult and
disorder. Now, suppose that ou such an occa
sion some individual would take it upon him
self to address the assembled multitude, de
nouncing the riot act and the administration
under which it was passed, and assailing and
condemning the political views of the officers
who are endeavoring to preserve the peace.
and advising arid persuading tbe bystanders
to withhold any assistance lor these or any
similar reasons. How should a court and jury
deal with such an offender 7 Tho question
need only be asked. And is not that man a
thousand times moro culpable who, by words
or actions, persuasions or threats, would at
tempt to prevent or dissuade our citizens from
responding to tho call of tho chief magistrate
of the nation for aid to put down a rebellion
that aims at the total subversion aud over
throw of the government 7
There is a great misapprehension abroad on.
this subject. Many persons erroneously sup
pose, that so long as individuals will retrain
from an overt act of treason, they may speak
and act as they please against the government,
with perfect impunity. It is time that such
dangerous misapprehensions should be correc
ted, and in our remarks on this occasion we
are doing what we can to accomplish that pur
pose. There are other offences beside trea
aon and misprison of treason, which effect
the government and its claims to allegiance,
as has been already explained. , The late
J udge Kane in his charge to the grand jury
delivered in the District Court of the U. States
a few years ago, in referring to the case of U.
Stets v. Hanway, a case which produced no
little excitement, uses the following language :
"There has been, I fear, an erroneous impres
"sion on this subject among a portion ot our
"people. If it has been thought safe to coun
sel and instigate others to acts of forcible
"oppurgation to the provisions of a statute
"to inname the minds of the Ignorant by ap-
"peais to passion and denunciations of the
"law as oppressive, nnjust, revolting to the
"conscience and not binding on the actions of
"men to represent the constitution of tbe
"land as a compact of iuiquity, which it were
"meritorious to violate or subvert, themis
"take has been a grevious one ; and they who
"have fallen into it may rejoice if peradven
"ture their appeals and their counsels have
"been hitherto without effect. Ho whoso con
"science, or whoso theories of political or
"individual right forbid him to support and
"mantain it in its fullest integrity, may relieve
"himself from the duties of citizenship by
"divesting himself of its rights ; but while he
"remains within our borders, he is to remem
"ber that successfully to instigate treason is
"to commit it."
The views that we havo just expressed, do
not, in our opinion, conflict in the least, with
the freedom of tpeecu or of the press. iy
the constitution of the L nited States, Con
gress is forbidden to make any law abridging
the freedom of speech or of the press and the
constitution of this state provides that the
printing presses shall be free to every person
who undertakes to examine the proceedings
of the legislature or any branch of the gov
ernracnt ; and no law shall ever bo made to
restrain the right thereof. The free commu
nication of thought and opinions is one of
tbe invaluable lights of man; and every citi
zen may miiy speak, write ana print on any
subject being responsible for the abuse of that
liberty, what are we to understand from the
words "freedom of speech or of the press" as
used in the Constitution 7 The framers of that
instrument evidently' recognized it a well de
fined, pre-existing right, for they declare that
it shall not be abridged. Certainly men of
learning and experience, would not in so im
portant a paper, forbid the abrigdement of a
right which was without any certain measure
or extent; for it would involve ono of the
most cherished rights of the citizen in a maze
of confusion and obscurity. At the time of
the adoption of the constitution, 17S7, when
tbe freedom of the press was spoken of, the
people understood exactly what it meant its
boundaries were well niarKed, and. have con
tinued so to this day. Justice. Blackstone in
his commentaries, vol. 4 p. 15G, says, "Where
"blasphemous, immoral, treasonable, sctnsuiati
"cal, seditious or scandalous libels are punish-
"edj the liberty of 'the pressfi properly under
'stood, is by no means infringed or violated
"The liberty of the press is indeed essential
"to a free State : but this consists inlaying no
'precious restraints upon publications, and not
in freedom from censure for criminal matter
"when published. Every freeman has an un
doubted right to lay what sentiments he
"pleases before the public; to forbid this is
"to destroy the freedom of the press ; but if
"he publish what is improper, mischievous or
"illegal, be must tahe the consequences of
"his own timerity. To subject the press to
"the restrictive power of a license, as was
"formerly done, is to subject all freedom of
"sentiment to the prejudices of one man, and
