S
-"y.i..
...;x
BY S. B 'BOW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 23, 1861.
VOL. 7.-N0, 21.
-TV
OH! BE NOT THE FIRST!
Oh! bo not the first to discover
A blot on the fame of a friend
A flaw in the faith of a lover,
Whoge heart may prove true in the end.
We none of us know one another,
And oft into error we fall ;
Then Jet us speak well of a brother,
Or speak not about him at all.
A smile or a sigh may awaken
Suspicion most false and undue ; .
And thus our belief may be shaken,
1 n hearts that are honest and true.
How often the light smile of gladne?9
Is worn by the friend that we meet
To cover a soul full of sadness.
Too proud to acknowledge defeat.
IIow often the sign of dejection
Is heaved from the hypocrite's breast,
To parody truth and affection,
Or lull a suspicion to rest.
How often the friends we hold dearest,
Their noblest emotions conceal ; -
And bosom 8 the purest, sincerest.
ilave secrets they cannot reveal
Leave base minds to harbor suspicion,
And small ones to trace out defects
Let oors be a nobler ambition, -For
base is the mind that suspects.
We none of ns know one another,
And oft into error we fall ;
Then let us speak well of our brother,
Or speak not about him at all
GOV.CUETIITS IHATJGUBAL ADDRESS.
Delivered January 15th, 1881.
Having been entrusted by. the people of
Pennsylvania, with tbe administration of the
Executive department of the government lor
the next three years, and baving taked a sol
emn oath of fidelity to tbe Constitution of tho
United States, and to tbe Constitution of Penn
sylvania, I avail myself of your presence to
express to you, and through yoa to tbe people
of the State, my gratitude for the distinguish
ed honor tbey have, in their partiality, confer
red upon me. t . ' v- . ,. ,. -
Deeply impressed with its responsibilities
and duties, I enter upon tbe office of Gover
nor of Pennsylvania, with a determination to
fulfil them all faithfully to tho utmost of my
ability. . Questions of great moment intimate
ly connected with tbe feelings and interests of
the people of all parts of the Nation, now agi
tate tbe public mind ; and some of them, from
their novelty and importance, are left for set
tlement in tbe uncertainty of tbe future. A
selfish caution might indicate silence as the
safest course to be pursued as to these ques
tions, by one just entering upon the responsi
bilities of high official position ; but fidelity
4o the high trust reposed in me demand, espe
cially at this juncture, that I yield to an hon
ored custom which requires a frank declaration
of the principles to be adopted,and tbe policy
to be pursued during my official term.
H'e bare assumed, as tbe great fundamental
-truth of our political theory, that man is capa
ble of self-government, and that all power em
anates from the people. An experience of
eventy-one years, under the Constitution of
tbe United States, has demonstrated to all
mankind that tbe people can be entrusted with
their own political destinies; and tbe delibe
rate expression of their will should furnish
the rule of conduct to their representatives in
official station. Thus appreciating their liber
al capacity for self-government, and alive to
the importance of preserving, pure and unsul
lied as it came from the bands of tbe Apostles
of Liberty, this vital principle, I pledge my
self to stand between it and encroachments,
whether instigated by hatred or ambition, by
fanaticism or folly.
The policy that should regulate the admin,
istration of tbe government of our State, was
declared by its founders, and is fully establish
ed by experience. It is just and fraternal in
its aims, liberal in its spirit, and patriotic in
its progress. The freedom of speech and ol
the press, the right of conscience and of pri
vate judgment in civil and religious faith, are
the high prerogatives to which the American
citizen is born. In our social organization
the rich and the poor, the high and the low,
enjoy these equally and the Constitution and
(he laws in harmony therewith, protect the
rights of all. The intelligence of the people
is one oi the mam pillars of the fabric of our
government, and tbe highest hopes of tbe pa
triot lor its safety rest on enlightened public
morality ana virtue. Uur system of Common
Schools will ever enlist my earnest solicitude.
For its growing wants the most ample provis
ion should be made by tbe Legislature. I
feel that 1 need not urge this duty. The sys
tem has been gaining in strength and useful
ness for a quarter of" a century, nntil it has
silenced opposition by its beneficent fruits.
