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15
gaflsmart's Journal.
BT SAMUEL J. ROW.
CLEARFIELD, FA., JULY JO, 1861.
THE LATE ELECTIONS.
The late elections indicate a disposition on
the part of the people, to sustain the Admin
istration in the most vigorous efforts to crush
the Southern iebellion. Two elections have
been lately held to fill vacancies in Congress;
one in the Luzerne district to fill the Vacancy
caused by the death of Mr. Scranton, and one
in Philadelphia to fill the vacancy cansed by
the resignation of Mr. Morris. In the Luzerne
district, the people generally, discarded any
mere party issues., and lion. Ilendrick B
Wright, a Douglas Democrat, accepted the
nomination from both Democrats and Repub
licans, on the simple issue of sustaining the
Administration in its efforts to put down re
bellion. In bis letter, accepting the Demo
cratic nomination, Col. Wright declared his
readiness, if elected to Congress, to vote any
necessary amount of money out of the Fed
eral treasury, and, if necessary, put half a
million of men in the field. Mr. Wright's
views were too patriotic for that portion of
the Democratic party that sympathised with
the Rebels, and they accordingly got out a
candidate by the name ot Randall. But
was no use. Wright was elected by such an
overwhelming majority that Randall hardly
knew he was a candidate.
In the 2d district of Philadelphia, the ma
jority of all parties, gave a hearty and enthU'
Elastic support to the war ; and a great many
thought that under the circumstances party
should not be revived, but that the peoplo
should agree upon a suitable candidate with
out respect to his politics. The parties, how
ever, did not follow this counsel. The Re
publicans nominated Charles O'Neill and the
Democrats Charles J. Biddle, both men of
high character. Mr. Biddle had, since the war
broke out, acted a patriotic part. lie was a
Colonel In the army, and absent at the head of
his regiment, when the nomination was made.
When nominated, no pledges were asked and
none were given. Biddle was elected. The
vote was very close, and did not indicate any
great change in parties. Very many did not
vote nor seem to care which candidate was e
lected. Not much over half as many votes
were polled as in October, when Mr. Morris
was elected. In October the vote stood as fol
lows : E. Joy Morris (People's party) 6,290,
John Brodhead (Democrat) 5,403, Henry M.
Fuller (American) 1,745 total vote 13,518.
At this election it stood : Charles J. Biddle
3,947, Charles O'Niell 3,730 total vote 7,677.
Such are the facts. And yet, we suppose, that
alt the papers over the country, in sympathy
with the secessionists, will endeavor to make
the public believe, that these elections are a
rebuke to the policy of Lincoln and his ad
ministration. Just the reverse of this is true.
It shows that the course of the present Ad
ministration meets the approval and support
of the patriotic portion of all parties. It af
fords but little encouragement to secession
ists and their allies. If Mr. Wright or Mr.
Biddle bad been of the Secessionist class of
politicians, who are always whining and growl
ing at every vigorous effort of our govern
ment to resist the traitors, neither the Demo
cratic nor any other party would have dared to
present either of their names as candidates
before the people ; or if they had, the candi
dates would have been left hopelessly behind.
The Message. We this week publish Pres
ident Lincoln's first message. It is an able
and dignified and interesting State paper. It
will be read by all with much attention ; for
in no period of the history of the United
States, have the views of the Chief Magistrate
been a matter of so much moment. All have
more or less interest in the maintaining of the
government intact ; and therefore the reading
' of this message will bo a gratification to near
ly all. It comes fully np to the general ex
pectation. There is no lowering of the stand
ard of tha Inaugural. There is no talk of
yielding to the traitors no propositions for
inglorious concessions to, or compromises
with the rebels, but the message is charac
terized by that bold, firm, deoided tone which
a brave and loyal people have a right to ex
pect from their chief magistrate in the hour
of tho nation's peril. He stands by the flag,
and vsill stand by it, until it floats in triumph
over all the rebellious States, and the rebels
have laid down their arms. The President
baving met the expectations of the public, it
' bat remains for Congress to uphold the hands
of the Executive by legalizing the acts of the,
past, and making that abundant provision for
the future without which the war cannot be
carried to a successful conclusion. The Pres
ident is ready to do his part ; the army is pre
pared for its share of duty, and burning tor
the opportunity of doing it, and if Congress
does its duty promptly in furnishing the sin
ews of war, we may reasonably look forward
to the realization of hopes so long deferred.
