lAreaffllMtf -it" BY S. B. ROW. CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 26," 1860. YOL. 7. 10. 18. THE DESTITUTE. . For a moment brothers listen, .... To the moan that eometh up From the thin lips of the destitute, Who drink life's anguish cup ; -There are brows as pale as ashes, - There are hearts as cold as snow, ; Coursing on life's dusky highway , Look, and you will find it so ! There is many a lone, lone orphan, ' Beating out the march of life, '.Mid the cUtnor and confusion, All alone amidst the strife. Treat them kindly, deign to lore them, And thy mother's feelings prove ; , Do not pass them coldly, saying. - Mine are all that I can lore." THE GREAT POLITICAL ISSUE. SPEECH OF SENATOR WADE, OF OHIO. On Monday the 17th Inst., an immense au dience assembled in the U. S. Senate to hear the speech of "Old Ben Wade," the war-horse of Ohio. ' The galleries were thronged long before theJiour of meeting, and even the cloak rooms, to which admission is usually prohib ited, were crowded with the fair sex. ; Ma. Wade said : At a time like this, when there seems to be unusual excitement, I have very little faith in the efficacy ol any argument. But I must say, when, in this very chamber, wbere we have all raised our hands to Heaven and took an oath that we would sustain the Constitution of the United States, we hear it said by many Senators that we are upon the eve of a dissolution of this Union, and that your Constitution is to be trampled under foot, silence under such circumstances seems to be Mkin to treason itself. We have listened to complaints on the other side of this chamber patiently, and with an ardent desire to ascer tain what they were. But I confess I am un able to understand what it is of which they complain. The party which has lately elec ted the President, and is prospectively coming into power, have never held office under this Government, nor any individual of them. Therefore, it is manifest that that party have as yet committed no act of which anybody can complain. If any one has fears as to what may hereafter ensue, they are mere apprehen sions nothing else ; a bare suspicion a fear rising out of unwarrantable prejudices. I wish to ascertain in the outlet whether we are right, for I tell gentlemen here if they can convince me that I am holding any political principle that is not warranted by the Consti tution under which we live, or trenches on their rights, they need not ask me to compro mise, fur I will redress their rights myself when I am wrong. No man need approach me with a threat that the Government is to be destroyed, because I hope that I have now, .and ever shall have, that sense of justice that tvhen any man shows me lam wrong, I shall be ready to right It without threat or compro mise. But what is the cause of this great ex citement which undoubtedly prevails in a por tion of our country 7 for, if the newspapers are to be credited, there is a reign of terror in the cities and large towns of the South that looks very much like the reign of terror in Paris during the French Revolution. We hear of Northern mon being sent back, or scourged and tarred and feathered, and no inquiry made in regard to the cause. I do not suppose the regular Government, fa times of excitement like this, is really responsible for these out breaks of passion. If the States where these outrages prevail were a foreign government, and if they were really authorised by the con xtituted authorities, everybody knows, if it were the strongest government in the world, we would declare war in one day. But what has caused this great excitement 7 I will tell yon what I suppose it is. I do not so much Mame the people of the South,because I think they have been led to believe that we, to-day the dominant party, who are about to take the reins of Government, are their mortal foes, and stand ready to trample their institutions under foot. They have been told so by our enemies at the North, and they would not bear us at all. Now, I wish to Inquire candid ly, honestly, and fairly, whether the Sonthern gentlemen who complain so much have any reasonable grounds for that complaint I mean when they are really informed as to our posi tion. The Northern Democrats have said we have rerson.il Liberty Bills in some few of the Northern States, which would somehow trench upon your rights to recapture runaway slaves a position that in more than two or three cases has not the leant foundation in fact. But lr these laws are really repugnant to the Con stitution, they are utterly void.and the Courts would declare them so any moment. There fore I am glad to hear Senators on the other side sny they do not complain of these bills, l our men have given up this bone of conten tion, this matter or complaint, which North ern men have set forth as a grievance more than any one else. I was exceedingly glad to near Senators on the other side say that the ''peal of these bills will not relieve the case irom the difficulties and I have heard it