"make him the arbitrary and infallible judge
"of all controverted points in learning, religion
"and government, but to punish any dan
"gerous or offensive writing?, which, when
"published, shall, on a fair and impartial tri
'al be adjudged of a pernicious tendency, is
."necessary for the preservation of peace and
"good order, of government and religion, the
"only solid foundations of civil liberty. Thus
"the will of individuals is still left free; the
"abuse only of that free will is the object of
"legal punishment. Neither is any restraint
"hereby laid upon freedom of thought or in
"quiry ; liberty of private resentment is still
"left ; the disseminating or making public of
"bad sentiments, destructive to the ends of
"society, is the crime which society corrects
"A man may be allowed to Keep poisons in
"his closet, but not publicly to vend them as
"cordials, and the only plausable argument
"heretofore used for the restraining the just
'freedom of the press, that it was necessarfi to
'prevent the daily abuse of it will entirely
"loose its force, when it is shywn (by a seas
onable execution of the laws) that the press
"cannot be abused to any bad purpose, with
"out incurring a suitable punishment; where-
Class if vtaxmw Ann la n 4 S ontr rrrri rri
"when under the control of an inspector. So
"true will it be found that to censure the li
centious, is to maintain the liberty of the
"press."
Judge Addison in a chaarge delivered to the
grand juries of tho 5th judicial District of
Pennsylvania, in 1798, makes use of the fol
lowing language : "Freedom of the press
consists in this, that any man may, without
the consent of any other, print any book op
writing whatever, being in this, as in all other
freedom of action, liable to punishment, if
be injure an individual or the public. Such
is the liberty of the press which the people of
the United States of America, for its greater
security, have made part of their fundamental
law. In their State constitutions, they pro
vide that their legislatures should not make
any law restraining tho liberty of the press,
that is, should lay no previous restraints on
the press ; or as the Pennsylvania Constitution
expresses it, that 'every citizen may freely
speak, write and print on any subject being re
sponsible for the abuse of ihat liberty. The
same principle was afterwards adopted into
the federal Constitution, and tho section e
stablisbing it thero is to be construed in the
same manner. So that the liberty of tho press
is precisely as stated by Justice Blackstone,
it being free from all previous restraint, but,
as all other rights or liberties are subject to
correction for its abuse."
On this subject I shall refer to but one
more authority, which may serve to mark out
the distinction between those publications re
specting the government, which are author
ized by law and such as are unauthorized and
unlawful. The case of the Commonwealth vs
Dennie, reported in 4th Yeates 267, was an
indictment for libel tried in the Supreme
Court of Pennsylvania in 1805. I quote here
so much of the opinion of the Court in that
case as is applicable : '
"The legislative acts, or of any branch, of
the government, are open to tho public discus
sion, and every citizen may freely speak,
write or print on any subject, but is amenable
for the abuse of that privilege. No alteration
is made in the law as to private, men affected
by injurious publications, unloss tho discus
sion be proper for public information. It is no
infraction ot law to publish temperate inves
ligations, ot the nature and forms of govern
ment, i he enlightened advocates of revresen
five republican governments pride themselves
in the reflections, that the more deeply their
system is examined, the more fully will the
judgments of honest men be satisfied that it
is the most conducive to the safety and hap
piness of a free people. But there is a mark
ed and evident distinction between such pub
iications and those which are plainly acconi
panied with a criminal intent, deliberately de
"O"1'- iwuavu ilic OULtat UUUU3 VI UUIUUj
totally to unhinge the minds of the citizens,
and to produce popular discontent with the
exercise of power by the constituted author!
ties. Such writings are subversive of all or
S 1 m. ...
uer ana government, xne noerty ot the press
consists m publishing the truth from good mo
tives and- justifiable ends, though it reflects on
governments and magistrates, Crosswell's Trial
pp. bd, 01. Such publications add to the
common stock of freedom, while the latter in
sidiously infect the public mind with a subtle
poison, and produce the most mischievous
and alarming consequences, by their anarchy,
sedition and civil war. Such conduct is pun
ishable by the Constitution. It may be dim
cuit to draw the line ot demarcation in everv
instance, but the jurv are to judge for them
selves on the plain import of every word with
out any forced or strained construction ot tbe
meaning of tho author or editor, and deter
mine on the correctness of the innuendoes.
