lAreaffllMtf -it"
BY S. B. ROW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 26," 1860.
YOL. 7. 10. 18.
THE DESTITUTE. .
For a moment brothers listen, ....
To the moan that eometh up
From the thin lips of the destitute,
Who drink life's anguish cup ; -There
are brows as pale as ashes, -
There are hearts as cold as snow, ;
Coursing on life's dusky highway ,
Look, and you will find it so !
There is many a lone, lone orphan, '
Beating out the march of life,
'.Mid the cUtnor and confusion,
All alone amidst the strife.
Treat them kindly, deign to lore them,
And thy mother's feelings prove ; ,
Do not pass them coldly, saying. -
Mine are all that I can lore."
THE GREAT POLITICAL ISSUE.
SPEECH OF SENATOR WADE, OF OHIO.
On Monday the 17th Inst., an immense au
dience assembled in the U. S. Senate to hear
the speech of "Old Ben Wade," the war-horse
of Ohio. ' The galleries were thronged long
before theJiour of meeting, and even the cloak
rooms, to which admission is usually prohib
ited, were crowded with the fair sex. ;
Ma. Wade said : At a time like this, when
there seems to be unusual excitement, I have
very little faith in the efficacy ol any argument.
But I must say, when, in this very chamber,
wbere we have all raised our hands to Heaven
and took an oath that we would sustain the
Constitution of the United States, we hear it
said by many Senators that we are upon the
eve of a dissolution of this Union, and that
your Constitution is to be trampled under foot,
silence under such circumstances seems to be
Mkin to treason itself. We have listened to
complaints on the other side of this chamber
patiently, and with an ardent desire to ascer
tain what they were. But I confess I am un
able to understand what it is of which they
complain. The party which has lately elec
ted the President, and is prospectively coming
into power, have never held office under this
Government, nor any individual of them.
Therefore, it is manifest that that party have
as yet committed no act of which anybody
can complain. If any one has fears as to what
may hereafter ensue, they are mere apprehen
sions nothing else ; a bare suspicion a fear
rising out of unwarrantable prejudices. I
wish to ascertain in the outlet whether we are
right, for I tell gentlemen here if they can
convince me that I am holding any political
principle that is not warranted by the Consti
tution under which we live, or trenches on
their rights, they need not ask me to compro
mise, fur I will redress their rights myself
when I am wrong. No man need approach
me with a threat that the Government is to be
destroyed, because I hope that I have now,
.and ever shall have, that sense of justice that
tvhen any man shows me lam wrong, I shall
be ready to right It without threat or compro
mise. But what is the cause of this great ex
citement which undoubtedly prevails in a por
tion of our country 7 for, if the newspapers
are to be credited, there is a reign of terror
in the cities and large towns of the South that
looks very much like the reign of terror in
Paris during the French Revolution. We hear
of Northern mon being sent back, or scourged
and tarred and feathered, and no inquiry made
in regard to the cause. I do not suppose the
regular Government, fa times of excitement
like this, is really responsible for these out
breaks of passion. If the States where these
outrages prevail were a foreign government,
and if they were really authorised by the con
xtituted authorities, everybody knows, if it
were the strongest government in the world,
we would declare war in one day. But what
has caused this great excitement 7 I will tell
yon what I suppose it is. I do not so much
Mame the people of the South,because I think
they have been led to believe that we, to-day
the dominant party, who are about to take the
reins of Government, are their mortal foes,
and stand ready to trample their institutions
under foot. They have been told so by our
enemies at the North, and they would not
bear us at all. Now, I wish to Inquire candid
ly, honestly, and fairly, whether the Sonthern
gentlemen who complain so much have any
reasonable grounds for that complaint I mean
when they are really informed as to our posi
tion. The Northern Democrats have said we
have rerson.il Liberty Bills in some few of the
Northern States, which would somehow trench
upon your rights to recapture runaway slaves
a position that in more than two or three
cases has not the leant foundation in fact. But
lr these laws are really repugnant to the Con
stitution, they are utterly void.and the Courts
would declare them so any moment. There
fore I am glad to hear Senators on the other
side sny they do not complain of these bills,
l our men have given up this bone of conten
tion, this matter or complaint, which North
ern men have set forth as a grievance more
than any one else. I was exceedingly glad to
near Senators on the other side say that the
''peal of these bills will not relieve the case
irom the difficulties and I have heard it cv
"jwhere that the people of the Free States
"e unfaithful in executing the Fugitive Slave
. My colleague, (Mr. Pugh), with a mag
nanimity for which I give him my thanks, has
ood forth to testify that, in the State I in
Prt represent, Republican Judges, Courts and
Junes, have fulfilled this repulsive duty with
Perfect faithfulness, and so said the Senator
IMh. Via. .