FauDDciEXT Small Notes. Beware of one,
two and three dollar bills on the Farmers' and
Drovers' Bank of Waynesburg, Greeue coun
ty, Penna. That bank has, as yet, issued no
small bills, and all that are in circulation are
forgeries. ' ' ! ;
' - Comqress. The House met and organized
by electing G. A. Grow of Pa., Speaker; and
Emerson Ethridge of Tennessee, Clerk.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE,
Delivered July 5th, 1861, at an Extra Session of
Congress.
Fellow Citizen of the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives : -
Having been convened on an extraordinary
occasion, as authorized by the Constitution,
your attention is not called to any ordinary
subject of legislation. At the beginning or
the present Presidential term, four months
ago, the functions of the Federal Government
were found to be generally suspended within
the several States of South Carolina, Georgia,
Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana ami Florida,
excepting only those of the Post Omce De
partment. Within those Mates, the forts, arse
nals, docks, yards, custom bouses and tho like,
including the moveable and stationary proper
ty in and about them, had been seized and were
held in open hostility to this Government, ex
cepting only forts Pickens, Taylor and Jeffer
son on and near the t lorida coast, and Fort
Sumter in Charleston harbor, South Carolina.
The forts thus seized had been put in an im
proved condition, new ones had been built,
and armed forces had been organized and were
organizing all avowedly with tho same hostile
purpose. The forts remaining in the posses
sion of the Federal Government in and near
those States were either besieged or menaced
by warlike preparations, and especially Fort
Sumter was nearly surrounded by well pro
tected hostilo batteries, with guns equal in
quality to the best of its own, and outnumber
ing the latter as perhaps ten to one. A dis
proportionate shaie of the Federal muskets
and rifles had somehow found their way into
those States, and bad been seized to be used
against the government. Accumulations of
the public revenue lying within them had been
seized for the same object. The navy was
scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very
small part of it within the immediate reach of
the government. Officers of the Federal ar
my and navy had resigned in great numbers,
and of those resigning a large proportion had
taken up arms against the government. Sim
ultaneously and in connection with all this,
the purpose to sever the Federal Union was
openly avowed. In accordance with this pur
pose an ordinance had been adopted in each
of those States declaring the States respec
tively to be separated from the National U
nion. A formula for instituting a combined
government of these States had been promul
gated, and this illegal organization in the
character of tho Confederate States, was al
ready invoking recognition, aid and interven
tion from foreign powers. FindiDg this con
dition of things, and believing it to be an im
perative duty on the incoming Executive to
prevent, if possible, the consummation of such
attempts to aestroy tne feaerai Union, a
choice of means to that end became indispen
sable. This choice was made and was de
dared in the inaugural address. The policy
chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peace
ful measures before a resort to any stronger
ones. It sought only to hold the public pla
ces and property not already wrested from the
government and to collect the revenue, rely
ing for the rest ou time, discussion and the
ballot box. It promised a continuance of the
mails at Government's expense to the very
people who were resisting the Government,
and it gave repeated pledges against any dis
turbance to any of the people or any of their
rights, of all that which a President might
constitutionally and justifiably do in such a
case. Everything was forborne, without which
it was believed possible to keep the govern
ment on foot. On the fifth of March, the
present incumbent's first full day in office, a
letter from Major Anderson, commanding at
Fort Sumter, written on the 28th of February,
and received at tho War Department on the
fourth day of March, was by that department
placed in his hands. This letter expresses
the professional opinion of the writer that re
inforcements could not be thrown into that
Fort within the time for his relief, rendered
necessary by the limited supply of provisions,
and with a view of holding possession of the
same, with a force of less than 20,000 good
and well disciplined men. This opinion was
concurred in by all the officers of his com
mand, and their memoranda on the subject
were made enclosures of Maj. Anderson's let
ter. The whole was immediately laid before
Lieutenant General Scott, who at once con
curred with Maj. Anderson in opinion. On
reflection, however, he took full time, consul
ting with other officers both of tho army and
the navy, and at the end of four days came re
luctantly, but decidedly, to the same conclu
sion as before. lie also stated at the same
time that there was not a sufficient force then
at the control of the Government, or could be
raised and brought to the ground within tho
time when the provisions in the Fort would be
exhausted. In a purely military point of view
this reduced the duty of the Administration,
in this case, to look to the mere matter of
getting the garrison safely out of the Fort. It