To every word they will assign its sense, and
collect the true intention from tbe context."
It is evident from these quotations, which
are from highly respectable authority and
should be accepted as a sound interpretation
of the law, that tbe government by holding
its citizens criminally responsible for every
wilful design to interfere with its authority or
its plans, in no respect infringes upon any
personal right. Much excitement prevails in
may parts ot the country because of the ap
parent sympathy manifested by certain news
papers and public journals with the rebels,
aud in some places printing presses and the
contents of printing offices have been destroy
ed by a resort to violence and mob rule.
This is much to be deplored on account of the
encouragement it affords to that spirit of riot
and insubordination which is exceedingly dan
gerous in its tendencies and never can be jus
tified on any pretext whatever. Such pro
ceedings deserve the condemnation of all
gooa citizens, ana we trust mere may he no
repetition of them in future. It is sincerely
to be hoped that those who have control of
thepublic press, will conduct it so prudently
as not to excite angry feelings at a time when
the public mind is extremely sensitive to every
apparent expression of disloyalty or indignity
to the government and moreover, that if
there should be any abuse of tho liberty of
the press, resort will be had to legal authority,
and not to tho power of an excited mob
There is no necessity for a resort to violence;
the government has ample power to correct
such evils, and in such times as these has nev
er scrupled to exert it when occasion requir
ed. Tho right of self preservation by all the
means within reach in times of imminent per
il, belongs to the government as fully as to
an individual, and it is a great mistake to
suppose that in time of war a government
may not remove every obstacle which tends
to embarrass or hinder the success of its mili
tary defences, or to weaken its power moral
or physical. Neglect or hesitation on the
part of those who administer the government
to resort to such measures, whenever exicren
cies arise that m their opinion reouire it.
would expose them to the just indignation
of their constituents, and would prove them
to be unworthy of their hizh trust. During
the revolution, an Act was passed in this
State, on the 11th Feb. 1779, the 4th section
whereof is in these words : "If any person or
persons within this btate shall attempt to con
vey intelligence to the enemies of this State,
or tne united states of America, or bv vublic-
ly or deliberately speaking or writing against
our public defence, or shall maliciously and ad
visedly endeavor to excite the peoplo to resist
the government of this Commonwealth, or
persuade them to return to dependence upon
ine crown oi Ureat .Britain, or shall malicious
ly and advisedly terrify or discouratre the peo
pie from enlisting in the service ot the Com
monwealth, or shall stir up, excite or raise tu
mults, disorders or insurrections in the States,
or dispose them to favor the enemy, or op
pose ana endeavor to prevent tho measures
carrying on in support of the freedom and in
uepenaence oi ine saia u nitea States ; every
such person being thereof leeallv convicted
by the evidence of two or rnoro credible wit
nesses, in any Court of General Quarter Ses
sions, shall be adjudged guilty of misprison of
1 reason and shall sutler imprisonment during
tbe present war, and forfeit to the Common
wealth one half of his or her lands and tene
ments, goods and chatels." '
This act having been passed for a tempora-
purpose, expired by its own limitation at the
close of tbe war.
We notice that several of the newspapers
published in New York and elsewhere, which
have rendered themselves obnoxious to the
people because of their alleged secession pro
clivities, have been brought to the notice of
proper courts, and we may therefore expect
before long, we shall be favored with an opin
ion on this subject from the Circuit Court of
the United States. And the newspapers re
port that the press, type and fixtures of a
printing office in Piladelphia. which was al-
leged to be advocating
the right of
secession
was seized by the Marshal of the Eastern Dis
trict a day or two ago. This looks as though
the government had determined to trifle no lon
ger with those who disregard its rights or bid
defiance to its authority. . We should rejoice at
every ndication of vigor and strength in our
government proceeding from a proper and pru
dent exercise of its power in tbe suppression of
tne rebellion and of anything that affords it aid.