cv "jwhere that the people of the Free States "e unfaithful in executing the Fugitive Slave . My colleague, (Mr. Pugh), with a mag nanimity for which I give him my thanks, has ood forth to testify that, in the State I in Prt represent, Republican Judges, Courts and Junes, have fulfilled this repulsive duty with Perfect faithfulness, and so said the Senator IMh. Via. . J y a i ma j f av a V"- tch) to have said. Therefore, this .cainmny is removed from us, so far as the . yr - v w v ovuaivi 1 1 UUJ luuiaim "ments of our political enemies can do it. i snow our Courts feel themselves bound to Qwinintei. ih. i. .i j t , "o ana jusi mm ' nicy una mem. me av f r. i t . i t? . . h n r ,ide' where vou have l08t ore slave we h un.,ailhfuloess of legislative tribunals, lr-, !e. ten men murdered by your mobs 8mst law. I cannot take up a Southern pa bnt , rtal of men who travel for business, and . nWait uPon tbem b7 "ome Committee " tell them to nlnrn. tiul nrhat f. h ie 7 Why, Sir, you come from Ohio, and v'y dn't inquire what party you belone to Cn ue acis nave oeen aone under cir nstaocei that would disgrace a savage. in, . tue acts have been done under cir- I e In ""in Misgive m savage, half ftV?M0iecariy in traTe,ln8 oew'y one- If of t tes. Statf.. '"uoneaeracy especially the Gulf e- I don't care what a man's character dot L j uC, ana if he never violated anv law tin. but if he comes from the North. 9 m . ... rlkhf. V lL w nM exercised bis political FV"f S?? 70,ed ,or Lcoln Instead of some- Senator rises r.KisanoaensebunlsbahUhvindio.. W .. tfaj ' V tripes.and by death.' ''ndyouAtfow I tions' and to constituents are guilty of all these things, can ! stana up and accuse us or being unfaithful to tne constitution of the land ! I make the as sertion here, that I do not believe in the his- tory of the world there ever was a nation or a people where a law so repugnant to the gener- al feeling was ever executed with the same faithfulness as has been this most repugnant Fugitive Slave Law. ton hate a law in South Carolina by which you take the free citizens or Massachusetts or any other maritime State and lock them up in jail under a penalty. If the poor man cannot pay the jail fees, eternal slavery stares him in the face, it fs a mon strous law, revolting to the best feelings of humanity, and In conflict with the Constitution of the United States. I don't say this by way of recrimination. I kuow the excitement per- vaamg tne country, and l do not wish to add a single coal to the flame. Nevertheless, I wish the whole truth to appear. Then, what is it i lou have the whole legislation of the country ; you own the Cabinet and the Senate, ana l may add you own the President of the United States.as much as you own the servants on yonr own plantations. But I can't see why Southern men rise up and complain of the action or tins government. I have already shown tt is impossible to point out any act of which tne Republican party, have been guilty or Which you can complain. ' Therefore I un derstand that Senators who justify the over throw of this Government, who would break it up and resolve it into its original elements, do it on a mere suspicion that the Republican party may romchow a fleet their rights Now, what doctrines do we hold detrimental to you 7 Are we the setters forth of any new doctrine under the Constitution? I tell you. nay. There is no principle held to-day by the great Kepublican party that has not had the sanction of your Government for more than seventy years. You have changed your opin ions ; we stand where we used to stand. We stand on the Slavery question in the place for merly occupied by the most revered statesmen of this nation, every one of them, Washington, Jcnerson, JSlonroe, Adams, Jackson, and Polk inclusive. And that revered statesman, Hen ry Clay, of blessed memory, with his dying breath asserted the doctrine we hold to-day. v ny, men, are we held up before the comma mty as violators of your rights 7 It is late in in the day to accuse us of harboring these o- pinions. Ihen, what doctrines do we hold that are complained of 7 You don't complain of our Liberty bills. You don't complain that air. Lincoln is a violent man and will probably do any injury to you. 1 have shown that the dominant party have nothing to complain of in point ot legislation. 