J y a i ma j f av a
V"- tch) to have said. Therefore, this
.cainmny is removed from us, so far as the
. yr - v w v ovuaivi 1 1 UUJ luuiaim
"ments of our political enemies can do it.
i snow our Courts feel themselves bound to
Qwinintei. ih. i. .i j
t , "o ana jusi mm ' nicy una mem.
me av f r. i t . i t? . .
h n r ,ide' where vou have l08t ore slave
we h un.,ailhfuloess of legislative tribunals,
lr-, !e. ten men murdered by your mobs
8mst law. I cannot take up a Southern pa
bnt , rtal of men who travel for business,
and . nWait uPon tbem b7 "ome Committee
" tell them to nlnrn. tiul nrhat f. h
ie 7 Why, Sir, you come from Ohio, and
v'y dn't inquire what party you belone to
Cn ue acis nave oeen aone under cir
nstaocei that would disgrace a savage.
in, . tue acts have been done under cir- I
e In ""in Misgive m savage,
half ftV?M0iecariy in traTe,ln8 oew'y one-
If of t
tes.
Statf.. '"uoneaeracy especially the Gulf
e- I don't care what a man's character
dot L
j uC, ana if he never violated anv law tin.
but if he comes from the North.
9 m . ...
rlkhf. V lL w nM exercised bis political FV"f
S?? 70,ed ,or Lcoln Instead of some- Senator rises
r.KisanoaensebunlsbahUhvindio.. W .. tfaj
' V tripes.and by death.' ''ndyouAtfow I tions' and to
constituents are guilty of all these things, can !
stana up and accuse us or being unfaithful to
tne constitution of the land ! I make the as
sertion here, that I do not believe in the his-
tory of the world there ever was a nation or a
people where a law so repugnant to the gener-
al feeling was ever executed with the same
faithfulness as has been this most repugnant
Fugitive Slave Law. ton hate a law in South
Carolina by which you take the free citizens
or Massachusetts or any other maritime State
and lock them up in jail under a penalty. If
the poor man cannot pay the jail fees, eternal
slavery stares him in the face, it fs a mon
strous law, revolting to the best feelings of
humanity, and In conflict with the Constitution
of the United States. I don't say this by way
of recrimination. I kuow the excitement per-
vaamg tne country, and l do not wish to add
a single coal to the flame. Nevertheless, I
wish the whole truth to appear. Then, what
is it i lou have the whole legislation of the
country ; you own the Cabinet and the Senate,
ana l may add you own the President of the
United States.as much as you own the servants
on yonr own plantations. But I can't see why
Southern men rise up and complain of the
action or tins government. I have already
shown tt is impossible to point out any act of
which tne Republican party, have been guilty
or Which you can complain. ' Therefore I un
derstand that Senators who justify the over
throw of this Government, who would break
it up and resolve it into its original elements,
do it on a mere suspicion that the Republican
party may romchow a fleet their rights
Now, what doctrines do we hold detrimental
to you 7 Are we the setters forth of any new
doctrine under the Constitution? I tell you.
nay. There is no principle held to-day by the
great Kepublican party that has not had the
sanction of your Government for more than
seventy years. You have changed your opin
ions ; we stand where we used to stand. We
stand on the Slavery question in the place for
merly occupied by the most revered statesmen
of this nation, every one of them, Washington,
Jcnerson, JSlonroe, Adams, Jackson, and Polk
inclusive. And that revered statesman, Hen
ry Clay, of blessed memory, with his dying
breath asserted the doctrine we hold to-day.
v ny, men, are we held up before the comma
mty as violators of your rights 7 It is late in
in the day to accuse us of harboring these o-
pinions. Ihen, what doctrines do we hold
that are complained of 7 You don't complain
of our Liberty bills. You don't complain that
air. Lincoln is a violent man and will probably
do any injury to you. 1 have shown that the
dominant party have nothing to complain of
in point ot legislation. 1. he Kepublican party
in the North, and in Ohio in particular, hold
tne same opinion, safaras I know, with re
gard to this peculiar institution that is hold by
all the civilized nations In the world. We don't
differ In public sentiment from England, Ger
many, t ranee, or Italy, or any other civilized
nation on God's earth. I tell you frankly you
will never find a community who are in love
with your peculiar institution. Now, the Sen
ator Irom Texas told us that Cotton was King-.