It has at times languished for want of just ap
propriations, from changes and amendments
of the law, and perhaps from inefficiency in
fts administration ; but it has surmounted
every difficulty and is now regarded by the
enlightened and patriotic of every political
faith as the great bulwark of safety for our free
institutions. Tbe manner in which this sub
ject is presented to tbe Legislature, by my
immediate predecessor, in bis annual message,
lolly harmonizes with public sentiment ; and
lu's recommendation for aid to the Farmers
High School of Pennsylvania meets my most
cordial approbation. Invited to tbe rich
Prairie .lands of tbe West, where tbe labor of
me nus'iandman is simple and uniform, when
population has filled our valleys, it passes a
y from our highland soils where scientific
'Cultnre is required t reward labor by bring
1Dg fruitfulncss and plenty out of a compara
tive tterility. While individual liberality has
'acme much for an institution that is designed
'to educate the farmer of the State, the School
languishes for want of public aid. An expe
dience of ten years has fully demonstrated
"that the institution can be made self-sustain-,Dg
; and it requires no aid from tbe State ex
cept for the completion of the buildings in
ccordance with the original design. A liber
al appropriation for that purpose would be
"pnorable to the Legislature and a just recog
nition of a system of public instruction that is
j the highest importance to the State in tho
elopment of our wealth, the growth of our
Population and the prosperity of our great ag
ricultural interests. 1 ,
The State having fceen wisely relieved of the
the"agement of tho public impr6?einents by
intiaIe,th8 artmlnistraton of tbe govern-ce-Uin
gr.eatly simplified. U resources are
or th 7?" nn4ertfiod, and tbp amount
Ar?d,ic debM definitely J&erWned.
a4 1 8trietn.my ln- W & mlouspartnientf
strict, accouptabimf frm &U public offi
cers, are expected by our people, and they
shall not be disappointed. Now that the debt
of tbe State is in the course of steady liquida
tion, by the ordinary means ol the treasury,
all unnecessary expenditures of the public
money must be firmly resisted, so that the
gradual diminution of tbe indebtedness shall
not be interrupted.
To promote the prosperity of the people and
the power of the Commonwealth, by increas
ing her financial resources, by a liberal recog
nition of the vast interests of our commerce,
by husbanding our means and diminishing tbe
burdens of taxation and of debt, will be the
highest object of my ambition, and all the en
ergy of my administration will be directed to
tbe accomplishment of these results.
Tbe pardoning power is one of the most im
portant and delicate powers conferred upon
tbe Chief Magistrate by tbe Constitution, and
it should always be exercised with great cau
tion, and never except on the most conclusive
evidence that it is due to the condemned, and
that tbe public security will not be prejudiced
by tbe act. When such applications are pre
sented to the Executive it is due to society, to
the administration of justice, and to all inter
ested, that public notice should be given.
By the adoption of such a regulation imposi
tion will be prevented and just efforts will be
strengthened.
Tbe association of capital and labor, under
acts of incorporation, where the purposes to
be accomplished are beyond the reach of indi
vidual enterprise, has long been tbe policy of
the State, and has done much to advance tbe
prosperity of the people. Where the means
of the citizens are moderate, as tbey general
ly are in a new and growing country ,and where
the concentration of tbe capital of many is
necessary to development ard progress, sucb
associations, when judiciously restricted, con
fer large benefits on the State. Tbe vast re
sources of Pennsylvania, and the variety of
her mechanical and other industrial pursuits,
invite capital and enterprise from abroad,
which, on every sound principle of political
economy, should be encouraged. Much of the
time of the Legislature is consumed by appli
cations for special chartered privileges which
might be saved by the enactment of general
laws and by sucb amendment to our general
mining and manufacturing law as will remove
needless and burthensome restraints, and at
the same time afford ample protection to capi
tal and labor, and to the community at large.
Our statute books are full of acts of incorpo
ration conferring special privileges as they ate
numerous, dissimilar in their grants of power,
and unequal in their liabilitiesand restrictions.
Well considered and judicious general laws to
meet all classes of corporations, would reme
dy the eviLeconomise time and money .relieve
the Legislature from the constant pressure
for undue privileges, and be just and equal to
all in their administration.
The veto power conferred upon the Execu
tive was given with much hesitation, and not
without serious apprehensions as to its abuse,
by the-framers of our organic law. It is, in
my judgment, to be used with the greatest
caution, and only when legislation is mani
festly inconsiderate, or of more than doubtful
constitutionality. The legislators, chosen as
they are directly by the people, in such a
manner that a fair expression of their views
of the true policy of tbe government can al
ways pe bad, give to all well considered meas
ures of legislation the solemn sanction of the
highest power of the State, and it should not
be arbitrarily interfered with. While I shall
shrink from no duty involved by the sacred
trust reposed in me by the people of the Com
monwealth, I would have all other depart
ments of the government appreciate the full
measure of responsibility that devolves upon
them.