1. he Kepublican party in the North, and in Ohio in particular, hold tne same opinion, safaras I know, with re gard to this peculiar institution that is hold by all the civilized nations In the world. We don't differ In public sentiment from England, Ger many, t ranee, or Italy, or any other civilized nation on God's earth. I tell you frankly you will never find a community who are in love with your peculiar institution. Now, the Sen ator Irom Texas told us that Cotton was King-. and could overrule, by its influence, (I do but use his words) and compel men to come down that it had subjects in Europe. - I will say to that Senator that they are rebellious sub jects, and are talking very disrespectfully of i...: ti,. . ai - . wicn .vui. x ucy ich )uu inejr ay injinmize with those yon call Black-Republicans. There fore, I hope we shall hear no more of the toast that "Cotton in Kino" and is going to over rule all nations and bring them under its foot stool. It never will be done. But have our Southern friends any complaints to make ol the platform 7 I tell you frankly that we did lay down the principle that we would prohibit, if we had the power, Slavery from invading another inch of free-soil territory of this Gov. ernment. I stand there to-day. I have ar gued it to half a million of people, probably. and they stand there and they have commis sioned me to stand there forever, and, so help me God ! 1 will. I say to yon, while we hold this doctrine to the end, there is no Republi can, or convention of Jtepublicans, or paper, that pretends we have any right in your States to interlere with your peculiar institutions. On the other hand, our platform repudiates the luca that we have any right, or intention even, to invade your institution in your own States. Now, what do you complain of 7 You are go ing to ureas up this government. You are going to involve us in war and blood out of a mere suspicion that we shall transcend that which we stand here to vindicate. How would yon be justified in the eyes of the civilized world to take so monstrous a position, and predicate it on a mere suspicion We don't love Slavery. Didn't you know it before to day 7 Everything remains as it did a year ago. But all at once, when we meet here, 1 find all gloom, and gentlemen rise up to say we aro on the eve of breaking up this government. Seven or eight States are coine to set ud a hostile government and they look implor ingly over to us, and say "you can pre vent it." What can we do? You have not condescended to tell us what you want done. We hold to no doctrine that can possibly work you any inconvenience. We have been faithful to all the laws. It is not, then, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to do any overt act by which you may be Injured. You won't wait for any. But, anticipating that the Govern ment may work you an injury, you will put aa end to it, which means simply this that you intend to rule or ruin this Government. There is where it comes. We do not like yonr insti tutions, you say. Bet we never liked them any better, and you might as well have dissolv ed the Union at any other time as now. Wo stand precisely where we stood., repudiatine your institution as a matter of morals, but, ad mitting that, when it is out of our jurisdic tion, we have no hold upon it and no designs upon it. ' Is there anything in the character of the President elect of which you complain ? Has be not lived a blameless life, never viola ted any law ; has he committed any violation of duty ? Why then are you suspicious that he will 7 Now, then, I have shown that hav ing the Government in yonr hands all the time, j?ave "? S of destruction and the PeoP,e believing it was time the seep- "t-iJ' k j y- ea it in more competent nanas. ii mis is so you have no constitutional right to complain; when we all disavow any intention so to make n,e of that Tictor7 wa have wan., as to. inju.re on at an. . . x . This brings me here to the anestion of The first day of this session a and, offers a resolution to in e evils between different sea- ascertain what could be done to settle the difficulty. I tell that Senator I know of no difficulty. As to compromise. I suppos ed we had agreed that the day of compromises was at an end. The most solemn we have made have been violated, and where aie they ? Since I have had a seat in this Senate one of considerable antiquitv was swept away from our statute book : and when in the minoritv I stood np here and asked you to withhold your uanas that it was a sacred compact between sections what was the cry 7 That it was noth ing but an act of Congress, and could be swept away by the same majority that passed it. That was true, in fact, and true in law, and it snowed the weakness of compromises. Now, 1 only speak for myself, that in view of the manner in which compromises have been trea ted, I should think hardly any two members of the Democratic party could look each other in the face and say "compromise" without a smile. A compromise to be brought about af ter the experience we have bad, is absolutely ridiculous. What are we to compromise 7 I am one of those who went with zeal to main tain the principles of the Republican party. In a constitutional way we met and nominated our cocdidates. You did the same. The is sue was made and we went to the people with it, and, although usually in the minority, usu ally beaten, the justice of our principles and the bad administration of the Government con vinced the people that a change ought to be brought about, and after trying your utmost, and we our ntmcst, we beat you. We beat you on the plainest and most palpable issue ever presented to the American