and could overrule, by its influence, (I do but
use his words) and compel men to come down
that it had subjects in Europe. - I will say
to that Senator that they are rebellious sub
jects, and are talking very disrespectfully of
i...: ti,. . ai - .
wicn .vui. x ucy ich )uu inejr ay injinmize
with those yon call Black-Republicans. There
fore, I hope we shall hear no more of the toast
that "Cotton in Kino" and is going to over
rule all nations and bring them under its foot
stool. It never will be done. But have our
Southern friends any complaints to make ol
the platform 7 I tell you frankly that we did
lay down the principle that we would prohibit,
if we had the power, Slavery from invading
another inch of free-soil territory of this Gov.
ernment. I stand there to-day. I have ar
gued it to half a million of people, probably.
and they stand there and they have commis
sioned me to stand there forever, and, so help
me God ! 1 will. I say to yon, while we hold
this doctrine to the end, there is no Republi
can, or convention of Jtepublicans, or paper,
that pretends we have any right in your States
to interlere with your peculiar institutions.
On the other hand, our platform repudiates the
luca that we have any right, or intention even,
to invade your institution in your own States.
Now, what do you complain of 7 You are go
ing to ureas up this government. You are
going to involve us in war and blood out of a
mere suspicion that we shall transcend that
which we stand here to vindicate. How would
yon be justified in the eyes of the civilized
world to take so monstrous a position, and
predicate it on a mere suspicion We don't
love Slavery. Didn't you know it before to
day 7 Everything remains as it did a year ago.
But all at once, when we meet here, 1 find all
gloom, and gentlemen rise up to say we aro
on the eve of breaking up this government.
Seven or eight States are coine to set ud a
hostile government and they look implor
ingly over to us, and say "you can pre
vent it." What can we do? You have not
condescended to tell us what you want done.
We hold to no doctrine that can possibly
work you any inconvenience. We have been
faithful to all the laws. It is not, then, that
Mr. Lincoln is expected to do any overt act by
which you may be Injured. You won't wait
for any. But, anticipating that the Govern
ment may work you an injury, you will put aa
end to it, which means simply this that you
intend to rule or ruin this Government. There
is where it comes. We do not like yonr insti
tutions, you say. Bet we never liked them
any better, and you might as well have dissolv
ed the Union at any other time as now. Wo
stand precisely where we stood., repudiatine
your institution as a matter of morals, but, ad
mitting that, when it is out of our jurisdic
tion, we have no hold upon it and no designs
upon it. ' Is there anything in the character of
the President elect of which you complain ?
Has be not lived a blameless life, never viola
ted any law ; has he committed any violation
of duty ? Why then are you suspicious that
he will 7 Now, then, I have shown that hav
ing the Government in yonr hands all the time,
j?ave "? S of destruction
and the PeoP,e believing it was time the seep-
"t-iJ' k j y-
ea it in more competent nanas. ii mis is so
you have no constitutional right to complain;
when we all disavow any intention so to make
n,e of that Tictor7 wa have wan., as to. inju.re
on at an. . . x .
This brings me here to the anestion of
The first day of this session a
and, offers a resolution to in
e evils between different sea-
ascertain what could be done to
settle the difficulty. I tell that Senator I know
of no difficulty. As to compromise. I suppos
ed we had agreed that the day of compromises
was at an end. The most solemn we have
made have been violated, and where aie they ?
Since I have had a seat in this Senate one of
considerable antiquitv was swept away from
our statute book : and when in the minoritv I
stood np here and asked you to withhold your
uanas that it was a sacred compact between
sections what was the cry 7 That it was noth
ing but an act of Congress, and could be swept
away by the same majority that passed it.
That was true, in fact, and true in law, and it
snowed the weakness of compromises. Now,
1 only speak for myself, that in view of the
manner in which compromises have been trea
ted, I should think hardly any two members
of the Democratic party could look each other
in the face and say "compromise" without a
smile. A compromise to be brought about af
ter the experience we have bad, is absolutely
ridiculous. What are we to compromise 7 I
am one of those who went with zeal to main
tain the principles of the Republican party.