The position of mutual estrangement in
which the different sections of our country
have been placed by the precipitate action
and violent denunciation of heated partisans,
the apprehension of still more serious compli
cations of our political afl'airs, and the fearful
uncertainty of the future, have had the effect
of weakening commercial credit and partially
interrupting trade ; and as a natural conse
quence, deranging onr exchanges and crrrency.
Yet the elements of general prosperity are
everywhere diffused amongst us, and nothing
is wanting but, a return of confidence to en
able us to reap the rich rewards of our diver
sified industry and enterprize. Should the
restitution ot confidence in business and com
mercial circles be long delayed, the Legisla
ture, in its wisdom, will, I doubt not, meet
tbe necessities of the crisis in a generous and
patriotic spirit.
Thus far our system of Government has ful
ly answered the expectation of its founders,
and has demonstrated the capacity of the peo
ple for self-government. The country has ad
vanced in wealth, knowledge and power, and
secured to all classes of its citizens tbe bles
sings of peace, prosperity and happiness. The
workings of our simple and natural political
organizations have given direction and ener
gy to individual and associated enterprise,
maintained public order, and promoted the
welfare of all parts of our vast and expanding
country. No one who knows the history of
Pennsylvania and understands the opinions and
feelings of her people, can justly charge us
with hostility to our brethren of other States.
We regard them as friends and fellow country
men, in whose welfare we feel a kindred inter
est ; and we recognize, in their broadest ex
tent.all our constitutional obligations to them.
These we are ready and willing to observe
generously and fraternally in their letter and
spirit, with unswerving fidelity.
The election of a President of the United
States, according to the forms of the Constitu
tion, has recently been made a pretext for dis
turbing the peace of the country by a deliber
ate attempt to wrest from tbe Federal Govern
ment the powers which tho people conferred
on it when they adopted the Constitution. By
this movement the question whether tbe gov
ernment of the United States embodied the
prerogatives, rights and powers of sovereign
ty, or merely represents.for specific purposes,
a multitude of independent communities, con
federated In a leaeue wbicb any of them may
dissolve at will, is now placed directly before
the American people. Unhappily mis ques
tion is not presented In the simple form of po
litical discussion, but complicated with the
passions and jealousies of impending or actu
al conflict.
Tb?re is nothing in the life of Mr. Lincoln,
nor in any of bis acts or declarations before
or since bis election, to warrant the apprchen-
tni that HIS Administration will ue uuincuu-
ly to the local institutions of any ot tbe States.
. ... ,.-- i i
No sentiments but those of kindness and con
ciliation have been expressed or entertained
by tne constitutional majority wbicb elected
bim ; and nothing has occurred to justify the
excitement which seems to have blinded tbe
judgment of a part of the people, and is pre
cipitating them into revolution.
The supremacy of the National Government
has been so fully admitted and so long cherish
ed by the people of Pennsylvania, and so com
pletely has the conviction of its nationality and
sovereignty directed their political action, that
tbey are surprised at the pertinacity with which
a portion ot the people elsewhere maintain the
opposite view. The traditions of the past.the
recorded teachings of the Fathers of the Re
public, the security of their freedom and pros
perity, and their hopes for tbe future, are all
in harmony with an unfaltering allegiance to
the National Union, th maintenance of the
Constitution and the enforcement of the laws.
Tbey have faithfully adhered to the compromi
ses of our great National compact, and wil
lingly recognized tbe peculiar institutions and
rights of property of the people of other
btates. Lvery true Pennsylvanian admits that
bis first civil and political duty is to the gen
eral. government, and he frankly ackcowled
ges his obligation to protect tho constitution
al rights ot all who live under its authority
and enjoy its blessings.
I have already taken occasion to say public
ly, and I now repeat, that if we have any laws
upon our statute books which infringe upon
the rights of tho people of any of the States,
or contravene any law of the Federal Govern
ment, or obstruct its execution, they ought to
be repealed. We ought not to hesitate to ex
hibit to other States that may have enacted
laws interfering with the rights, or obstruc
tive of the remedies which belong constitu
tionally to all American citizens, an example
of magnanimity and of implicit obedience to
the paramount law, and by a prompt repeal
ot every statute that may even, by implica
tion, be liable to reasonable objection, do our
part to remove every just cause of dissatisfac
tion with our legislation.