people, and one they understood the best and now, when we come to the capital, we tell you that our candidates roust be inaugurated and adminis ter the Government precisely as their prede cessors have done. It would be humiliating and dishonorable to ns if we listened to a com promise by which we should lay aside the ver dict of the people. When it comes to that, you have no Government, but anarchy inter venes and civil war may follow, and all the e vils that human imagination can raise may be consequent upon such a course aa that. The American people would lose the sheet-anchor of Liberty, wbenevet it is denied on this floor that a majority fairly given shall rule. I know not what others may do, but I tell you that with tnat veraict or the people in my pocket, and standing on the platform on which these can didates were elected, I would suffer anything before I would compromise in any wav. I deem it no case where we hare a right to ex tend courtesy or generosity. The absolute rigl.t, the most sacred that a free people can Desiow upon any man, is their verdict that gives him a full title to the office he holds. If we cannot stand there, we cannot stand any where; and, my friends, any other verdict would be as fatal to you as to. us. You say ne came irom one section or the countrv What ol that 7 I appeal to gentlemen on the other side to say if they believed if the result or the contest had been the other wav the Re publicans would have threatened disunion 7 I claim that if Mr. Lincoln is an honest man, he wilt administer the Constitution faithfully inereiore, l say to you, as far as l am con cerned, I will yield to no compromise. I do not come here begging one. It would be an indignity to the people I represent if I was to stand here recreant to the rights of my party. ve have won our right to the Chief Magistra cy, and if you were as willing to do justice to others as to exact it from them, you would never rise to ask for compromise. Many of you stand in an attitude hostile to this Gov ernment when you threaten, unless we do so and so, you will go out of this Union, and des troy the Government. I say, in my private capacity, I never yield to anything by way of threats. Jn my public capacity I have no right to yield. Therefore, I would not entertain a proposition for compromise. This long, chro nic controversy must be met upon the princi pies of the Constitution. I hope it may be adjusted, but I know of no way except that laid down by the Constitution of the United States. When we go astray from that, wo plunge ourselves into difficulties. There are different ways of construing it, but in my judgment, it is the wisest constitution ever yet organized, and I am willing to stand by it. 1 auk for nothing more TLere is another subject about which I ought to say something. It is claimed that you have a right to secede at your pleasure. I cannot find any warrant for doctrine like that in the Constitution. In my judgment, it would be subversive of constitutional obligations. If that is so, we have no Government. It wonld reduce this Union to a mere conglomeration of States, to be held together at the will of any captious member of it. The State of South Carolina is a small State ; but, probably, if she was sunK by an earthquake, wo should hardly find it out, except by the unwonted harmony that would prevail in this Chamber. I say this from no ill will. I think she is unwise. I would be willing to let her go out if we could do so without an example fatal to all govern ment. But, standing here, my wishes must be controlled by constitutional duty. I don't see how any man can contend that a State can go out of the Government at pleasure. The ques tion was reviewed thirty years ago, and re ceived a verdict which it was supposed had set it at rest forever. By Gen. Jackson, and the men who surrounded him, it was pro nounced a delusion, and utterly disruptive of all Governments. Yet, here it is to-day, blooming and fresh. Mr. Calhoun even held to the doctrine that we have power to make war on a State. You will find this doctrine in his long letter to Gov. II ami Hon. I acknowl edge to the fullest extent the right of revolu tion, if you so call it a right to destroy the government and erect another on its ruins more in accordance with your wishes. But when you undertake it, you undertake it with this provision : If you are successful, all is right ; you are heroes ; but if you are defeat ed, you are rebels ! That is the character of revolutions: if successful, all well ; if unsuc cessful, the Government treats them as trai tors f I do not see a cause to apprehend that any party intends to make war on the seceding States ; 1 only assert the right to do so if they see St. I would cot, however, coumfel or ad vise any party to do it. I would be very ten- der with the rights of the people who were a- um w in can up mo uiciuuioui uuuer wuicu i they had deliberately come to the conclusion they could not live but I apprehend that the position of