In a constitutional way we met and nominated
our cocdidates. You did the same. The is
sue was made and we went to the people with
it, and, although usually in the minority, usu
ally beaten, the justice of our principles and
the bad administration of the Government con
vinced the people that a change ought to be
brought about, and after trying your utmost,
and we our ntmcst, we beat you. We beat
you on the plainest and most palpable issue
ever presented to the American people, and
one they understood the best and now, when
we come to the capital, we tell you that our
candidates roust be inaugurated and adminis
ter the Government precisely as their prede
cessors have done. It would be humiliating
and dishonorable to ns if we listened to a com
promise by which we should lay aside the ver
dict of the people. When it comes to that,
you have no Government, but anarchy inter
venes and civil war may follow, and all the e
vils that human imagination can raise may be
consequent upon such a course aa that. The
American people would lose the sheet-anchor
of Liberty, wbenevet it is denied on this floor
that a majority fairly given shall rule. I know
not what others may do, but I tell you that with
tnat veraict or the people in my pocket, and
standing on the platform on which these can
didates were elected, I would suffer anything
before I would compromise in any wav. I
deem it no case where we hare a right to ex
tend courtesy or generosity. The absolute
rigl.t, the most sacred that a free people can
Desiow upon any man, is their verdict that
gives him a full title to the office he holds. If
we cannot stand there, we cannot stand any
where; and, my friends, any other verdict
would be as fatal to you as to. us. You say
ne came irom one section or the countrv
What ol that 7 I appeal to gentlemen on the
other side to say if they believed if the result
or the contest had been the other wav the Re
publicans would have threatened disunion 7 I
claim that if Mr. Lincoln is an honest man, he
wilt administer the Constitution faithfully
inereiore, l say to you, as far as l am con
cerned, I will yield to no compromise. I do
not come here begging one. It would be an
indignity to the people I represent if I was to
stand here recreant to the rights of my party.
ve have won our right to the Chief Magistra
cy, and if you were as willing to do justice to
others as to exact it from them, you would
never rise to ask for compromise. Many of
you stand in an attitude hostile to this Gov
ernment when you threaten, unless we do so
and so, you will go out of this Union, and des
troy the Government. I say, in my private
capacity, I never yield to anything by way of
threats. Jn my public capacity I have no right
to yield. Therefore, I would not entertain a
proposition for compromise. This long, chro
nic controversy must be met upon the princi
pies of the Constitution. I hope it may be
adjusted, but I know of no way except that
laid down by the Constitution of the United
States. When we go astray from that, wo
plunge ourselves into difficulties. There are
different ways of construing it, but in my
judgment, it is the wisest constitution ever
yet organized, and I am willing to stand by
it. 1 auk for nothing more
TLere is another subject about which I ought
to say something. It is claimed that you have
a right to secede at your pleasure. I cannot
find any warrant for doctrine like that in the
Constitution. In my judgment, it would be
subversive of constitutional obligations. If
that is so, we have no Government. It wonld
reduce this Union to a mere conglomeration
of States, to be held together at the will of
any captious member of it. The State of South
Carolina is a small State ; but, probably, if she
was sunK by an earthquake, wo should hardly
find it out, except by the unwonted harmony
that would prevail in this Chamber. I say
this from no ill will. I think she is unwise.