was believed, however, that to so abandon that
position, under the circumstances, would be
utterly ruinous, and the necessity under which
it was to bo done would not be fully under
stood ; that by many it would be construed as
apart of voluntary policy; that at home it
would discourage the friends of tho Union,
embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure
to the latter a recognition abroad; that, in
fact, it would be our national destruction con
summated. This coald not be allowed. Star
vation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere
it would be reached, Fort Pickens might be
reinforced. This last would be a clear indi
cation of policy, and would better enable tho
country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sum
ter as a military necessity. An order was at
once directed to be sent for the landing of the
troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort
Pickens. This order could not go by land,
but must take the longer and slower route by
sea. The first return news from the order was
received but one week hefore the fall of Fort
Sumter. The news itself was that tho officer
commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the
troops had been transferred from the Brook
lyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the
late administration, and of the existence of
which the present administration, up to the
time the order was dispatched had only too
vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention,
had refused to land the troops. To now rein
force Fort Pickens before a crisis would be
reached at Fort Sumter was impossible, ren
dered so by the near exhaustion of provisions
in the fatter named Fort. In precaution a
gainst such a conjuncture, tho Government
had, a few days before, commenced preparing
an expedition, as well adapted as might be,
to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was
intended to be ultimately used or not, accord
ing to circumstances. The strongest antici
pated case for using it was now presented, and
it was resolved to send it forward, as had been
intended. On this contingency it was also
resolved to notify the Governor of South Car
olina that he might expect an attempt would
be made to provision that Fort, and if the at
tempt should not be resisted, there would be
no effort to throw in men, arms or ammuni
tion without further notice, or in case of an
attack upon the fort. This notice was accord
ingly given, whereupon the fort was attacked
and bombarded to its fall, without even await
ing the. arrived of the provisioning expedition.
It is thus seen that the assault upon, and tho
reduction of Fort Sumter was in no sense a
matter of self-defense on the part of the as
sailants. . They well knew that the garrison in
the fort could by no possibility commit ag
gression upon them. They know they were
expressly notified that the giving of bread to
the few brave and hungry men of the garrison
was all which would, on that occasion, bo at
tempted, unless themselves, by resisting so
much, should provoke more. They knew that
this Government desired to keep the garrison
in the fort ; not to assail them, but to merely
maintain visible possession, and thus to pre
serve the Union from actual and immediate
dissolution, trusting, as hereinbefore stated,
to time, discussion aud the ballot box, for a
final adjustment, and they assailed and re
duced the Fort for precisely the reverse ob
ject, to drive out tho visible authority of the
I ederal Union, and thus force it to an imme
diate dissolution. That this was their object
the Executive well understood. And having
said to them in tho inaugural address you
can have no conflict without being yourselves
the aggressors he took pains not only to
keep this declaration good, but also keep the
case so free from the posver of ingenious soph
istry as that the world should not be able to
misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sum
ter, with its surrounding circumstances, that
point was reached. Then, and thereby the as
sailants of the Government began the conflict
ot arms without a gun in sight or in expec
tancy to return their fire, save only the few in
fort, sent to that harbor years before for their
own -protection, aud still ready to give that
protection in whatever was lawful. In this
act, discarding all else, they have forced upon
the country the distinct issue immediate dis
solution or blood and this issue embraces
more than the fate of these United States ; it
presents to the whole family of man, the ques
tion whether a Constitutional Republic or
Democracy, a government of the people by
the same people can or cannot maintain its
territorial integrity against its own domestic
foes. It presents the question, whether dis
contented individuals, too few in numbers to
control the Administration according to or
ganic law in any case, can always, upon tho
pretences made in this case or on any other
pretenses or arbitrarily without any pretense,
break up their government and thus practical
ly put an end to free governments upon the
earth. It forces us to ask, is there in all re
publics this inherent and fatal weakness ?
Must a Government of a necessity be too
strong for the liberties of its own people, or
too weak to maintain its own existence 1 So
viewing the issue, no choice was left but to
call out tho war power of the Government,
and so to resist the force employed for its
destruction, by force for its preservation.
The call was made, and the response of the
country was most gratifying, surpassing in u
nauimity and spirit the most sanguine expecta
tion. Yet none of the States commonly called
Slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment
through regular State organization. A few
regiments have been organized within some
others of those States by individual enterprise,
and received into the government service. Of
course the seceded States, so called, and to
which Texas had been joined about the time
of the Inauguration, gave no troops to the
causo of the Union. The border States, so
called, were not uniform in their action, some
of them being almost tor the Union, while in
others, such as Virginia, North Carolina, Ten
nessee and Arkansas, the Union sentiment was
nearly repressed and silenced. The course
taken in Virginia" was the most remarkable,
perhaps the most important. A convention,
elected by the people of that State, to consid
er this very question of disrupting the Feder
al Union, was in session at the Capitol of Vir
ginia when Ft. Sumter fell. To this body the
people had chosen a large majority of profes
sed Union men. Soon after the fall of Sum
ter, many members of that majority went over
to the original disunion minority, and with
them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing
the State from tho Union. Whether this
change was wrought by their great approval of
the assault upon Sumter, or their great resent
ment at the Government's resistance to that
assault, is not definitely known although they
submitted the ordinance for ratification to a
vote of the people, to bo taken on a day then
somewhat more than a month distant. The
Convention and tho Legislature, which was
also in session at the same time and place, with
leading men of the State not members of eith
er, immediately commenced acting as if the
State was already out of the Union. They
pushed military preparations vigorously for
ward, all over the State ; they seized the Uni
ted States Armory at Harper's Ferry, and tho
Navy Yard at Gosport, near Norfolk ; they re
ceived, perhaps invited, into their State large
bodies of troops, with their warlike appoint
ments, from the so-called seceded States ;
they formally entered into a treaty of tempo
rary alliance and co-operation with the so
called Confederate States, and sent members
to their Congress at Montgomery ; and finally
they permitted the insurrectionary govern
ment to be transferred to their capital at Rich
mond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed
this giant insurrection to make its nest with
in her borders, and this government has no
choice left but to deal with it where it finds
it ; and it has the less regret as the loyal citi
zens have in due form claimed its protection.
Those loyal citizens this government is bound
to recognize and protect, as being in Virginia.
In the border States, so called, in fact the
middlo States, there are those who favor a
policy which they call an armed neutrality
that is, an arming of those States to prevent
the Union forces passing one way or the dis
union the other, over their soil. This would
be disunion completed ; figuratively speaking,
it would be the building of an impassable wall
along the lino of scpaiation, and yet not quite
an impassable one, for, under the guise of
neutrality, it would tie the hands of the U
nion men and freely pass supplies from among
them to the insurrectionists, which it could
not do as an open enemy. At a stroke, it
would take all the trouble off the hands of se
cession, except only what proceeds from tho
external blockage. It would do for tho dis
unionists that which of all things they most
desire feed them well and give them disunion
without a struggle of their own. It recogni
zes no fidelity to tho Constitution, no obliga
tion to maintain the Union, and tvhile very
many who have favored it are doubtless loyal,
it is, nevertheless, very injurious, in effect.
Recurring to the action of the Government, it
may be stated that at first a call was made for
75,000 militia, and rapidly following this, a
proclamation was issued for closing the ports
of the insurrectionary districts, by proceed
ings in the nature of a blockade. So far all
was believed to be strictly legal.
At this point the insurrectionists announced
their purpose to enter upon the practice of
privateering. Other calls were made for vol
unteers to serve three years unless sooner dis
charged, and, also, for large additions to the
regular army and navy. These measures,
whether strictly. legal or not, wero ventured
upon under. what appeared to be a popular de
mand and a public necessity, trusting then, as
now, that Congress would readily ratify them.
It is believed that nothing has been done be
yond the constitutional competency of Con
gress. Soon after the first call for militia, it
was considered a duty.to authorize the com
manding General, in proper cases, according
to his discretion, to suspend the privilege of
tho writ of habeas corpus, or in other words, to
arrest and detain, without resort to the ordi
nary processes and forms of law, such indi
viduals as ho might deem dangerous to the
public safety. This authority has purposely
been exercised, but very sparingly. Never
theless the legality and propriety of what has
been done under it are questioned, and the
attention of the country has been called to
the proposition that one who is sworn to take
care that the laws be faithluliy executed
should not himselt violate them. Of course
some consideration was given to the questions
of power and propriety before this matter was
acted upon. The whole of the laws which
were required to be faithfully executed were
being resisted and failing of execution in near
ly one-third of the States. Must they be al
lowed to finally fail of execution, even had it
been perfectly clear that by the use of the
means necessary to their execution some sin
gle law made in such extreme tenderness of
the citizens liberty that practically, it relieves
more of the guilty than of the innocent, should
to a very limited extent be violated ? To
state the question more directly, are all the
laws but one to go unexecuted and the gov
ernment itself go to pieces lest that one be
violated 1 Even in such a case wouldnot the
official oath be broken if the government
should be overthrown when it was believed
that disregarding the single law would tend to
preserve it ? But it was not believed that this
question was presented. It was not believed
that any law was violated. The provision of
the Constitution, that the previlege of the
writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion,
the public safety may require it, is equivalent
to such a provision that such privilege may
be suspended when, in ceases ot rebellion or
invasion, the public salety does require it. It
was decided that we have a case of rebellion,
and that the public safety does require the
qualified suspension of the privilege of the
writ which was authorized to be made. Now
it is insisted that Congiess, and not the Exe
cutiv, is vested with this power ; but the Con
stitution itself is silent as to which or who is
to exercise the power, and as the provision
was plainly made for a dangerous emergency,
it cannot be believed that the framers of the
instrument intended that, in every case, the
danger should run its course until Congress
could be called together, the very assemblage
of which might be prevented, as was intended
in this case by the rebellion. No more ex
tended argument is now offered, as an opinion
at some length will probably be presented by
the Attorney General. Whether there shall
be any legislation on the subject, and if any,
what, is submitted entirely to the better judg
ment of Congress. The forbearance of this
Government had been so extraordinary and so
long continued, as to lead some foreign na
tions to shape their action as if they supposed
the early destruction of our National Union
was probable. While this, on discovery, gave
the Executive some concern, he is now happy
to say that the sovereignty and rights of the
United States are now everywhere practically
respected by foreign powers, and a general
sympathy with the country is manifested
throughout the world. The reports of tho
Secretary of the Treasury, War and the Navy
will give the information in detail, deemed
necessary and convenient for your deliberation
and action, while tbo Executive and all the
Departments will stand ready to supply omis
sions or to communicate new facts consideied
important for you to know. It is now recom
mended that you give tho legal means for
making this contest a short and decisive one ;
that you place at the control of the govern
ment tor the work at least four hundred thou
sand men and four hundred millions of dollars.
That number of men js about one tenth of
those of proper ages within the regions where
apparently all are willing to engage, and the
sum is less than a twenty-third part of the
money value owned by tho men who seem
ready to devote tho whole. A debt of six
hundred millions of dollars now is a less sum
per head than was the debt of our Revolution
when we came out of that strnggle, and the
money value in the country now bears even a
greater proportion to what it was then, than
does the population. Surely each man has as
strong a motive now to preserve our liberties
as each man had then to establish them.
A right result at this time will be worth more
to the world than ten times the men and ten
times the money. The evidence reaching us
from the country leaves no doubt that the ma
terial for the work is abundant, and that it
needs only the band of legislation to give it
legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive
to give it practical shape and efficiency. One
of the greatest perplexities of the Government
is to avoid receiving troops faster thon provi
ded for them. In a word, the people will save
their Government, if tho Government itself
will do its part only indifferently well. It
might seem, at first thought, to be of little
difference whether the present movement at
the South be called secession or rebellion.
The movers, however, well understood the dif
ference at the beginning; they knew. they
could never raise their treason to any respect
able magnitude by any name which implies a
violation of law; they knew their people pos
sessed as much moral sense, as much of devo
tion to law and order, and as much pride in
its reverence for the history and government
of their common country as any other civil
ized and patriotic people. They knew they
could make no advancement directly in the
teeth of these strong and noble sentiments.
Accordingly they commenced by an insidious
debauchery of the public mind. They invented
an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was
followed'by perfectly logical steps through all
the incidents to the complete destruction of
the Union. The sophism itself is that any
State of the Union maj', consistently with the
National Constitution, and therefore lawfully
and peacefully withdraw from the Union, with
out the consent of the Union, or of any other
State. The little disguise that the supposed
right is to be exercised only for a just cause,
because they themselves are to be sole judges
of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have
been drugging the public mind of their sec
tion for more than thirty years, and until at
length they have brought many good men to
a willingness to take up arms against the Gov
eminent the day after somo assemblage of men
have enacted the farcical pretence of taking
their State out of the Union, who could have
been brought to no such thing the day before.
This sophism derives much, perhaps the
whole, of its currency from the assumption
that there is some omnipotent and sacred su
premacy pertaining to a State to each State
of our Federal Union. Our States have nei
ther more nor less power than that reserved to
them in the Union by the Constitution, no
one of them ever having been a State out of
the Union. The original ones passed into the
Union even before they cast off their British
colonial dependence, and the new ores each
came into the Union directly from a condition
of independence, except Texas, and even Tex
as, in its temporary independence, was never
designated a State. . The new ones only took
the designation of States on coming into tho
Union, while that name was first adopted for
the old ones in and by the Declaration of Inde
pendence. Therein the united colonies were de
clared to be free and independent States. But
even then the object plainly was, not to de
clare their independence of one another, or
of the Union; but directly the contrary, as
their mutual pledge and their mutual action
before, at tho time and afterward, abundant
ly show. ' The express plighting of faith by
each and all of the original thirteen States in
the Articles of Confederation, two years later,
that the Union shall be perpetual, is most con
clusive, having never been States, either iu
substance or in name, outside of the Union.
Whence this magical omnipotence of State
rights, asserting a claim of power to lawfully
destroy the Union itself? Much is said about
the sovereignty of the States, but the word
even is not in the National Constitution, nor,
as is believed, in any of the State constitu
tions. What is a sovereignty in the political
sense of the term ? Would it be far wrong to
define it a political community without a po
litical superior? Tested by this, no one of
our States, except Texas, ever was a sover
eignty, and even Texas gave up the character
on coming into the Union, by which act she
acknowledged the Constitution of the United
States, and the laws and treaties of the Uni
ted States made in pursuance of States, have
their status in the Union made in pursuance
of tha Constitution, to be for her the supreme
law. The States have their status in the Union,
and they have no other legal status. If they
break from this, they can only do so against law
end by revolution. The Union and not them
selves, separately, procured their independ
ence and their liberty by conquest or pur
chase. The Union gave each of them whatev
er of independence and liberty it had. The U
nion is older than any of the States, and in
fact it created them as States. Originally
some dependent colonies made the Union,
and in turn the Union threw off" their old de
pendence for them, and made them States,
such as they are. Not one of them ever had a
State constitution independent of the Union.
Of course it is not forgotten that all the new
States formed their constitutions before they
entered the Union ; nevertheless, dependent
upon and preparatory to coming into the U
nion. Unquestionably tho States have the
powers and rights reserved to them in and by
the national Constitution. But among these
surely are not included all conceivable powers
however mischievous or destructive ; but at
most such only as were known in the world at
the time as governmental powers, and certain
ly a power to destroy the Government itself
had never been known as governmental. As a
merely administrative power, this relative mat
ter of National power and "State rights as a
principle, is no other than the principle of gen
erality and locality. Whatever concerns the
whole should be confided to the whole of the
genaral government, while whatever concerns
only the State, should be left exclusively to
the State. This is all there is of original prin
ciple about it. Whether the National Con
stitution, in defining boundaries between the
two has applied the principle with exact accu
racy is not to be questioned. We are all bound
by that defining without question. What is
now combatted is the position that Secession
is consistent with the Constitution, is lawful
and pesceful. It is not contended that there
is any express law for it, and nothing should
ever be implied as law which leads to unjust
or absurd consequences.
The Nation purchased with money the coun
tries out of which several ot these States were
formed. Is it just that they should gooff with
out leave and without refunding ? The nation
paid very large sums in the aggregate, I be
lieve a hundred millions to relieve Florida of
the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she should
now go oft without consent, or without making
any return. The nation is now in debt for
money applied to the benefit of these so called
seceded States in common with the rest. Is
it just, either, that creditors shall go unpaid,
or the remaining States pay the whole ? Part
of the present National debt was contracted to
pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that
she shall leave, and pay no part of this hersell ?
Again, if one State may secede, so may anoth
er, and when all shall have seceded none is
left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to
creditors?. Did we notify them of this sage
view of ours when we borrowed their money ?
If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing
the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to
see what we can do if others choose to go.orto
extort terms upon which they will promise to
remain. The seceders insist that our Consti
tution admits of secession. They have as
sumed to make a national Constitution of their
own, in which, of necessity, they have either
discarded or retained the right of secession,
as they insist it exists in ours. If they have
discarded it, they thereby admit that on prin
ciple it ought not to be in ours. If they have
retained it, by their own construction of ours,
they show that to be consistent they must se
cede from one another whenever they shall
find it the essiest way of settling their debts ;
or effecting any other selfish or unjust object.
The principle itself is one of disintegration
and upon which no government can stand. If
all the States save one should assert the pow
er to drive that one out of the Union it is
presumed the whole class of seceder politi
cians would at once deny the power and de
nounce the act as the greatest outrage upon
State right. But suppose that precisely the
same act, instead of being called driviug the
one out, should be called the seceding of the
others from that one, it would be exactly what
the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they
make the point that the one, bee mse it is a
minority, may rightfully do what the others,
because they are a majority, may not rightful
ly do. These politicians are subtle and pro
found in the rights of the minorities, they are
not partial to that power which made the con
stitution, and speaks from the preamble, call
ing itself: "We, the people." It may well
be questioned whether there is to-day a ma
jority of the legally quallified voters of any
State, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in fa
vor of disunion. There is reason to believe
that the Union men are the majority in many,
if not in every other one of the so called se
ceded States, the contrary has not been de
monstrated in any one of them. It is ventured
to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee,
for the result of an election held in military
camps, where the bayonets are all one side of
the question voted upon, can scarcely be con
sidered as demonstrating popular sentiment.
At such an election all that large class who are
at once for the Union, and against coercion,
would be coerced to vote against the Union.
It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that
the free institutions we enjoy have developed
the powers and improved the condition of
our whole people beyond any example in the
world. Of this wo now have a striking and
impressive illustration. So large an array as
the Government has now on foot was never
before known, without a soldier in it but who
had taken his place there of his own free choice.
But more than this, tLere are many single
regiments whose members, one and another,
possess full practical knowledge of all the arts,
sciences, professions, and whatever else,
whether useful or elegant, is known in the
world, and there is scarcely one from which
thcro could not be selected a Prdsident, a
Cabinet, or a Congress, and, perhaps, a Court,
abundantly competent to administer the Gov
ernment itself, nor do 1 say this is not true
also in the army of our late friends, uow ad
versaries in this contest, but if it is, so much
better tho reason why the Government, which
has confered such benefits on both them and
us, should not be broken up. Whoever, in
any section, proposes to abandon such a Gov
ernment, would do well to consider in defer
ence to what principle it is that he does it.
What better he is likely to get in its stead ;
whether the substitute will give, or be intend
ed to give, so much of good to the people.
There are some foreshadowings on this subject.
Our adversaries have adopted some declara
tions of independence, in which, unlike the
good old one penned by Jefferson, they oniit
the words "all men are created equal." Why ?
They have adopted a temporary nation! .
stitution in the preamble of which a ..lit
- i .11 m . ! W 111 & A An.
good old one, signed by Washington w
mit "we the people," and substitute ,
gle lor maintaining in Ui world tw
and substance of government whose It-Mi
object is to elevate the condition of raen
lift artificial weights from all shoulder's '
clear tho paths of laudible pursuit for ail ,
afford all an unfettered start, and afaircha'
in the race or life, yielding to the partial
to temporary departure from necessity. Tk
is the leading object of the government "
whose existence we contend. ' or
I am most happy to believe that the t.u
peoplo understand and appreciate this, u"
worthy of note that,while in tun, the Govern
meni's hour of trial. Jjree niiinUr. .
- , ' , , -. ui i-j0Si
in the army and navy who have teen l'4v0r
with the offices, have resigned and nrnr!?
false
iu mis iit&iiu nii-u iiaiu per ea k.
not one common soldier or coni
rin. . . . - r
tmwn to linv deserted his fln
"'"' WllOt i
Great h
or is due to those officers w ho remain trt
despite the example of their treacherous u
oAni'itua Hilt tltj. TII f ti t Kot... . a
" - - fc. vjicRr nr..
important fact of all, is the unanimous firmne
of the common soldiers. To the last maD
far as is known they have successfully resist
ed the traitorous efforts oi those vh.08 Corn
m and s but an hour before they obeyed 'as ah'
solute law. This is the patriotic "iu tinctci
plain poople, they understand without an at.
gutueut that the destroying ot the Govern
ment which was made by Washington mea
no good to them. Our popular Governmnt
has often been called an experiment. Two
points in it our people have already wai
the successful establishing and the suo.ce&J
lul administering of it. One Mill remain
its successful maintenance against a for
midable internal attempt to orerthrow it. h
is now for them to demonstrate to the -worKfc
that those who can fairly carry an election
can also suppress a rebellion ; that ballou are
the riglitlnl and peaceful successors ol btiileU
aud that when ballots have fairly and consti
tutionally decided there can be no successful
appeal back to bullets, and that there can be
no successful appeal except to the ballot
themselves at succeeding elections. Such
will be a great lesson ol peace, teaching mtr
that what they cannot take by an election,
neither can they take it by war, teacliiug all
the folly of being the beginners of war. Lest
there be some uneasiness in the minds of can
did men as to what is to be the course ot tba
Government toward the Southern States at-fc
ter the rebellion shall have been suppressed,"
the Executive deems it proper to say it will
be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided l.v
the Constitution and the laws, and that he
probably will have no different understanding
of the powers and duties of the Federal Gov
ernment relative to the rights of the States
and the people under the. Constitution, than
that expressed in the inaugural address. He
desires to preserve the Government that it
may bo administered for al).,ns it was adminis
tered by the men who made it.
Loyal citizens every where have the right
to claim this of their government, and the
Government has no right to withhold or ne
glect it. It is not perceived that in giving it
there is any coercion, any conquest, or any
Mihiuzation, in any just sense of these terms.
The Constitution provided, aud all the States
have accepted the provision, that the United
States shall guarantee to every Stafe in th'.s
Union a republican form of Government, but
if a State may lawfully go out of the Union,
having done so it may also discard the Repub
lican form of Government, so that to prevent
its going out is an indespensable means lotlie
end of maintaining the guaranty mentioned.
When an end is lawful and obligatory, the in
dispensable means to it are also lawful and o
bligatory. It was with the deepest regret
that the Executive found the duty ol employ
ing the war power in detence ol the govern
ment forced upon him. lie could but per
form this duty or surrender the existance of
the government. No compromise by puiilic
servants could in this case be a cure. Sl
that compromises are not often proper, but
that no popular government can long surv.ve
a marked precedent, that those who carry aa
election can only save the government Iro n
immediate destruction by giving up the main
point upon which the people gave the elec
tion. The people themselves, and not their
servants, can salely reverse their own deliber
ate decisions. As a private citizens the Ii
ecutive could not have consented that these
institutions shall perish, much less could he,
in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust a
these people had confided to him, he felt that
he dad no moral right to shrink, nor even hi
count the chances ol bis own life in whJ
might follow. In full view of his great re
sponsibility, he has so far dnc what he hu
deemed his duty". You will now according to
your own judgments perform yours, lie sin
cerely hopes that your views and your actions
may so accord with his as to assure all faitl.iui
citizens who have been disturbed in tlie:r
rights of a certain and speedy restoration n
them under the Constitution and laws; and,
having thus chosen our cause without guile
and with pure purpose, let us renew our trus"
in God, and go forward without fear andto
manly hearts. Abraham Lixcolx-
Washington, July 4th, 18G1.
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
Advertisement set l n large type, cuts, or out of "'"'j
styleicill be- charged doit'Je price forare oteif-
CAUTION. All persons aro cautioned against
purchasing a note of hand calling for
two hundred dollars, dated sometime last -Hay.
and given by S. B. Taylor (in the came of Jam
Irwin) to Wm. MeCarkle of Girard town.-bip
The undersigned never having received value
therefore, will not pay said note unless compel."
by due course of law. JAMES IK" I
July 10, lS6t-3tp.
Grand Opening!
HEW FIRM. NEW STOKE, NEW GOOD
Great Inducemets to Purchasers at
H. W. SMITH & co s
ONE PRICE CASH STORE, SMITH'S
BELOW JUDGE LEONARD'S-
A splendid assortment of Goods selling at rn"tJ
to suit tho times, consisting ia part of
Prints, Lawns, Organdies, Popl-.w-
Balmorals, Trimmings, Dress Girde, Ialx;s,
nOOP SKIItTS, HOOP SKIRTS,
French Silk Mantillas, French Silk Mat
Traveling Dusters, Crepe de Pans,
Zephyrs, Zephyrs, Zephyrs,
Shakers. bnafcers, Miakers, "
Fine. BlacK Broadcloth, Cassimores, etc..et
ALSO, GROCERIES SUCH AS
Sugars. Coffee. Teas, Spices, Sl ts J0?'.
Brooms, Mackerel, also Quoensware. Boots-1-Wall
Paper, Carpeting, Flags, Stationary
All articles usually kept in a country .- tore
bo found here ; as also many not usual! kepi,
much needed, at greatly reduced price.
confident that all who will maze a trial P" s
will find it to their advantage to continue -tomers
Also, a limited amount cf county
wanted in exchange for goods
uepuiies oi tne sovereign and intWrY
States." Why ? why this deliberate
out of view the rights of men and the auth
ty or the people ? This is essentially ,
pies contest. On the side of the Union it
strug
II