the Republicans would compel them to take austere ground. Although a State se cedes, they cannot recognize her right to go out of the Union until she gains the consent of the Union. The duty of the Chief Magistrate is to execute the law in every part of the Gov- ernment. lie cannot be released from this ob ligation. Nothing in the Constitution or the united States will warrant his saying that a single star has fallen. He is sworn not to know that a State has seceded and to Dav no respect to resolutions that declare she has done so. In doing this it does not follow that u must mafce war upon her, but he should ex ercise every Federal right over her, the most important of which is the collection of the revenue. There are many rights for the ben efit of the people of a State that might be dis pensed with. If they do not want the mails crr,ed the President could abolish the post offices. They might not perhaps elect officers to send here, but they could do as they liked about that. They have a right to be perfectly represented here, but if thv oh that privilege it ia not in fMltTa Kant liWAn tha president to force them to snrt fives here. But the chief magistrate must col lect the revenue precisely tin? sam n op other State. No State can be released from that obligation, for the Constitution demands it. What tbllOWS 7 If thfl Pv.inr Stafo shuts up her ports of entrv. so that nMn ran. Dot discharge their careoes. then shina will cease to gothcre : or. if the G aaes tier ports to collect rcvenne. she will not have gained her independence hv If she will feel contented to live under rhi qnivocal state of things, all will be well, but she cannot do so. What will she do 7 She rausttake the initiative and declare war upon the United States. Then force must be met by force, and she must hew nut her indonpn. dence by violence and war. There was no oth er way under the Constitution that he knew of It a State secede and declare war. He did not suppose that there was a lawyer on the floor but who will say that the act of levving war is treason against the United States. That is the result, and we may as well look the matter in the face. The Senator from Texas s.iv that the South will force an ignominious treatv from us in Faneuil Hall. To this I would an swer, "Well, you may ; we know your power ; we know your bravery ; we do not want to fight with you ; but, nevertheless, if you drive us to the necessity, we will use all our powers to maintain the Government intact, in all its integrity. If we are overthrown, the Govern ment will bo subverted as thousands of other Governments have been. If yon are the weak est, then you must go to the wall. That is all there is about it. That is the condition in which we stand. lean see no power in the Constitution that will release the Senator from this position. He did not take the oath to support the Constitution until one State sece ded. There was no such immunity for him. There was no way, then, for a State to go out of the Union, but she could demand equal jus tice under the Constitution, and: indicate her grievances while the flag of the nation waved over her. There was no way for a State to go out of the Union except by making war and vindicating by force or arms her right to inde pendence ; and if yoq do go out, bear my pro phecy in mind. No man would regret more than 1 would the disruption of any portion of the United States, where the people think themselves aggrieved, if there is any honora ble release from it. But all this trouble is a matter of prejudice superinduced by listening to the enemies of the Republican party. We are looked upon in the light of enemies ; we are branded as traitors ; we are styled John Brown men ; but if the South will secede, we will prcsone a glorious futnre. Mexico owes England eight millions of dollars, and asks of us protection, and she has all the elements to build up a glorious republican empire. Still. the Republican party will do anything for the Union as It is. The Senator from Illinois, (Mr. Douglas,) and ray colleague. rMr. Pueh.. have said that the Black Republicans were eoine for a reien of equality, and would build up a black Gov ernment. I think it would be one of the most blessed things, if inducements could be made to every black man amone us to find a home in Central America or lower Mexico. Then a dopt the homestead policy for our people, and wo win nave sucn a power, vested in native v. hite men, as was never before seen. Men of every clime will come araone us. and we will build up a nation of laboring men. Then Cana da will knock at our doors.and we will have all the elements to build up a republic more pow erful and more just than the world has ever dreamed of. I am for maintaining the Union of the States. I would sacrifice everything to maintain it. The glorious old flag of ours never shall, by any act or word of mine, cease to wave ovhr teis nation as it is. But if we will have it, in this new renovated Government of which I have spoken, the