I would be willing to let her go out if we could
do so without an example fatal to all govern
ment. But, standing here, my wishes must be
controlled by constitutional duty. I don't see
how any man can contend that a State can go
out of the Government at pleasure. The ques
tion was reviewed thirty years ago, and re
ceived a verdict which it was supposed had
set it at rest forever. By Gen. Jackson, and
the men who surrounded him, it was pro
nounced a delusion, and utterly disruptive of
all Governments. Yet, here it is to-day,
blooming and fresh. Mr. Calhoun even held
to the doctrine that we have power to make
war on a State. You will find this doctrine in
his long letter to Gov. II ami Hon. I acknowl
edge to the fullest extent the right of revolu
tion, if you so call it a right to destroy the
government and erect another on its ruins
more in accordance with your wishes. But
when you undertake it, you undertake it with
this provision : If you are successful, all is
right ; you are heroes ; but if you are defeat
ed, you are rebels ! That is the character of
revolutions: if successful, all well ; if unsuc
cessful, the Government treats them as trai
tors f I do not see a cause to apprehend that
any party intends to make war on the seceding
States ; 1 only assert the right to do so if they
see St. I would cot, however, coumfel or ad
vise any party to do it. I would be very ten-
der with the rights of the people who were a-
um w in can up mo uiciuuioui uuuer wuicu i
they had deliberately come to the conclusion
they could not live but I apprehend that the
position of the Republicans would compel them
to take austere ground. Although a State se
cedes, they cannot recognize her right to go
out of the Union until she gains the consent of
the Union. The duty of the Chief Magistrate
is to execute the law in every part of the Gov-
ernment. lie cannot be released from this ob
ligation. Nothing in the Constitution or the
united States will warrant his saying that a
single star has fallen. He is sworn not to
know that a State has seceded and to Dav no
respect to resolutions that declare she has
done so. In doing this it does not follow that
u must mafce war upon her, but he should ex
ercise every Federal right over her, the most
important of which is the collection of the
revenue. There are many rights for the ben
efit of the people of a State that might be dis
pensed with. If they do not want the mails
crr,ed the President could abolish the post
offices. They might not perhaps elect officers
to send here, but they could do as they liked
about that. They have a right to be perfectly
represented here, but if thv oh
that privilege it ia not in fMltTa Kant liWAn tha
president to force them to snrt
fives here. But the chief magistrate must col
lect the revenue precisely tin? sam n op
other State. No State can be released from
that obligation, for the Constitution demands
it. What tbllOWS 7 If thfl Pv.inr Stafo
shuts up her ports of entrv. so that nMn ran.
Dot discharge their careoes. then shina will
cease to gothcre : or. if the G
aaes tier ports to collect rcvenne. she will not
have gained her independence hv
If she will feel contented to live under rhi
qnivocal state of things, all will be well, but
she cannot do so. What will she do 7 She
rausttake the initiative and declare war upon
the United States. Then force must be met
by force, and she must hew nut her indonpn.
dence by violence and war. There was no oth
er way under the Constitution that he knew of
It a State secede and declare war. He did not
suppose that there was a lawyer on the floor
but who will say that the act of levving war is
treason against the United States. That is the
result, and we may as well look the matter in
the face. The Senator from Texas s.iv that
the South will force an ignominious treatv
from us in Faneuil Hall. To this I would an
swer, "Well, you may ; we know your power ;
we know your bravery ; we do not want to
fight with you ; but, nevertheless, if you drive
us to the necessity, we will use all our powers
to maintain the Government intact, in all its
integrity. If we are overthrown, the Govern
ment will bo subverted as thousands of other
Governments have been. If yon are the weak
est, then you must go to the wall. That is all
there is about it. That is the condition in
which we stand. lean see no power in the
Constitution that will release the Senator from
this position. He did not take the oath to
support the Constitution until one State sece
ded. There was no such immunity for him.
There was no way, then, for a State to go out
of the Union, but she could demand equal jus
tice under the Constitution, and: indicate her
grievances while the flag of the nation waved
over her. There was no way for a State to go
out of the Union except by making war and
vindicating by force or arms her right to inde
pendence ; and if yoq do go out, bear my pro
phecy in mind. No man would regret more
than 1 would the disruption of any portion of
the United States, where the people think
themselves aggrieved, if there is any honora
ble release from it. But all this trouble is a
matter of prejudice superinduced by listening
to the enemies of the Republican party. We
are looked upon in the light of enemies ; we
are branded as traitors ; we are styled John
Brown men ; but if the South will secede, we
will prcsone a glorious futnre. Mexico owes
England eight millions of dollars, and asks of
us protection, and she has all the elements to
build up a glorious republican empire. Still.
the Republican party will do anything for the
Union as It is.
The Senator from Illinois, (Mr. Douglas,)
and ray colleague. rMr. Pueh.. have said that
the Black Republicans were eoine for a reien
of equality, and would build up a black Gov
ernment. I think it would be one of the most
blessed things, if inducements could be made
to every black man amone us to find a home in
Central America or lower Mexico. Then a
dopt the homestead policy for our people, and
wo win nave sucn a power, vested in native
v. hite men, as was never before seen. Men of
every clime will come araone us. and we will
build up a nation of laboring men. Then Cana
da will knock at our doors.and we will have all
the elements to build up a republic more pow
erful and more just than the world has ever
dreamed of. I am for maintaining the Union
of the States. I would sacrifice everything to
maintain it. The glorious old flag of ours
never shall, by any act or word of mine, cease
to wave ovhr teis nation as it is. But if we
will have it, in this new renovated Government
of which I have spoken, the old fourth of Ju
ly will never be repealed, and the old flag of
1776 will float over this nation forever. This
capitol, gentlemen have said, would do for a
Southern Republic. Sir, it shall ever be the
capitol of our Union. It was laid by Wash
ington and consecrated bv him. and the flair
vindicated in the war of the revolution, shall
ever continue to float to the breeze over it.