We have hitherto been speaking of a class
of offences which lie beyond our iurisdiction.
Each State possesses the . right however to
pass laws regulating the conduct ot its own
citizens. The Legislature of Pennsylvania at
its last regular session, passed an act to which
it is our duty to direct your attention, The
first section provides, "that if any person or
persons belonging to or residing within this
State, and under the protection of its laws,
shall take a commission or commissions from
any person, State or States, or other the ene
mies of this State, or of the United States of
America, or who shall levy war against this
State or Government thereof, or knowingly or :
willingly shall aid or assist any enemies n
open war . against this State or the United
States, by joining their armies, or by enlist
ing, or procuring or persuading others to en
list for that purpose, or by furnishing such
enemies with arms oramunition, or any other
articles for their aid and comfort, or by carry
ing on a traitorous correspondence with them,
or shall form, or be in anvwise concerned inl
iorming any combination or plot or conspira
cy,. Tor betraying this State or the United
States of America into the hands or power ef
any foreign enemy, or any organized or pre
tended government engaged in resisting the
laws of the United States, or shall give or
send any intelligence to the enemies of this
State or of the United States of America, or
shall, with intent to oppose, prevent or sub
vert the government of this State or the Uni
ted States, endeavor to persuade any person
or persons from entering the service of this
State or of the United States, or from joining
any volunteer company or association of this
State about being mustered into service, or
shall use any threats or persuasions or otlcr
any bribe, or hold out any hope of reward,
with like intent to induce any person or per
sona to abandon said service, or withdraw from
any volunteer company or association already
organized under the lah's of this Common
wealth, for that purpose; eery person so of
fending and being legally convicted thereof,
shall be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and
shall be sentenced to undergo solitary impris
onment in the penitontiary, at hard labor, for
a term not exceeding ten years, and be fined
in a sum not exceeding five thousand dollars,
or both, at the discretion of the conrt : Prort
ded, That this act shall not prohibit any citi
zen from taking or receiving civil commis
sions for the acknowledgment of deods and
other instruments of writing."
This law is free from obscurity and its
meaning and intention cannot be misunderstood-
We have brought it to your notice so
that if you know of any offences therein men
tioned having been committed within this
county, the offender may bo dealt with as the
law direct. If any of you know of the com
mission ot such offence, it will be your duty
to make k,nown to your fellows so that the
matter .may be duly and lormaly presented to
the court. It is your duty to present all vio
lations of this act as well as all other known
offences against the criminal law, but we
should be careful that no aft that is done
in this behalf should spring merely from
political differences from any selfish, sinister
or other unworthy motive, but that every
such discharge of what is always an unpleasant j
duty, should be solely in vindication of the
honor and authority of the state and the nation.
AST EMUS SEES THE PRINCE NAPOLEON
Notwithstandin 1 haint writ much for the
papers of late, nobody needn't flatter their
selves that the undersined is ded. On the
contry, "I still live," which words was spo
ken by Danyil Webster, who was a able man
Even the old-Jine whigs of Boston will admit
that. ebster is ded now. howsever. and his
mantle has probly fallen into the hands of sum
dealer in 2nd hand close, who can't sell it
Leastways nobody pears to be goin round
vvearin it to any particler extent, now days
The rigiment of whom I was kurnal finerly
concluded they was better adapted as Home
Gards, which accounts for your not hearin of
me, ear this, where the bauls is tho thickest
and ' where the cannon doth roar. But as a
American citizen I shall never cease to ad
mire the masterly advance our troops made
on Washington from Bull Run. a short time
ago. It was well dun. I snoke to mv wife
'bout it at the time. My wife sed it was well
dun.
it havin there4 bin detarmined to perfect
Baldinsville at all hazzards, and as there was
no apprehensions of any immejit danger.
thought I would go orf onto a pleasure tower.
Accordmiy i put on a clean Biled Shirt and
started for Washington. I went there to see
the Prints Napoleon, and not to see the place.
which I will here take occasion to obsarve is
about as uninterestin a locality as there is this
side of J. Davis's futer home, if he ever does
die, and where I reckon they'll make it so
warm for him that he will si for his summer
close. It is easy enuff to see wey a man goes
to ine poor nouse or the penitentiary. It'
becaws he can't help it. But why he should
woluntarily go and live in Washington is in-
iireiy beyond my comprehension, and I can't
say no fairer nor that.