Pennsylvania has never-faltered in her re
cognition of all the duties imposed upon her
by the national compact, and she will, by ev
ery act consistent with her devotion to the in
terests of her own people, promote fraternity
and peace, and a liberal comity between tbe
States, ller convictions on the vital questions
which have agitated the public mind are well
understood at borne, and should not be mis
understood abroad. Her verdicts have been
as uniform as they have been decisive, in fa
vor of the dignity, the prosperity and the pro
gress of her Tree industry, and support ot the
principles of liberty on which the government
is founded, and menace or rebellion, cannot
reverse them. They have passed into history
as the deliberate judgment of her people, ex
pressed in a peaceful, fraternal and consti
tutional manner; and when they shall have
been administered in the government, as soon
tbey will be,the madness that now rules the hour
will subside, as their patriotic, faithful and na
tional aims bring ample protection and peace
ful progress to all sections of tbe Republic.
In the grave questions which now agitate
the country, no State has a more profound con
cern than Pennsylvania. Occupying a geo
graphical position between tbe North and the
South, tho East and the West, with the great
avenues of travel and trade passing through
her borders, carrying on an extensive com
merce with her neighbors, in the vast and va
ried productions of Iter soil, her mines and her
manufacturing industry, and bound to tbem
by the ties of kindred and social intercourse,
the question of disunion involves momentous
consequences to her people. The second of
the thirty-three States in population, and the
first in material resources, it in due both to
ourselves and to the other States, that the po
sition and sentiments of Pennsylvania on the
question should be distinctly understood.
All the elements of wealth and greatcess
have been spread over tbe State by a kind
Providence with profuse liberality. Our tem
perate climate, productive soil, and inexhaus
tible mineral wealth, have stimulated tbe in
dustry of our people and improved the skill of
our merchants. To develop, enlarge and pro
tect the interests which grow out of our natu
ral advantages, have become cardinal princi
ples of political economy in Pennsylvania, and
the opinion everywhere prevails among our
people that development, progress and wealth
depend on educated and requited labor ; and
that labor, and tbe interests sustained by it,
should be adequately protected against foreign
competition. The people of Pennsylvania
have always favored that policy which aims to
elevate and foster the industry of the country
in the collection of revenue for the support of
the General Government ; and whenever they
have had the opportunity, in a fair election,
they have vindicated that policy at the ballot
box. When their trade was prostrated and
their Industry paralyzed by tbe legislation of
the General Government, which favored ad
verse interests, they waited patiently for the
return of another opportunity to declare the
public will in a constitutional manner. - In the
late election of President of the United States,
the principle of protection was one of the
prominent issues. With the proceedings of
Congress at its last session fresh in their mem
ories, a large majority of the people of Penn
sylvania enrolled themselves in an organiza
tion, which, in its declaration of principles,
promised, if successful, to be faithful to their
suffering interests and languishing industry.
Protection to labor was one of the great prin
ciples of its platform ; it was inscribed on its
banners; it was advocated by its public jour
nals ; and throughout the canvass it was a lead
ing text of the orators ol the successful party.
This is a propitious moment to declare that
while tbe people of Pennsylvania were not in
different to other vital issues of the canvass,
they were demanding justice for themselves in
the recent election, and had no design to inter
fere with or abridge tbe rights of the people
of other States. Tbe growth of our State had
been retarded by the abrogation of the princi
ple of protection from the revenue laws of the
national government; bankruptcy had crushed
the energies of many of our most enterprising
citizens ; but no voice of disloyalty or treason
was heard, nor was an arm raised to offer vio
lence to the sacred fabric of our national Union.
Conscious of their rights and their power, our
people looked to the ballot-box alone as the
legal remedy for existing evils.
In the present unhappy condition of tbe
country, it will be our duty to unite with the
people of tbe States wbicb remain loyal to tbe
Union, in any just and honorable measures of
conciliation and fraternal kindness. Let us
invite them to join us in the fulfilment of all
our obligations under the Federal Constitution
and laws. Then we can cordially unite With
them in claiming like obedience from those
States which have renounced their allegiance.
If the loyal States are iust and moderate.
without any sacrifice of right or self-respect
me inreatened danger may be averted.