Applause in the galleries. Washington and
his patriots fought for that good old flag, and
it was the glory of their lives. Mv own fath
er, though an humble soldier, fought to save
the great cause, and went throusrh sevenfold
hardships for it. He bequeathed the flag of
his country to his children for their protection.
It was my protection in vouth and the elorv
and pride of my riper years; and though it may
be assailed by traitors on every side, yet, by
the grace of God, under its shadow I will die.
Strength or the Disunion States. The
white population of the. States in which the se
cession sentiment is active, was bv the United
States Census of 1850, as follows : South Car
olina, 274,563 ; Mississippi, 295,718 ; Georgia,
531,572; Florida, 47,203 ; Alabama, 426,513 ;
Total, 1,565,569. The increase in the five
States named during the last ten years, would
probably give a total white population now of
about 2,000,000, which is about 700,000 less
than the present population of Ohio. The to
tal colored population of those States, which
certainly adds nothing to their strength shonld
they embroil themselves in a war, was by the
census oi leau, i,4o,oa8 being nearly equal
to the total white population. The State of
South Carolina, in which the secession spirit
opiaia iv ira mo uiu8i rampant, naa a wmie
populatiou, in 1850, of 274,563, and a colored
population of 384,984. Her present popula
tion is about one-half of that of the City of
Philadelphia. If Florida should secede she
will not have a sufficient population to come
into the Union again, as a State.
Wise men fear the folly of their adversaries
far more than their own wisdom..
THE CHARLESTON FORTS.
Allusion is so frequently made to the Chart
eston lorts that some information concerning
mem win pe read with interest. They are
three in number, namelv. Fort Moultrie. Fort
surater, and Castle Pinckney. The fort is on
Sullivan's Island, which is principally within
ine corporate limits or the Citv of Charleston.
This Island is separated from the mainland by
a narrow channel, which sometimes at low
tide may be forded though it would be a very
unmtlitary thing for an attackting expidition
toreiy on this method or approach. FortMoul
trie is on the seaward side of the island, near
Iy a mile distant from this channel, so that its
passage would be measurably "in the face of
an enemy," and directly so should the com
manding officer erect batteries at the point of
landing, which however, is not certain to be
done. Sullivan's Island is quite thickly built
up, generally with wooden tenements, and a
horse railroad traverses the whole distance.
The Fort itself is an extensive work, well
provided with everything but men. Its guns
are, many of them, of the largest and best de
scription, and nearly all the recent improve
meuts in explosives have been introduced, in
the use of which the men are well drilled.
Indeed, w may state with confidence that the
officers and men at Moultrie very ranch excel
in this particular. Recently within the last
ten days a trench has been dug around the
entire Fort, and, without going into minute
detail, it will be enough to say that everything
is being done necessary to place the work in
the best possible condition of defense. She
has recently received six months provisions.
What is wanting in men will in a measure be
made up by discipline and completeness of
death-dealing appointments. The distance be
tween Fort Moultrie and the city is about
three miles.
A few days since, Col. Gardner, who, for
years, held the post of Commandant was re
lieved of the command by Maj. Robert Ander
son, of Kentucky.who was breveted for his
successful conduct in the Florida war, and
who served with distinction in Mexico. The
other officers are :. Capt. Abner Donbleday,
Capt. T. beymour, Lieut. T. Talbot, Lieut. J.
C. Davis, Lieut. N. J. Hall, of the 1st Regi
ment of Artillery,' Capt. D. G. Foster and
Lieut. G. W. Snyder of the Engineer corps.
The Charleston Mercury speaks of the vigi
lance in the Fort thus : "While the working
men are doing wonders on the outside, the
aoldiers within are by no means idle. Field
pieces have been placed in position upon the
green within the fort, and none of the expedi
ents of military engineering have been neglect
ed to make the position as strong as possible.
It is said that the greatest vigilance is observ
ed In every regulation at this time, and that
the gnus , are regularly shotted every night
It is very certain that ingress is no longer an
easy niatter.and the visiter who hopes to get In
must make up his mind to approach with all
the caution, ceremony and circumlocution
with which the Allies are advancing upon the
capital ot the Oelestial Lmpire."