I put up to a leadin hotel. I saw tbe land
lord aud sed, "How d'ye do, Square ?"
"J! if ty cents, sir," was his reply.
"Sir?"
"Half-a-dollar. We charge twenty-five cents
for lookin at the landlord and fifty cents for
speakin to him, u you want supper, a boy will
show you to tbe dinin room for twenty-five
cents. lour room bein in the tenth story, it
will cost you a dollar to be shown up there."
"How much do you ax a man for breathin
in this equinomikal tarvun 7" sed I.
"len cents a Breth," was his reply.
Washington hotels is very reasonble in their
charges. TN. B. This is Sarkassum.l
I sent np my keerd to the Prints, and was
Immejitly usherd before him. He received
me kindly and axed me to sit down.
"I hav cum to pay my respecks to you.
Mister Napoleon, hopin 1 see you hale and
harty."
"I am quite well," he sed. "Air you well,
sir 7"
"Sound as a cuss J" I answered.
He seemed to be pleased with my ways, and
we entered into conversation to onct.
"How's Lewis 7" I axed, and he said tbe
Emperor was well. Eugeny was likewise well,
he sed. Then I axed him was Lewis a good
provider 7 did he cum home arly nites 7 did he
perfoom her bedroom at a onseasonable hour
with gin and tanzy 7 Did he go to "the
Lodge" on nltes when there wasn't any Lodge?
did be often hav to go down town to meet a
friend 7 did he have a extensive acquaintance
ng poor young widders whose husbans
was m ualilorny 7 To all of which questions
the Prints perlitely replide, given me to nn-
derstan that the Emperor was behavin well.
"I ax these questions, my royal duke and
most noblo highness and imperials, becaws
I'm anxious to know how he stands as a man.
I know he's smart. He Is cunnin, ho is long
heded, he is deep he is grate. But onless
he is good he'll come- down with a crash one of
these days and the ; Boxtpabts will bo Bustid
up agin. Bet yer life!" . - 1
"Air you a preacher, sir I" he inquired,
slitely sarkasticul.'
"No, sir. But I blceve in morality. I like
wise bleeve in Meetin Houses. Show roe a
place where there isn't any Meetin Houses and
where preachers is never seen, and I'll show
you a place where old hats air stuffed into bro
ken winders, where, whero the children air
dirty and ragged, where gates have no hinges,
whero tho wimin air slipshod, and where maps
of the devil's "wild land" air painted upon
men s snirt-oosums witn tooaccojoocc s i nai s
what I'll show you. Let us consider what the
preachers do for us before we aboose'em."
Uq sed he didn't mean to aboose the clergy.
Not at all, and he was happy to see that I was
interested in the Bonypart family.
"It's a grate family," sed I. "But they
scooped the old man in."
"How, sir V
"Napoleon the Grand. The Britishers
scooped him at Waterloo. He wanted to do
too much ; and he did it ! They scooped him
in at Waterloo, and he subsckently died at
St. Heleny There's where the gratest mili
tary man this world everprojuccd pegged out.
It was rather hard to consine such a man as
him to St. Heleny, to spend bis larst days in
catchin mackeril, and walk in up and down the
dreary beach in a miiitary cloak drawn titely
round him (see pictcr-books), but so it was.
"Hed of the Army !" Them was his larst
words. So be had bin. Ho was grate 1 Dou't
I wish we had a pair of bis old boots to com
mand sum of our Brigades !"
This pleased Jerome, and ho took me warm
ly by tbe hand.
"Alexander the Grate was punkins," I con
tinneied,"but Napoleon was punkinser ! Alic
wept becaws there was no moie worlds to
scoop, and then took to drinkin. He drown
did his sorrers in the flowin bole, and the flow
in bole was too much for him. It ginrally is.
He undertook to give a snake exhibition in
his boots, but it killed him. That was a bad
joke for Alic !"