old fourth of Ju ly will never be repealed, and the old flag of 1776 will float over this nation forever. This capitol, gentlemen have said, would do for a Southern Republic. Sir, it shall ever be the capitol of our Union. It was laid by Wash ington and consecrated bv him. and the flair vindicated in the war of the revolution, shall ever continue to float to the breeze over it. Applause in the galleries. Washington and his patriots fought for that good old flag, and it was the glory of their lives. Mv own fath er, though an humble soldier, fought to save the great cause, and went throusrh sevenfold hardships for it. He bequeathed the flag of his country to his children for their protection. It was my protection in vouth and the elorv and pride of my riper years; and though it may be assailed by traitors on every side, yet, by the grace of God, under its shadow I will die. Strength or the Disunion States. The white population of the. States in which the se cession sentiment is active, was bv the United States Census of 1850, as follows : South Car olina, 274,563 ; Mississippi, 295,718 ; Georgia, 531,572; Florida, 47,203 ; Alabama, 426,513 ; Total, 1,565,569. The increase in the five States named during the last ten years, would probably give a total white population now of about 2,000,000, which is about 700,000 less than the present population of Ohio. The to tal colored population of those States, which certainly adds nothing to their strength shonld they embroil themselves in a war, was by the census oi leau, i,4o,oa8 being nearly equal to the total white population. The State of South Carolina, in which the secession spirit opiaia iv ira mo uiu8i rampant, naa a wmie populatiou, in 1850, of 274,563, and a colored population of 384,984. Her present popula tion is about one-half of that of the City of Philadelphia. If Florida should secede she will not have a sufficient population to come into the Union again, as a State. Wise men fear the folly of their adversaries far more than their own wisdom.. THE CHARLESTON FORTS. Allusion is so frequently made to the Chart eston lorts that some information concerning mem win pe read with interest. They are three in number, namelv. Fort Moultrie. Fort surater, and Castle Pinckney. The fort is on Sullivan's Island, which is principally within ine corporate limits or the Citv of Charleston. This Island is separated from the mainland by a narrow channel, which sometimes at low tide may be forded though it would be a very unmtlitary thing for an attackting expidition toreiy on this method or approach. FortMoul trie is on the seaward side of the island, near Iy a mile distant from this channel, so that its passage would be measurably "in the face of an enemy," and directly so should the com manding officer erect batteries at the point of landing, which however, is not certain to be done. Sullivan's Island is quite thickly built up, generally with wooden tenements, and a horse railroad traverses the whole distance. The Fort itself is an extensive work, well provided with everything but men. Its guns are, many of them, of the largest and best de scription, and nearly all the recent improve meuts in explosives have been introduced, in the use of which the men are well drilled. Indeed, w may state with confidence that the officers and men at Moultrie very ranch excel in this particular. Recently within the last ten days a trench has been dug around the entire Fort, and, without going into minute detail, it will be enough to say that everything is being done necessary to place the work in the best possible condition of defense. She has recently received six months provisions. What is wanting in men will in a measure be made up by discipline and completeness of death-dealing appointments. The distance be tween Fort Moultrie and the city is about three miles. A few days since, Col. Gardner, who, for years, held the post of Commandant was re lieved of the command by Maj. Robert Ander son, of Kentucky.who was breveted for his successful conduct in the Florida war, and who served with distinction in Mexico. The other officers are :. Capt. Abner Donbleday, Capt. T. beymour, Lieut. T. Talbot, Lieut. J. C. Davis, Lieut. N. J. Hall, of the 1st Regi ment of Artillery,' Capt. D. G. Foster and Lieut. G. W. Snyder of the Engineer corps. The Charleston Mercury speaks of the vigi lance in the Fort thus : "While the working men are doing wonders on the outside, the aoldiers within are by no means idle. Field pieces have been placed in position upon the green within the fort, and none of the expedi ents of military engineering have been neglect ed to make the position as strong as possible. It is said that the greatest vigilance is observ ed In every regulation at this time, and that the gnus , are regularly shotted every night It is very certain that ingress is no longer an easy niatter.and the visiter who hopes to get In must make up his mind to approach with all the caution, ceremony and circumlocution