Ours is a National Government. It has with
in the sphere of its action all the attributes of
sovereignty, and among these are the right and
duty of self-preservation. It is based upon a
compact to which all the people of the United
States are parties. It is tho result of mutual
concessions, which were made for the purpose
of securing reciprocal benefits. It acts direct
ly on the people, and tbey owe it a personal
allegiance. jvo part of the people.no State
nor combination of States, can voluntarily
secede from the Union, nor absolve themselves
from their obligations to it. To permit a State
to witnaraw at pleasure from the Union, with
out the consent of the rest, is to confess that
our government is a failure. Pennsylvania
can never acquiesce in such a conspiracy, nor
absent to a doctrine which involves the des
truction of the Government. If the Govern
ment is to exist, all the requirements of the
Constitution must be obeyed ; and it must
have power adequate to the enforcement ot the
supreme law of the land in every State. It is
the first duty of the National authorities to
stay the progress of anarchy and enforce the
laws, and Pennsylvania, with a united people,
will give them an honest, faithful and active
support. The people mean to preserve tbe
integrity of the National Union at every
hazard.
The Constitution which was originally fram
ed to promote the welfare of thirteen States
and four millions of people, in less than threo
quarters of a century bas embraced thirty
three States and thirty millions of inhabitants.
Our territory has been extended over new cli
mates, including people with new interests and
wants, and the Government bas protected tbem
all. Every thing requisite to the perpetuity
of the Union and its expanding power, would
seem to have been foreseen and provided for
by the wisdom and sagacity of the framers of
the Constitution.'
It is all we desire or hope for, and all that
our fellow-countrymen who complain, can rea
sonably demand. It provides that amendments
may be proposed by Congress ; and whenever
tbe necessity to amend shall occur, the people
of Pennsylvania will give to the amendments
which Congress may propose, the careful and
deliberate consideration which their import
ance may demand. Change is not always pro
gress, and a people who have lived so long,
and enjoyed so much prosperity, who have so
many sacred memories of tbe past, and sucb
rich legacies to transmit to the future, should
deliberate long and seriously before they at
tempt to alter any of tbe fundamental princi
ples of the great charter of our liberties.
. I assume the duties of this high office at tbe
most trying period of our national history.
Tbe public mind is agitated by fears, suspi
cions and jealousies. Serious apprehensions
of the- future pervade the people. A precon
certed and organized effort has been niado to
disturb tbe stability of the Government, dis
solve the union ot the States, and' mar the
symmetry and order of tbe noblest political
structure ever devised and enacted by human
wisdom. It shall be my earnest endeavor to
justify the confidence which yon have reposed
in me, and to deserve your approbation, with
a consciousness of the rectitude of my inten
tions, with no resentments to cherish, no en
mities to avenge, no wish but the public good
to gratify, and with a profound sense ot the
solemnity of my position, I humbly invoke
the assistance of our Hcavenl.vFather, in whom
alone is my dependence,that His strength may
sustain and Ilis wisdom guide me. With Ilis
divine aid I shall apply myself faithfully and
fearlessly to my responsible duties, and abide
tho judgment of a generous people.
Invoking the blessing of the God of our fa
thers upon our State and nation, it shall be
the highest object ot my ambition to contrib
ute to the glory of the Commonwealth, main
tain tbe civil and religious privileges of the
people, and promote the union, prosperity and
happiness of the country. A. G.Ccrtin.
An Incident at Fort Sumter. The Balti
more American has the following story :
"One of tbe Baltimoreans who recently re
turned from Fort Sumter, details an impres
sive incident that took place there on Major
Anderson taking possession. It is known that
the American flag brought away from Fort
Moultrie, was raised at Sumter precisely at
noon on tbe 29th ultimo, but the incidents of
that flag raising have not been related. It
was a scene that will be a memorable reminis
cence in the lives of those who witnessed it.
A short time before noon, Major Anderson
assembled tbe whole of his little force, with
the workmen employed on the fort, around
the foot 6t the flag-staff. The national ensign
was attached to tbe cord, and Major Anderson,
holding the end of tbe lines in his hands,
knelt revetentlv down. The officers and men
clustered around, many of them on their knees,
all deeply impressed with the solemnity ot
the scene. The chaplain made an earnest
prayer such an appeal for support, encour
agement and mercy as one would make who
felt that 'Man's extremity was God's oppor
tunity.' As the earnest solemn words of
the speaker ceased, and tbe men responded
Amen with a fervency that perhaps they had
never before experienced, Major Anderson
drew the Star Spangled Banner,' up to the top
of the staff, tbe band broke out with the nation
al air of 'Hail Columbia,' loud and exultant
cheers, repeated again and again, were given
by the officers, soldiers and workmen. ,If,'
said the narrator, South Carolina had at that
moment, attacked tbe fort there would have
been no hesitation upon the part of any man
within it about defending that flag.
, Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, has
written to the State Department, in order to
settle his accounts as late minister to Russia,
lie claims $3,000, but the Department has
allowed him only $1,700, and sent bim a draft
for that amount, "payable at tho sub-treasury
in Charleston." This is paying him witb his
own coin, as he has already stolen the United
States money there deposited.
A very good institution has just been start
ed in Cuba ; an acclimation hospital, which is
to receive new troops arriving in tbe island
during the summer months. It is to be ol ca
pacity to receive a thousand men, and tbe sit
uation chosen, for it js rqstj I&eanfal. ;, . ... t
WHAT CRITTENDEN'S PROPOSITION IS.
An entire misapprehension pervades a por
tion of the public mind in regard to the iden
tity of the proposition which Mr. Crittenden
has presented to the Senate with that portion
of the Missouri Compromise which was re
pealed by the Kansas-Nebraska act in 1854.
For instance, we have seen it recently assert
ed, in journals which ought to know better,
that the adoption of Mr. Crittenden's resolu
tions would be merely "the restoration of the
Missouri Compromise." Nothing could be wi
der from the mark. Let us make this plain:
I. Forty years and more ago, the State of
Missouri applied for admission to the Unien
with a Constitution which authorized Slavery.
For two years this application was resisted by
the Free States, because of this Pro-Slavery
clause in her Constitution. Tbe conflict con
vulsed Congress and the country to their deep
est foundations, dragging the Union to the
verge of dissolution. The contest was adjust
ed by a Compromise. Now. what was it I
II. This new State of Missouri was carved
out of a portion ot the territory acquired from
France when we purchased Louisiana. At the
time of tho struggle of 1820, there were large
portions of this old Louisiana territory which
lay outside of the boundaries of tbe State of
Missouri. It was finally agreed that, upon con
dition that Missouri should be admitted into
the Union as a Slave-holding State, Slavery
should be forever prohibited in all tbe rest of
the old Louisiana territory which lay north of
the south line of the State of Missouri which
south line happened to be tbe parallel of 36 d.
30 m. And, thereupon Congress admitted Mis
souri into the Union, and in tbe 8th section of
the act of admission, forever excluded Slavery
from all tbe territory lying north of 36 30.
III. It will be seen, then, that the admission
of Missouri as a Slave State was the sole con
sideration which tbe North paid for the per
petual prohibii on of Slavery above the paral
lel of 3G 30. tit was, to use a legal phrase, a
payment down or in band at the time of the
transaction. Tbe South, on its part accepted
the admission of Missouri as a full considera
tion for its agreement to the Anti-Slavery pro
hibition contained in the act of admission. It
was neither agreed, understood, implied, nor
anticipated, either by tbe North or tbe South,
that tolerance or protection of Slavery south
of 30 30 constituted any part of the bargain or
compromise of 1820. Nothing was said or
done in regard to that matter, but it was left
undisturbed precisely where the parties found
it when the controversy commenced.
IV. Now, Mr. Crittenden's proposition to a-
4nend the Constitution is something totally dif
ferent from "the restoration of tbe Missouri
Compromise." True, be proposes to prohibit
Slavery in all the national territory lying north
of 36 30. .' But, he also proposes to incorporate
into the Constitution an article recognizing and
protecting Slavery, by Federal power, in all the
territory wo now have, or may hereafter acquire
bourn of that line, bo far from this being a re
vival of the Missouri Compromise, it would be
the incorporation of the Breckinridge Fresi
dential Platform, including a Territorial Slave
Code, into the Constitution of the U. States.
We shall not stop now to discuss tbe roer
its of this unconstitutional mode of amending
the Constitution this clandestine attempt to
precipitate the country into wars of conquest
for the establishment of eternal Slavery in all
the regions lying between us and the equator.
Suffice it to say, that neither persuasions nor
threats can induce the Free States to engralt
such an article into the organic law of any
Confederacy of which they will consent to be
a part ; and that any Northern Senator or Rep
resentatives who shall vole to send it out to
distract and insult our people will be branded
by a retributive mark as indelible as that
which disfigured the forehead of Cain. Trib.