"Since you air so solicitous aboct France,
and the Emperor, may I ask you how your
own country is getting along 7" sed Jerome,
in a pleasant voice.
"It's mixed," I sed. "But I think wo shall
cum out all right."
"Columbus, when he diskivered this mag
nificent continent, could hav had no idee ot
the grandeur it would one day assoom," sed
the Prints.
"It cost Columbus twety-thousand dollars
to fit out his explorin expedition," sed I. "If
be had bin a sensible man he'd hav put tho
money In a boss railroad or a gas company.
and left this magnificent continent to the in
telligent savages, who, when they got bold of
a good thing knew enuff to keep it, and who
wouldn't hav seceded nor rebelled, nor knoc't
Liberty in the hed with a slungshot. Colum
bus wasn't much of a feller, after all. It
would hav bin money in my pocket if he'd
staid to home. Chris, ment well, but be put
his foot in It when he saled for America."
We talked sura more about matters and
things, and at larst I riz to go. "I will now
say good bye to you, noble sir, and good luck
to you. Likewise the same to Clotildy. Al
so to the gorgeous persons which compose
your soot. If tho Emperor's boy don't liko
livin at the Tooleries, when he gits older, and
would like to imbark in the show bizniss, let
him come with me and I'll make a man of
him. You find us somewhat mixed, as I be
fore obsarved, but come agin next year and
you'll find us clearer nor ever. The Ameri
can Eagle has lived too sumptuously of late
his stummic becum foul, and he's now takin a
slite emetic. That's all. We're gettin ready
to strike a big blow and a sure one. When
we do strike, the fur will fly and secession will
be in tbe hands of the undertaker, sheeted for
so deep a grave that nothing short of Gabriel's
trombone will ever awaken it! Mind what I
say. You've beard the showman !"
Then adrisin him to keep away from tho
Peter FunK auctions of the East, and the pro
prietors of corner-lots in the West, I bid him
farewell, and went away.
There was a levee at Senator What's-his-names,
and I thought I'd jine in the festivi
ties for a spell. Who should I see but sbo
that was Sarah Watkins, now the wife of our
Congresser, trippin in the dance, dressed np
to kill in her store close. Sarah's father used
to keep a little grosery store in our town, and
she used to clerk it for him in busy times. I
was rushin up to shake hands with her when
she turned on her heel, and tossin her hed in
a contemptuous manner, walked away from me
very rapid. "Hallo Sal," I hollerd, "can't.
you measure me a quart of them best me las
ses ? I may want a codfish, also !" I gness
this reminded her of the little red store, and
the days of her happy childhood."
But I fell in with a nice little gal after that.
who was much sweeter than Sally's father's
melasses, and I axed her if we shouldn't glide
in the messy dance. She sed we should, and
we Glode.
I intended to make this letter very sen's.
but a few eoaks may have accidentally crept
in. Never mind. Besides, I think it im
proves a komick paper to publish a goak once
in a while. Yonrs Muchly.
WARD, (Aetemcs.)
Transatlantic Feelino. The London Glolt
has an exceedingly caustic article on the rumor
that South Carolina desires an English prince
for her ruler. It says ;
We have no "Black Prince" at present to
suit their tastes, and, indeed, it requires a
vary strong imagination to contemplate one
of the sons of our gracious queen sitting on a
South American throne, with slaves for one
half his subjects and slave owners the other
half. He should give up the lion of England
for the rattlesnake which the new heraldry of
tbe South affect, or more elaboately assume,
armorial bearings, Creet, a cat (of nine tails)
rampant arms, negroes couchant in a field of
cotton, blood-hounds regardant; supporters,
slave drivers, armed ; motto "Live and lash."
John Patterson of Deleware, has a steam
thrashing machine in opperatiou in that State,
by which he tnrasnes out ine gram oi ine
farmers who may employ him. He can thrash
five hundred bushel of wheat per day and
from one thousand to fifteen hundred bushels
of oat.
Tbe interest of tho national debt of Great
Britain is over twenty-four millions pound
sterling.
Some people, like some insects, must havo
been created just for the annoyance of our race;
Air is eighteen
hundred and sixty timet
ighter than water.
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