Castle Pinckney stands in the harbor, wholly
surrounded by water, which cannot be bridged
readily, between Moultrie and the city, and
can be operated on only by heavy guns. It
mounts a large number of heavy guns, and
has recently been very much strengthened
In 1832, Gen. Scott did much to strengthen
this position, and most ot the works then ad
ded still remain. An engineering force of a
limited number of men has for the last two
weeks been engaged in rendering the fortifica
tion one of a really formidable character.
Like Fort Moultrie, it only want? men.
Fort Sumter rises out of the water further
down the harbor, about 3 miles from ibe city,
nearly abreast of and not over one mile from
Moultrie. It not only commands both the
other forts, but, it is believed, the city could
be effectually shelled from it. It is thoroughly
appoiuted with all the larger description of
guns. Outwardly it resembles the round, yel
low fort on Governor's Island, though larger.
It is thoroughly bomb-proof, and believed to
be impregnable to anything likely to be brought
to near against it. Though out at sea, it has
a fine well of fresh water. For some time
past upwara oi iuu men, most or tbem me
chanics, have been actively engaged in placing
the guns in order. Tho effect or Capt. For
bes's efforts are plainly visible, even to the
nnprofessional eye. There have heretofore
been no more soldiers than were necesary
to act as keepers. . Moderately well garrison
ed, Sumter would prove an ugly customer to
Charleston and its surroundings should it ever
come to that. One would suppose that it
would not be difficult for men when driven
out of Moultrie, if supplied with boats.to pull
over to Sumter, and in a very brief space of
time make it hot work for the captors in Moul
trie. The United States Arsenal is at the west
side of the City of Charleston. In it are stor
ed upward of 70,000 stands of arms and a
corresponding amount of ammunition and
other appointments of war, excepting large
guns. It is now guarded, nominally, by a
military corps of Charleston, whose services
the Government accepted to protect it from
the mob. -- It was an expert movement, a
peaceful capture. It will continue to be thus
guarded, till the time arrives for making use
of the extensive military store-bouse against
the Federal Government, which in this, as in
many other things, has been outwitted by the
nuiuners.
Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, has ad
dressed a circular letter to the Governors of
the slave States proposing a plan of adjust
ment for our national difficulties. He thinks
there should be every effort nscd to prevent
Secession if it can be done with honor. To
this end he recommends a Conference of the
Southern States, and recommends a repeal of
the personal-liberty bills, the execution of the
fugitive-slave law, the return to the South of
those indicted for abducting slaves, an equal
division of our national territory, making the
thirty-seventh parallel of latitude a compro
mise line, guarantying the free navigation of
the Mississippi forever.and granting the South
a larger share of power in the United States
Senate.
The Central Committee of the Constitution
al Union party of Kentucky have issued a
call fur a State Convention ol that party, to
meet in Louisville on the 8th of January, for
the purpose of consulting upon the course
Kentucky should pursue in the present crisis.
Members of all other political organizations
are invuea to take part in the deliberations of
the Convention.
DIPHTHERIA AND ITS CURE.
This singular disease, which . has thus far
seemed to baffle the skill of our best physi
cians, says tho Cincinnati Prtst has become
so prevalent and has been so generally fatal,
that any suggestion in regard to its cure will
hardly prove uninteresting. Rs causes are
not known, and therefore all treatment has
heretofore been merely experimental ; but its
pathognomonic symptoms- are so diversified
and dissimilar that in many instances the
throat of the patient closes and he dies before
his disease has been discovered. The diagno
sis by which it is known from other complaints
of the throat is the formation of a membrane,
which increases gradually until the patient ia
literally strangled to death. IT is sometimes
accompanied by ulceration and extreme pros
tration or tne entire system,- at others by
neither of these symptom, yet la either cas
it is equally fatal. 'To arrest the formation of
this membrane would, therefore, seem equiva
lent to curing the disease, and' this, in most
instances, may be done in tho following man
ner. In the early stages of tho complaint,
which is always accompanied by a soreness
and swelling of the throntr let the patient use
a simple solution of salt and water, as a gargle
every fifteen minutes. At the same time,
moisten a piece of flannel with a solution of
the same kind, made a warm as-the patient
can bear it, and bind it around- his- throat, re
newing it as often as the gargle' is-administered,
and in the meanwhile sprinkling fine salt
between the flannel and tho neck.- Use in
wardly some tonic or stimulent, either sepa
rately, or, if the prostration be- great, use
both together. The treatment, as- may be-
seen, is extremely simple, and if used in the
earlier stages of the disease, will effect a com
plete cure.