with which the Allies are advancing upon the capital ot the Oelestial Lmpire." Castle Pinckney stands in the harbor, wholly surrounded by water, which cannot be bridged readily, between Moultrie and the city, and can be operated on only by heavy guns. It mounts a large number of heavy guns, and has recently been very much strengthened In 1832, Gen. Scott did much to strengthen this position, and most ot the works then ad ded still remain. An engineering force of a limited number of men has for the last two weeks been engaged in rendering the fortifica tion one of a really formidable character. Like Fort Moultrie, it only want? men. Fort Sumter rises out of the water further down the harbor, about 3 miles from ibe city, nearly abreast of and not over one mile from Moultrie. It not only commands both the other forts, but, it is believed, the city could be effectually shelled from it. It is thoroughly appoiuted with all the larger description of guns. Outwardly it resembles the round, yel low fort on Governor's Island, though larger. It is thoroughly bomb-proof, and believed to be impregnable to anything likely to be brought to near against it. Though out at sea, it has a fine well of fresh water. For some time past upwara oi iuu men, most or tbem me chanics, have been actively engaged in placing the guns in order. Tho effect or Capt. For bes's efforts are plainly visible, even to the nnprofessional eye. There have heretofore been no more soldiers than were necesary to act as keepers. . Moderately well garrison ed, Sumter would prove an ugly customer to Charleston and its surroundings should it ever come to that. One would suppose that it would not be difficult for men when driven out of Moultrie, if supplied with boats.to pull over to Sumter, and in a very brief space of time make it hot work for the captors in Moul trie. The United States Arsenal is at the west side of the City of Charleston. In it are stor ed upward of 70,000 stands of arms and a corresponding amount of ammunition and other appointments of war, excepting large guns. It is now guarded, nominally, by a military corps of Charleston, whose services the Government accepted to protect it from the mob. -- It was an expert movement, a peaceful capture. It will continue to be thus guarded, till the time arrives for making use of the extensive military store-bouse against the Federal Government, which in this, as in many other things, has been outwitted by the nuiuners. Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, has ad dressed a circular letter to the Governors of the slave States proposing a plan of adjust ment for our national difficulties. He thinks there should be every effort nscd to prevent Secession if it can be done with honor. To this end he recommends a Conference of the Southern States, and recommends a repeal of the personal-liberty bills, the execution of the fugitive-slave law, the return to the South of those indicted for abducting slaves, an equal division of our national territory, making the thirty-seventh parallel of latitude a compro mise line, guarantying the free navigation of the Mississippi forever.and granting the South a larger share of power in the United States Senate. The Central Committee of the Constitution al Union party of Kentucky have issued a call fur a State Convention ol that party, to meet in Louisville on the 8th of January, for the purpose of consulting upon the course Kentucky should pursue in the present crisis. Members of all other political organizations are invuea to take part in the deliberations of the Convention. DIPHTHERIA AND ITS CURE. This singular disease, which . has thus far seemed to baffle the skill of our best physi cians, says tho Cincinnati Prtst has become so prevalent and has been so generally fatal, that any suggestion in regard to its cure will hardly prove uninteresting. Rs causes are not known, and therefore all treatment has heretofore been merely experimental ; but its pathognomonic symptoms- are so diversified and dissimilar that in many instances the throat of the patient closes and he dies before his disease has been discovered. The diagno sis by which it is known from other complaints of the throat is the formation of a membrane, which increases gradually until the patient ia literally strangled to death. IT is sometimes accompanied by ulceration and extreme pros tration or tne entire system,- at others by neither of these symptom, yet la either cas it is equally fatal. 'To arrest the formation of this membrane would, therefore, seem equiva lent to curing the disease, and' this, in most instances, may be done in tho following man ner. In the early stages of tho complaint, which is always accompanied by a soreness and swelling of the throntr let the patient use a simple solution of salt and water, as a gargle every fifteen minutes. At the same time, moisten a piece of flannel with a solution of the same kind, made a warm as-the patient can bear it, and bind it around- his- throat, re newing it as often as the gargle' is-administered, and in the meanwhile sprinkling fine salt between the flannel and tho neck.