Diary of a 'Medikui. Man. A pocket dia
ry was picked up in tho street in Mobile, a few
days since. From the following extracts it
appears that the loser was a "medikul" man :
"Kase 174, Mary An Perkins, bisnes washwo
man ; sickness in her bed. Fisik, sum pills,
asopcrifik, aged 52. Pade me one dollar, 1
quarter bogus. Mind get good quarter and
make her take more fisik. Kase 175. Mikil
Tubbs, Bisnis, Nirisbman. Lives with Dekun
Pheley, what keeps a dray. Sikness, dig in
the ribs, and tow bad ise. Fisik to drink my
mixter twice a day of sasiperrilly and jollop,
and fish ile, to maik it taist fisiky put in sum
asidity rubbed his fase with kart greas lini
ment, aged 28 yeres of aig. Drinkt the mix
tur and wnddent pa me kase it taisted nasty,
but the mixtur'll work his innards I reckin.
Kase 176. Old Misses Boggs. Ain't got no
bisnis but plenty of money. Sikness aul a
humbug. Gave her sum of my selebrated
Dipsenboikin, whitch she sed drunk like kold
tee whitch it was too. Must put sunthin in
to maik her fele sik and bad. The old woman
has got the rocks."
Words op Learned Length. The number
of words in the English language, over sixty
syllables in length, is very small. "Hornorifl
cabilitudinity," which is to be found in an old
dictionary, is the only English (?) word ol e-
leven syllables that we can call to mind. "Lion
Juan Nepomuceno de Burinonagonatotoreco-
jroeeszcoecha" was the name or a person em
ployed in the Finance Department of Spain a
few years ago. He ought to have been appoin
ted Superintendant of "Kaminagadeyathoo
roosoomokanogonagira," or of "Arademara
va8adeloovaradooou," two estates in the East
Indies, respecting which a lawsuit was pend
ing in the English Courts while he was admin
istering bpanish finances.
a Congress bas appropriated one hundred and
thirty-five thousand dollars for the purchase of
a Government Printing CJihce, at wnicn it is
contemplated its work can be done cheaper
than by private individuals, l nis, we consid
er among tbe fallacies of the age. It opens a
door for tbe roost stupendous frauds. The
policy of the Government doing its own work,
is one of which no sensible man can approve.
Every practical printer in the land will laugh
at tbe proposition. .
Revolutionary ' Times. Some gentlemen
were dining together at a bouse in New York,
and in the course ot the conversation, one of
the company frequently nsed the word Tory.
Tbe gentleman at whose house they dined,
asked binij "pray, Mr. , what is a Tory ?"
He replied, "A Tory Is a thing wbose neaa is
in England, and wbose body is in America,and
whose neck ought to be stretches?
A girl that has lost her beau may as well
baDg; up her fiddle,
A NEW PROJECY.
A correspondent write from Washington
that there is a project on foot to make Dela
ware and Maryland Free States', by having the
Genera Government, with the consent of tbe
owners, to purchase their slaves. Several
leading citizens of Baltimore had an interview
on Saturday a-week with certain1 Northern
Members of Congress to ascertain their opin
ion a better opinion whether" the new Ad
ministratiou would be wfllivg to purchase the
Slaves in those States at a fair price, If the
owners would consent to sell them and then
colonize such of them as their masters refused
to retain as hired servants. The Congressmen
gave an affirmative answer, and thought tbe
people of the North would cheerfully acqui
esce in the proposition. The Baltimore gen
tlemen stated that If the Union was to' be dis
solved, Maryland as a Slave State, would go
with the South, though her interests and geo
graphical position placed her with the Free
States. But whether the Union continues or
divides, Slavery fs felt to be am fncnbmron tbe
prosperity of Maryland. Slavery is slowly
dying out, having decreased 6,00(7 hr the last
decade. It was staled at tho conference that,
there were only 80,000 slaves in the State,
which, at $500 per head, old and yoffng a
higher price than tbey will bring for years to
come would only be $40,000,000. A duty f
10 per cent an the $400,000,000 of annual im
ports would pay for them in a single year.
One percent duty wouldpay the' interest on the
bonds, and create a sinking fund1 fuati would
liquidate the principal in a few years. Tbe
Baltimore gentlemen remarked' that nee a
Free State, Northern capital, skill, labor, and
enterprise would flow in a broad stream rnto
Maryland, property would enhance, business
improve, and white population rapidly in
crease; Baltimore would soon rival Philadel
phia as a manufacturing city, and Maryland
would be converted into a garden to supply
tbe wants of Northern cities.
Delaware has only two thousand slarea. One
million of dollars wouH indemnify the own
ers, and make her a Free State. Missouri haa
but one hundred thousand slaves. Fifty nil
lions would pay for them, and make bef rival
Illinois in wealth, population and improvement.
Thus less than one hundred millions would rid
them all of an Institution for which neither
tbeir climate nor products are suited, and be
stow on them the advantages of free labor.
Tbe Baltimoreans said that free trade and di
rect taxation will become tbe established poli
cy of a Southern confederacy, as it will be
ruled by tbe South Carolina and Cotton-States
school of political economists. The federal
expenses of a Southern confederacy would not
be less than thirty millions a yesr, of which
Maryland would have to pay two millions,
ller present State taxes are three hundred aI
sixty thousand peryear ; hence ber taxes would
be increased six-fold,while her ruannfacturing
interests would be destroyed under the opera
tion of free trade and direct taxation. Vir
ginia would have to pay over four millions,
Kentucky and Missouri each three millions,
and little Delaware one-quarter of a million
of dollars. These border States could only
escape from this Juggernaut machine by se
ceding from the cotton confederacy and re
uniting with tho "Stars and Stripes," of set
ting up tor themselves. In either event, what
would become of tbeir slaves 1. The Balti
moreans thought the best thing for Maryland
was to sell her slaves, employ the proceeds to
build manufactories and improve farms, and
place herself in the society of the great fami
ly of Free Labor States, partake of tbeir pros
perity aud enjoy their powerful protection and
friendship.
Sufferings or a Cathoiic Priest i Sfearf
A priest who was journeying from St. Paul;
Minnesota, to Pembina, was on the 2nd ult.
when within a day's journey of his destination,
overtaken by a teartnl snow storm; and losing
his way, wandered into an extensive swamp
near Pembina. His horse being in a very
poor condition was unable to get through tho
swamp, and died the first night. He made no
attempt to get further, but laid himself down
beside his horse, exposed to a pelting snow
storm and piercing northern blasts, which
lasted for forty-eight hours. Destitute of food.
thoroughly drenched, the cold penetrating to
his vitals, be experienced the gloomiest de
spair. ITe lay in this state five days and rlve
nights subsisting upon tbe raw flesh of bis
horse, and when found by a partv which en
camped near by, was almost at the point of
death. He was dreadfully swollen with the
wet aud cold, so that bis clothes had to be cut
to remove tbem from his person.
It is believed a secret military organization
with which Governor Wise is connected, hasc
been discovered. It is supposed to extend,
through Maryland and the District of Colum
bia. Its object is to prevent the peaceablev
inauguration of Lincoln. Energetic measures
have been adopted to check the dangerous,
scheme, and important steps taken to strength-
en the mtlitary force at Washington.
A snake story is told as having happened afc
Kisatchie, La. Seven years ago a snake trawl
ed into a feather bed, placed outside tbe
house ; in using this bed since, snake dreams
have haunted the sleepers. The other day"
the snake was discovered, dragged out alive
and proved to be seven feet long.
A few days ago John Stoneker, while intox
icated, fired at his wife at his residence, ttear
Autanga, Alebama, bnt failing to hit he drew
a knife and was in the act of drawing it across
her throat, when his son, a lad ot 14, picked
up a gun and fired at bis father, killing him .
on tbe spot. - :
The Richmond Whig, in view ot the haHoti-
al crisis, urges the legislature not to make any"
appropriations other than are absolutely bef
cessary for carrying on the goverrnehti and
advises that the work on all railroads be sus
pended at once. -'
A case of sham trading is now beh&tle: be
fore the Supreme court, in Ohio; - One smart-
rogue traded off a tract of land upon another
for gold chains, put in at eacn. i ne lana
was three feet under water, and the gold chain
are sold at $9 a dozen. '
It in said a tax ef SIS on ever fciavei fStf
been assessed upon tbe slaveholders of StlJ
Carolina.
Tha bodies of Chinaman, who dlft i&fc-i.-r
' " . -vailiur
nia, are all. packed up and shipped' I'd China
for interment. ' ?M J
- i j
I
i
I
3
!l.