"Friar's Poi.it" Is the name of a village lr
Coahoma county, Mississippi. Three North
ern mechanics working there were recentlr
subjected to a most horrible fate, Che particu
lars of which are set forth in a letter written
to the Memphis .frgns by Mr. Sam'l J. Halle,
who, that paper says, is one of the firm or Ber
lin & Halle, clothiers, in M.-iupbis-, and seems
therefore to be reliable. Hanging and burn
ing men, on the testimony of a frightened ne
groes, appears to be growing popular in some
parts of the South. Here is the letter :
r bur's Poist, Mia., Dec. 11, I860,
To the Editor of the Daily A rgvt There is
great excitement in this coram unity. The
people are in anus against the Kotlbera men
who have been in the country but a few months.
On yesterday evening two gira and a negro
quarter were fired simultaneously, doubtless
by the procurement of these wrefclrea. Th
night was lit op for miles around' The Vigi
lance Committee were: soon nttfer nrras, and
proceeded to the room of three carpenters, one
by the name of Hamlin, the others- ntrknown.
and took them and hung them to the first tree,
and afterward cut them down and burned
them ! The town is now underarms, the mil
itary are parading the streets, and all is ex
citement and alarm. This morning the re
mainder of the Northern men were svrt up tho
river on the steamer Peytona ; some of them
were branded with the letters, G. B.-fgin burn
ers,) lieforc !eing shipped. Fourteen gins
have been burned in this county daring the
last six weeks, and the people have determined
to stop it. An Abolitionist was hanjred. bar
reled np and rolled into the river at this point
last weekj and It was probablv to avenae his
death that the last tins were fired. A neirro
implicated the men who were hohg. The
V igilance Committee have sworn to hanz ev
ery Northern man who comes here from this
time until the fourth of March, and all such
had better be in h-1 than at Friar's Point.
S trfcEt, J. Halle.
It should be kept in mind that this letter
was written by a Southern man to the editor
of a Southern newspaper. , .
Election Laws or South Carolisa. The
election laws of South Carolina, as We gather
them from the legal notices in the Charleston
piper, contain what will be considered some
curious provisions in this democratic age.
Universal suffrage docs not obtain there.
The voter, beside being a "free white man",
(qy. are there any white men In the State not
"Iree") must be possessed of "a" free hold ot
fifty acres of land or a town lot." The pos
session of this property qualification not only
gives the right to vote, but enables the voter
to choose whero he shall vote. He may vote
in the parish in which his property Is situated.
though not a resident. When challenged a
voter is required among other things to swear
that he "is not a pauper, soldier, or non-com
missioned officer of the army of the United
States." Commissioned officers, by implica
tion, are excepted from this degrading enu
meration with paupers. -
The "Canadian extradition case" was deci
ded inTruio, C. W.; on the 13th inst. Tho
decision was given by the Court of Queen's
Bench. It Is in favor of givirij up the slave-
prisoner, Jones, to the United States authori
ties. One of the judges disieritinz from tho
opinion of the court, an appeal has been tken.
The prisoner is strongly guarded. No at
tempt has been made to rescue him, but great
excitement prevails.
The Vicksburg, Mississippi, Whig says :
"The Post office receipts in tile State of Mis
sixssippi amount to $101,549. The expendi
tures are $371,001, leaving a deficit ef $289,
452. This sum will havrj td be raised, when
the State secedes, by dirtd taxation of the
people. A tat of $300,000 for just one item,
which cannot be avoided ! Let these facts bo
considered by the people befdre they take the ,
final step." .
In the Slue Book, 781 South Carolinians
are set down as receipting the United States
pay foils for different services. JV'in only
hate resigned, and these resignations are to
take effect on the 4th of March next, when
they know they would be dismissed anyhow.
Very patriotic in them.
The .Mobile Tribune says that Capt. S. S.
Taylor has rigged out a schooner, mounted ,
two heavy guns, snd taken on board fifty har-dy,active,well-drilled
searovers,with which he '
intends to defend the Alabama coast. This is
the beginning of a new navy. .
The Governor of Tennessee has issued a"
call for an extra session of the State Legisla
ture, to meet on the Tth of January, to corr-'
aider the condition of the country.
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