- Use in wardly some tonic or stimulent, either sepa rately, or, if the prostration be- great, use both together. The treatment, as- may be- seen, is extremely simple, and if used in the earlier stages of the disease, will effect a com plete cure. "Friar's Poi.it" Is the name of a village lr Coahoma county, Mississippi. Three North ern mechanics working there were recentlr subjected to a most horrible fate, Che particu lars of which are set forth in a letter written to the Memphis .frgns by Mr. Sam'l J. Halle, who, that paper says, is one of the firm or Ber lin & Halle, clothiers, in M.-iupbis-, and seems therefore to be reliable. Hanging and burn ing men, on the testimony of a frightened ne groes, appears to be growing popular in some parts of the South. Here is the letter : r bur's Poist, Mia., Dec. 11, I860, To the Editor of the Daily A rgvt There is great excitement in this coram unity. The people are in anus against the Kotlbera men who have been in the country but a few months. On yesterday evening two gira and a negro quarter were fired simultaneously, doubtless by the procurement of these wrefclrea. Th night was lit op for miles around' The Vigi lance Committee were: soon nttfer nrras, and proceeded to the room of three carpenters, one by the name of Hamlin, the others- ntrknown. and took them and hung them to the first tree, and afterward cut them down and burned them ! The town is now underarms, the mil itary are parading the streets, and all is ex citement and alarm. This morning the re mainder of the Northern men were svrt up tho river on the steamer Peytona ; some of them were branded with the letters, G. B.-fgin burn ers,) lieforc !eing shipped. Fourteen gins have been burned in this county daring the last six weeks, and the people have determined to stop it. An Abolitionist was hanjred. bar reled np and rolled into the river at this point last weekj and It was probablv to avenae his death that the last tins were fired. A neirro implicated the men who were hohg. The V igilance Committee have sworn to hanz ev ery Northern man who comes here from this time until the fourth of March, and all such had better be in h-1 than at Friar's Point. S trfcEt, J. Halle. It should be kept in mind that this letter was written by a Southern man to the editor of a Southern newspaper. , . Election Laws or South Carolisa. The election laws of South Carolina, as We gather them from the legal notices in the Charleston piper, contain what will be considered some curious provisions in this democratic age. Universal suffrage docs not obtain there. The voter, beside being a "free white man", (qy. are there any white men In the State not "Iree") must be possessed of "a" free hold ot fifty acres of land or a town lot." The pos session of this property qualification not only gives the right to vote, but enables the voter to choose whero he shall vote. He may vote in the parish in which his property Is situated. though not a resident. When challenged a voter is required among other things to swear that he "is not a pauper, soldier, or non-com missioned officer of the army of the United States." Commissioned officers, by implica tion, are excepted from this degrading enu meration with paupers. - The "Canadian extradition case" was deci ded inTruio, C. W.; on the 13th inst. Tho decision was given by the Court of Queen's Bench. It Is in favor of givirij up the slave- prisoner, Jones, to the United States authori ties. One of the judges disieritinz from tho opinion of the court, an appeal has been tken. The prisoner is strongly guarded. No at tempt has been made to rescue him, but great excitement prevails. The Vicksburg, Mississippi, Whig says : "The Post office receipts in tile State of Mis sixssippi amount to $101,549. The expendi tures are $371,001, leaving a deficit ef $289, 452. This sum will havrj td be raised, when the State secedes, by dirtd taxation of the people. A tat of $300,000 for just one item, which cannot be avoided ! Let these facts bo considered by the people befdre they take the , final step." . In the Slue Book, 781 South Carolinians are set down as receipting the United States pay foils for different services. JV'in only hate resigned, and these resignations are to take effect on the 4th of March next, when they know they would be dismissed anyhow. Very patriotic in them. The .Mobile Tribune says that Capt. S. S. Taylor has rigged out a schooner, mounted , two heavy guns, snd taken on board fifty har-dy,active,well-drilled searovers,with which he ' intends to defend the Alabama coast. This is the beginning of a new navy. . The Governor of Tennessee has issued a" call for an extra session of the State Legisla ture, to meet on the Tth of January, to corr-' aider the condition of the country. i i I ii f :i 1 ? f t -V w it n I A ii it
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers