Newspaper Page Text
BY S. B; KOW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 19, I860.
VOL. 7.-JVO. 37.
UNDER THE LINDEN.
FROM THB 8ZRUAX.
tnder the spreading Linden tree
We sat in the twilight still,
While the dim brown shadow glided on
Stealthily op the hill.
Oh. grand was the stately hall that rose
In its turreted pride near by ;
And the master there I envied him not,
For a happier man was I. -'
Ah '. happy, I trow, was I, as I sat
Under the Linden tree,
For a golden head lay elos to my heart
As I told my lore to thee.
Under the Linden tree I sit
To-night, in the darkness still,
,And the dim brown shadows hare glided on ...
Silently up the hill.
Ob, grand doe the stately mansion stand,
In its turreted pride near by ;
And the master there oh, I envy him not,
Though a sorrowful man am 1 ;
For his gold has stolen the fickle heart
That plighted its faith to me ;
And alone with a memory sad I sit
Under the Linden tree.
SOUTH CAROLINA IN 1832.
Probably the best key to the hopes, inden
tions and purposes of South Carolina, will be
f ound in the history of her action twenty-eight
years Ago. It is full of striking parallels.
Congress passed a Tariff which the South
deemed objectionable. While it was pending
intense excitement prevailed in the Southern
States, rublic meetings threatened forcible
resistance. Senators and Congressmen pre
dicted it. Governors and Legislatures en
couraged it. The Virginia Legislature asser
ted the principle of nullification. The Geor
gia Legislature denied the authority of decis
ions of the Supreme Court. South Carolina
stood ready to lead the way in a collision with
Federal power. When the news reached Char
leston that the bill had actually passed, the
Governor summoned the Legislature to the
Capital. It met on the 22d of October; An
act was immediately proposed and passed,
authorizing a Convention on the 18th of No
vember, "to consider the character and extent
1 the General Government.' The passage
of this act was hailed by the firing of cannon,
and music from a band stationed at the doors
of the Capitol. The Convention assembled on
the 19th. On the 24th it adopted an Ordinance
declaring the Tariff Act null and void, making
it unlawful for the authorities, either National
or State, to enforce the payment of the du
ties, enjoining on the Legislature to pass laws
giving effect to the Ordinance, and forbidding
.any appeal to the Supreme Court of the United
States. The Ordinance further declared, that
if any act was passed by Congress to authorize
the employment of force against South Caro
lina, such act would be null and void, and
from the time of its passage the State would
consider itself absolved from' further obliga
tions to the Union, and proceed to organize a
separate Government. This Ordinance was
to take effect Feb. 1st 1833. In reply to this
Ordinance President Jackson issued his cele
brated Proclamation, combating the doctrine
of Nullification in a masterly argument, and
declaring bis firm determination to enforce
the Laws at whatever hazard. The Proclama
tion was met with anathemas in South Caroli
na. It was denounced as fa Declaration of
War by Andrew Jackson against the State of
.South Carolina," the "edict of a dictator."
The people were exhorted to "take np arms"
'as the "only course which honor and duty pre
scribed." In the Legislature members styled
it "the impotent missile of despicable malig
nity." They declared they "hurled back scorn
sod defiance," that "the country and the
world should know how perfectly we despise
and defy him," that before the doctrines of
the Proclamation would be carried out "the
bones of many an enemy should whiten the
shores ai.d the carcasses of many a caitiff
blacken the air of Carolina." The Governor
iisued a proclamation denouncing that of the
President. The Legislature immediately pass
ed laws for carrying the Ordinance into
effect, prohibiting the collection of revenue,
and placing the militia at the command of the
Governor. Orders were Issued for increasing
the military force of the State. The Gover
nor was authorized to accept the services of
Volunteers, many companies of whom bad al
ready organized under the name of "Minute
Men." This action of South Carolina was
communicated to Congress by the President,
ana a Dill was proposed empowering him to em
ploy the land and naval forcea of the Union to
enforce the collection of the revenue, if resis
tsnce should be offered. . It gave rise to warm
debate, and was not passed until a month af
terwards. A number of the Southern Sena
tors, oa its final passage, withdrew from the
Senate Chamber. However, they came back
again in a few days. But while these prepa
rations were being made for a conflict, meas
ures were also in progress to avert it. Vir
ginia offered to mediate.- Resolutions were
passed in her Legislature asking South Caro
lina to suspend the operation of her Nullify
ing Ordinance until the close of the first ses
sion of the next Congress ; and also asking
Congress to modify the Tariff. . Benjamin
Watkins Leigh was appointed a Commissioner
(o lay these resolutions before South Carolina.
A bill, in accordance with their request, was
alto introduced in Congress. This bill failed
to pass. But Mr. Clay introduced a Compro
mise Tariff Sill, which gave rise to considera
te debate, Messrs. Webster, Dallas, Forsyth
nd Wright, opposing it ; because it abolished
jpeciflc duties ; and Messrsr. Calhoun, Swing,
Mfton, Prelingbuysen, 'Mangum ami Bibb;
apporting it as a me'asure of pacification; ' It
M finally passed, February 25,' 1835, though
nottintil after South Carolina -had suspended
"AulIiflcatlonOrdiriaiicei for the media
tion of Virginia had the remarkable effect of
woaiplUning its object even before her Com
j'Nloner arrived to- deliver the Resolutions,
governor Hayne; of South Carolina, said that
soon as it was known that Virginia had ta
f.enPthe subject in a friendly spirit, aqd
"latabill modifying the TariffWas before Coh
sress, it was determined by common consent
""spend the operation of the Ordinance un
r fter th adjournment of Congress." The
pusage of the compromise Sill though oot
ln'rber acceptable, was gladly accepted as
arnuhing an ostensible reason for retreating
i n,th unenviable pqsitlon South Carolina
a rashly assumed.. VThe State Convention"
s rHu,emDlwi on the 11th of March, and
7 " u'rjtog Ordinance was Anally repealed
"uujpD. Her people"were congratula-
having succeeded In defying ; Congress
trvi Pr!Tentinr the broad usurpati
'J'0 to "coerce a Sovereign' State.
Charleston nullifying organ boasted thus over
me result :
"Never was there a prouder instance of the
might of just principles backed by a high
courage. This little State in the mere panop
ly of courage and high principles, has foiled
the swaggering giant of the Union. 30,000
Carolinians have not only awed the wild West
into respect, but compelled Pennsylvania
stolidity into something like sense New York
corruption into something like decency Yan
kee rapacity into a sort of image of honesty.
The Tariff is overthrown ; the corrupt major
ities in Congress have yielded. The madness
of government has at last found a slight lucid
interval."- -; ,. ,- ...
FREAKS OF AW ECCENTRIC GIRL.
About four years since the good people of
Cincinnati were startled by the announcement
in the daily journals, of what was supposed,
at the time, to be a fearful tragedy, in which
a young and beautiful girl was believed to
have been carried away by some wretch; and,
as nothing has since been heard from her,
little doubt was entertained by her friends that
she had, after a brief space, either experienced
the fate of 'Desdemona,' or what was more
shocking still, had been compelled, in her
disgrace, to barter virtue for life. Her pa
rents who were advanced in years, gradually
sunk beneath the terrible calamity, until they
became living personifications of settled mel
ancholy and deep despair. Numerous circum
stances had led them irresistibly to this con
clusion ; and on the night of her departure
policemen had heard the smothered shrieks
of a female in the vicinity of her parents' re
sidence ; but before they reached the spot all
was silent; neighbors, too, bad heard myste
rious noises and observed dark figures beneath
the lady's window ; but, strange as it may ap
pear, they did not think to raise the alarm, or
even speak of the matter until her absence
was discovered ; but afterwards there was such
a marked similarity in their stories, that there
was no room to doubt their truth. Besides,
if she had simply eloped with a lover, and
been legally married, she should have inform
ed her parents of her whereabouts, and as
certained from them whather they approved
or disapproved the course she had taken, be
fore she put them off forever. Nor is this all :
her lover, the man to whom she was supposed
to have been betrothed, Btill remained, and e
vinced a distress as deep, if not lasting, as
that of the parents. Under such circumstan
ces, the conclusion that she had been forcibly
abducted appeared necessarily to follow.
About the same time a young man, or rather
boy, named Frank Bates, of slight stature,
but with rosy cheeks, smiling face, ready step
and winning demeanor, engaged in the service
of a river captain as a cabin boy, and by his
promptness and ingenuousness so ingratiated
himself into the good will of bis patron that
he was elevated to an assistant clerkship, a
position for which his education and activity
eminently qualified him. lie remained on the
boat in this capacity for about two years, when
he went to Council Bluffs,- Iowa, and engaged
as a clerk in a dry goods stoie. Here his
affability did not fail to draw towards himself
numerous friends, and among the fair belles
of the Bluffs he was much admired, and hi; em
ployer's store was soon discovered by all of
them to be the best in the village, and Frank
was everywhere applauded as the most agrea
ble of clerks. .When be attended parties and
places of amusement, he was always assigned
the post of honor, and it must be confessed
that no other young man in the vicinity could
fill the station with such perfect ease and
grace as could our hero.
It would be useless, however, to trace his
history during the two years he remained at
Council Blufls, nor to chronicle the oft raised
hopes and repeated disappointments of his fe
male admirers they will readily suggest them
selves to the reader. But, in the midst of life
there is death the glory of victory is often
succeeded by disgrace and defeat, and it so
happened in this case. About three weeks a
go, at a masquerade, 'Frank' was discovered
how the paper that relates the facts narrated
above does not state to be a female, much to
the chagrin of all the fair sex, and to the scan
dal of the neighborhood. At this unlucky
mishap, 'Frank,' revealed name and parent
age, at the same time coolly requesting to be
retained in his employer's service, promising
to draw around the place of business two male
patrons for every female repulsed, but wheth
er or not she was allowed to remain we are un
able to say. Council Bluffs Eagle.
The bark Cora, with 705 negroes on board,
was captured on the coast of Africa, near the
Congo river, on the 25th of September, by the
United States ship Constellation. She left the
port of New York on the 27th of May last,
having been previously seized on the suspi
cion of being about to engage in the slave
trade, and held in bonds to the amount of
$22,000. She is nominally owned by John
Latham, and it is believed other persons are
the real parties in possession. Her cargo was
the most varied ever put in a slaver, costing
over $22,000. The Africans were landed at
Monrovia, and the vessel sent to Norfolk in
charge of a prize crew. She arrived at New
York on Saturday evening, the 8th December.
The bondsmen of the Cora are Robert Griffiths
and Charles Newman, of Brooklyn.
The New York papers contain accounts of
a Horrible and appalling murder which was
committed in tbaffcity on Friday morning,
Dec. 7th, 4 &6: 92 Bast Twelfth street. The
tictirA was Sarah Shancks. She was an old
widow lady, and kept a fancy goods and mil
linery store at the place mentioned. On Fri
day morning' she was found dead in her bed
room, at the rear of her store, with her throat
cut, her bead bruised, and her body otherwise
injured. The apartment was ransacked, and
the motive for the murder appears to have
been robbery. The murderer obtained about
a hundred dollars as the result of his fiendish
act. The police have not been able to arrest
the perpetrator, although they are vigilantly
searching after him.
Yoo flatter me," said a thin exquisite to a
lady who was praising the beauty of his mous
tache. . "For heaven's sake, ma'am," Inter
posed an old skipper, "don't make that mon
tfey any flatter Jhan he la. qw."
- i H mmm
Renmore., onca the residence of Mary, the
mother of Washington, was recently sold t;0.
Mrs. Harrison, of Goochland county, Va., for
$10,000. The sale includes only the dwelling
and, four ac'res ground , J ..... .
THE AMERICAN EXPERIMENT.
The social, and especially the political insti
tutions or me united States, have, for the
whole of the current century, been the subject
in Europe, not merely of curious speculation,
but of the deepest interest. We have been re
garded as engaged in trying a great experi
ment, involving not merely the future fate and
welfare of this Western continent, but the
hopes and prospects ot the whole human race
Is it possible for a Government to be Derma
nently maintained without privileged classes,
wunout a standing army, and without heredi
tary or self-appointed rulers f Is the demo
cratic principle of equal rights, ireneral suf
frage, and government by a majority, capable
of being carried into practical operation, and
mat, loo, over a large extent of country ?
The more populous and wealthy the United
states nave become, and the higher the posl
tion to which they have risen in the scale of
national importance, with the greater confi
dence has it been maintained, on the one
hand, that our institutions rest on a solid and
permanent basis, and on the other, that they
are destitute of inherent strength and cohe
sion, and that the time of explosion and dis
ruption is rapidly approaching.
It cannot be doubted that the news of the
present extraordinary position of a flairs in the
Southern States, consequent upon the result of
the late Presidential election, will produce a
mong the European advocates of democratic
government and popular rights very serious a
larms as to what is to become of us ; while a
mong the advocates of monarchy and aristoc-
racy, the- threatened secession of the Cotton,
it not of the entire body of the Slaveholding
Mates, will be regarded as the .first step to
ward the entire breakdown of our whole sys-
iera oi republican government.
It ought, however, to be borne in mind that
tne threatened disruption of the Union does
not originate at all from the democratic ele
ment ot our politics or social condition. It is
the element of negro slavery, confined exclu
sively to a portion only, and that the smaller
portion, of the States, that has given occasion
to an the existing trouble. This element of
negro slavery not only conflicts with the dem
ocratic idea by stripping the negro population
of all. rights whatsoever ; but at the same time
it paralyzes and degrades the great mass of the
white population ; so that, whatever may be
the letter of constitutions and laws, it creates
a narrow aristocracy, which, in the local affairs
of the Slaveholding States, has everything its
own way. Not content to rule at home, this
slaveholding aristocracy now undertakes to
dictate to the other States also, not merely
their laws and their Presidential candidates,
out even their opinions on questions of reli
gion and morals, so far, at least, as the ques
tion of slaveholding is concerned. It is not
the development of democratio ideas or insti
tutions that has brought on the present dim
cultics ; it is the collision which has taken
place between democracy on the one hand.
and this foreign element and doubly aristo-
cratical institution of negro slavery on the oth
er. Suppose it should turn out that, under
these circumstances, the Slaveholding States
should determine to separate from the Union.
Ibat might prove the incompatibility of Sla
very with the well-working of a Government
based on democratic principles, but it would
be very far from proving, or even indicating,
the failure of our American experiment.
Whatever happened to the Slaveholding States
after this separation, in the broad extent of the
Free Labor States the experiment of repub
lican government on democratic principles
would still go on ; nor is there anything in
our past history or present position to induce
serious misgivings as to the result.
It has often been urged that with the in
crease of wealth and population our existing
popular system of government would become
impracticable, and that a great class would a-
rise. of mere laborers, destitute of property,
to whom the right of suffrage could not be
safely entrusted. Our experience thus fardoes
not give any countenance to this view. Take
the State of Massachusetts, for instance : With
a constant increase in population and wealth,
her institutions and government have conform
ed more and more to the democratic idea ;
nor does there seem any danger to her exist
ing political institutions, even if that increase
should continue indefinitely. N. Y. Trib.
JUDGE BLACX ON SECESSION.
Hon. J. S. Black, the Attorney General of
the United States, has furnished the President
with his official opinion upon the questions of
law involved in the present state of affairs in
the South, and the course of action to be pur
sued by the President in the event of a colli
sion on the part of the Central Government
with the authorities of South Carolina or any
other State. The opinion is elaborate. The
Attorney General does not think that the will
of a State can absolve its people from alle
giance to the just and constitutional require
ments ot a Centra Government, nor can any
act of the Central Government displace the
jurisdiction of a State. Its laws are supreme
and binding only so far as they are passed in
pursuance of the Constitution. The duty of
the President is only to execute the law to the
letter as it is written. We have no common
law to fall back upon when the written law is
defective. In the collection of customs or
revenues, h,e has a particular method pointed
out for him to adopt, and if the machinery fur
nished by Congress for the collection of duties
should become so deranged or broken up that
it could not be used, there would be no legal
reason for substituting a different kind of ma
chinery in its plape. The Government is the
owner of the public lands and national proper
ty, and the Attorney General thinks the Pres
dent will be justified in taking such measures
as he may deem to be necessary for their pro
tection. It had the right of keeping exclu
sive possession and repelling intrusion, and
could retake its property from any power by
force, as was the case at Harper's Ferry, in
1859, when the United States forces took the
arsenal from John Brown. . By the act of 1807
the President is empowered to employ such
parts of the land and naval force as ha shall
judge necessary for the purpose of causing the
laws to be duly executed. On4he President
alono devolves the responsibility of deciding
whether the exigency demands, the use of mil
itary force, and in ' the exercise of his power
he should be careful not to overstep his au
thority. A military force can only be called
into the field when other means are found to
be useless. Even, then its operations muat be
purely defensive, and can only ha used1 to re
pet an assault oa the pnblic property, and aid
the courts in the performance of their duty.
"umenas mat no State has a right to se
cede ; that the President can employ power to
enforce the laws in conjunction with U. S. offi-
r, oui ir. there are no U. S. officers in the
oie undertaking to secede, and the Govern
ment can get no one to serve therein, then the
cannoi oe enforced, no matter what may
jjiij oicai sirengm at us command : un-
aer such circumstances, to send a military force
ui.u oiaie with orders to act against the peo
ple would be simply making war upon them.
In the event of the retirement of a State from
the Union, the action of the President must
not depend upon the rightfulness of the cause
"iu wuico sucn declaration is based, lie
cannot recognize her independence or absolve
her from her Federal obligations. This is a
matter for Congress or a Convention of the
States. He must see that the laws are duly
executed, acting generally upon the assump
tion that the present constitutional relations
Detween the btate and the FederalGovernment
own exist, war, therefore, is only necessary
to execute the laws, suppress insurrections a-
gainst ine states, and to repel the invasion of
a State by enemies. It was never calenlated
"to lorm a more perfect union, establish ins
tice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for
mo common aetence, promote the general
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to
. - .
uurseives ana our posterity." Military force
would be pernicious as a means of holding the
Mates together. The right of the Govern
ment to protect its property does not warrant
it in punishing the political misdeeds of a peo
pie. me oiaies are colleagues, and to con
quer or subjugate one of them would be to
destroy the theory of our Union. The Attor
ney General thinks that the Union must utter
ly perish at a moment when Congress shall
arm one part of the people against another for
any purpose beyond that of merely protecting
the ixeneral Government in the exercise of
its proper constitutional functions
If these ..views be correct, no State has a
right to secede, nor has the government any
power to prevent it from seceding. This is the
old sing-song : "you can and you can't : you
shall and yon shan't ; you will and you
won't; you'll be d-d
if you do, and you'll
be d-d if you don't.
HOW THEY TREAT NORTHERN MEN.
The Pittsburgh Gazette of December 11th,
says: we nave been shown a letter from Mr.
Harris, the agent of B. A. Fabnestock & Co.,
who was rudely expelled from New Orleans, by
a mob, for the sole offence of being a Northern
man. It is not true, as stated in the Chronicle,
yesterday, that Mr. Harris voted for Lincoln,
nor did he boast that be had so voted and was
glad ot it. Mr. Harris did not vote at all, not
being at home at the time of the election, but
was a Bell man with strong Breckinridge pro
clivities. The expulsion took place. on the
27th ult. He bad been in the city a day or
two, attending to the business of the firm, and
was sitting in bis room, at the Hotel, when be
was waited upon by a committee, who compel
led him to go down stairs.wbere he met an ex
cited crowd and was presented by the foreman
of the committee who said : "Look at him and
see a he is the man you want. ' The mob
shouted, Yes, that's him ; the d-d abolition
ist;' 'Out with him ;' D-n him ;' We'll fix
him ;' Uang him ;' 'Lynch him ;' &c. But
the speaker, or as he proved to be the chair
man of the Vigilance Committee, proceeded ;
Mr. Harris is accused of being an abolitionist :
of being the agent of ' an abolition house ; of
having said be was glad of Lincoln's election ;
that he voted lor him and was proud of it. He
is represented as being an unfit peison to re
main in this community. We'll examine him ;'
fA voice 'Examine the d-1; hang him. "1
A Mr. Nathans was then presented as witness,
who stated that be had met him in Morrison's
store, that he did not deny being a Black Re
publican, and that he said : "Let the South
secede, nobody cares ; the North can get a-
long very well without the south, and he for
one wanted to show them who will suffer the
most ; ho wasn't afraid of the South no in
deed, not he." .
Mr. Harris denied all these allegations ; sent
for Mr. Morrison to show that it was not true,
and made a speech to the crowd, in which he
admitted that be was in favor of Secession, as
the quickest way of settling the present dif
ficulty. .When Mr. Morrison arrived, the
crowd was so great that the proprietor of the
Hotel insisted that the Committee should go
with Morrison and Harris to Harris's room,
and report the result of their investigation
to the crowd. This was done, and for the rest
we leave Mr. Harris to tell his own story :
"llere I threw open for their inspection
some of my private correspondence, letters of
introduction, &c, several of which letters be
ing from men well known to the committee,
they expressed their entire satisfaction, and
in fact my position gained the full approval of
my accuser, Mr. JSatnans. All ot Jur. Morri
son's testimony was also in my favor. The re
port of the committee was, 'Harris is all right.'
But that wouldn't do. Harris must leave town.
to eay the least about it and a majority were
for lynching bim under any circumstances. I
was tbersfore told, 'The cars leave in 40 or 45
minutes ; can you get ready ?' I said yes, and
at once packed my trunk. . . A carriage
was ordered at an alley in the rear of the ho
tel, and I smuggled through the back way un
known to the crowd. When once in the car
riage, the horses galloped at top speed to
the depot, arriving just in time to get aboard
the cars. . As the train moved off, 1 felt some
relief, as may be supposed."
Here it will be seen that the committee and
even Nathans, his accuser, were perfectly sat
isfied that Harris was not amenable to the
charges made against bim ; but the mob had
come determined to lynch him, and would not
rest satisfied otherwise.
We learn that several other Pittsburghers
have been expelled in like manner. , In fact,
New Orleans seems to be given up to the do
minion of the mob.who hunt out every North
erner who arrives, and compel him to leave.
New Orleans onght to prosper, tinder such do
minion as this. We do not wonder to hear that
there were ten commercial failnres there in one
day, and that the business of the city is dull.
"I don't see as anything is the matter with
this plumb-pudding," said a chap at a Thanks
giving dinner. "Well, who said there was?"
growled outhia neighbor. Why", said the
first, "I concluded there was ; - yoa aU seem
ed to be running tl down.'.
The largest horse in the world is an Eng- i
liah horse of the Clydesdale breed, now atNew-
castle,ra. lie weighs 177 pounds. .
ARTEMUS WARD ON TORTS."
Every man of intelleck has got his Fort.
Forte A roan's peculiar faculty or strong
side. DictionarvA Dannll Webster's Fort
was to speecherfy in the Hauls of Kongriss &
make Dickshunaries. Shakspeer rote good
plaze but he woodent hev bin wuth a pint of
soia oiaur as a stennergraffick Reporter. . He
bet 2 dollers he woodent. Henry Ward Beach
er wood make a good end man for the kork op-
ery minstrels, becauz he can cakil well. Old
George Washinton's Fort was to not hev enny
public man of the present day resemble him
to enny alarm in extent. Whare abowts can
George's ekal be fownd ? 1 ask, & boldly an-
ser no whares, or enny whares else. Old man
xownsin's liort was to maik Sassyperiller.
"Goy to the wurld ! anuther life saived!" (Co-
lasnunirom lownsm's advertisment.) Cyrus
Field's Fort is to lay a submachine tellergraf
under the boundin billeis of the Osbun & then
hev it Bust. Spaldin's Fort is to maik Pre
paird Gloo, which mends everything. Won
dir ef it will mend a sinners wicked waze.
(Impromtoo goak.) Zoary's Fort is to be a
femail circus feller. My Fort is the grate
moral show bizness & ritin choice famerly lit
eratoor for the noospapers. That's what's the
matter with me. &c, &c, &c. So I mite go
on to an indefinit extent. Twict I've endev-
ered to do things which wasn't ray Fort. The
fust time was when I undeituk to lick an ow
dasbus cuss who cut a hole in my tent & krawld
threw. Sez I, "my ientle Sir eo out or 1 shall
fall onto you putty hevy-" Sez he, "wade in,
old wax figgers," wharupon I went lor him,
but he cawt me powerful on the bed & knockt
me threw the tent into a cow pastur. He pur
sood the attack & flung me into a mud puddle.
As 1 aroze & rung out my drencht garmints I
koncluded fight in wasn't my Fort. He now
rize the kurtin upon Seen 2nd : It is rarely
8elduni that I seek consolashun in the Flowin
Bole. But in a sertin town in Injianny in the
Faul of 18-, my orgin grinder got sick with
the fever & died. I never felt so ashamed in
my life, & I thawt Ide liiste in a few swallers
of sumthin strengthenin. Konsequents I was
bistid in so much 1 dident zackly know whare
abowts I was. I turned my livin wild Beests
of Pray loose into the street and upsot ray wax
wurks. I then Bet 1 cood play boss. So I
harnist myself to a Kanal bote, there bein two
other bosses hitcht on likewise, one behind &
anuther ahead of me. The driver hollered for
us to git up & we did. But the hosses bein
onused to sich an arrangemunt begun to kick
& squeal & rair np. Konsequents was I was
kickt vilently in the stuiumuck & back, & pres
suntly I fownd myself in the Kanal with the
other bosses, kickin & yellin like a tribe of
Cusscarorus savvijis. I was rescood, & as I
was bein carrid to the tavern on a: hemlock
Bord I sed in a feeble voise, "Boys, playin
hoss isn't my Fort'"ti. Moral. Never don't do
nothm which it isn't your Fort, for ef you do
you'll find yourself splashin round in the Ka
nal, nggeratively speakin.
' ' ALARM IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
The condition of things throughout the whole
South, at this juncture, is such that the peo
ple of that section are to be pitied. They are
standing upon a mine which may be fired at
any moment, and they know and feel their
danger. The little volcanic State of South
Carolina, though hurrying on secession, is not
without its alarms and apprehensions, as will
be seen by the following letter, which portrays
vividly, and accurately we doubt not, the real
condition of things in that State. A lady.
writing to her uncle in New York, says the
family are preparing to come North, and goes
on to show the difference between the poetrv
and the reality of secession. Look upon the
"lou may imagine.dear uncle, our situation,
but you never can realize it in its fullness.
Already we tremble in our own homes in an
ticipation and expectancy of what is liable to
burst forth at any moment, a negro insurrection.
Could you see the care and precaution display
ed here by the proprietors of the negroes, not
only planters, but others, you would not, for a
moment,envy us our possessions. Not a night
passes that we do not securely lock our field
servants in their quarters ; but our most loved
and valued house servants, who inordinary
times we trust to any extent, are watched and
guarded against with all the scrutiny and care
that we possess. Our planters and owners of
slave property do not allow their servants to
have any intercourse with each other, and the
negroes are confined strictly to the premises
where they belong. We are all obliged to
increase our force of overseers to prevent too
free intercourse even among our own servants.
The negroes feel and notice these new re
straints, and naturally ask "Why is this?"
But it is unnecessary for them to ask the ques
tion, for they all comprehend the cause as well
as we who own them. They have already
learned enough to give them an idea of what
is going on in the State and Nation, and this
knowledge they have not gained from Aboli
tionists, as some suppose, but from the con
versation of their owners indiscreetly held in
their presence. They have already heard of
Lincoln's election, and have heard also that he
is for giving them their liberty, and you may
imagine the resnlt. You have heard that our
servants all love their masters, and their mas
ter's families, and would lay down their lives
for them that the colored race in the South
prefer slavery to freedom that they would
not be tree if the could, &., &c. That is but
the oery of the case, the reality consists in
sleeping upon our arms at night in double
bolting and barring our doors in establishing
and maintaining an efficient patrol force in
buying watch dogs, and in taking turns in
watching our sleeping children, to guard them
and ourselves from the vengeance ol these
same "loving servants" a vengeance which,
though now smouldering, is liable to burst
out at any moment, to overwhelm the State in
spite of the Palmetto flags or State precau
tions. You at the North are not the only ones
who are suffering financially by this new pan
ic The planters among us are really suffer
ing from the depreciation in their property.
Already negroes are not worth half price.-' No
one dares to buy a servant, fearing lest be, in
doing so, should be introducing upon his plan
tation one tinctured with the idea of freedom.
Now, one word aa to the military force of the
State, to protect us against an insurrection.
I presume, with the exception of Chaileston
and perhaps a f ev large towns, that the re
mainder of the State Ts situated very much
as we are here ; and I will give yon an idea of
bow well prepared we are to resist a mob. Up
on, our place of about 1200 acres, we
have : Of whites, males husband, two over
seers and my soon of 18 years total, four
females self and cousin, little Lucy and one
of the overseer's wives four: ol whom only
four at the most are capable of bearing arms'
to offset which we have at least seventeen
field bands, sturdy young negroes, besides the
female servants. And this is a fair represcn- .
tat ion of the force upon our plantations. Con
sidering such a state of facts, do you blame
ne for desiring to absent myself, my husband
and children from the State ?"
LETTER OF HON. A. H. STEPHENS.
The following letter of this distinguished
Georgian statesman will be read with interest
and pleasure by every lover of the Union :
Ckawfordville, Ga., Nov. 25.
Dear Sia : Your kind and esteemed favor
of the I9th instant is before me, for which
you will please accept my thanks. I thorough
ly agree with you as to the dangers by which '
we are surrounded, and the importance of u
nitcd action on the part of our people, in the
line of policy to be pursued. I know, also,
that thero breathes not a man in Georgia who
is more sensitively alive to her rights, inter
ests, safety, honor, and glory than myself;
and, whatever fate befalls us, 1 earnestly hope
that we shall be saved from the worst of all
calamities, internal divisions, contentions, and '
strifes. The great and leading object aimed '
at by me in Milledgeville, was to produco har
mony on a right line ol policy. If tho ,
worst comes to the worst, as it mar. and our
State has to quit the Union, it is of the Utmost
importance that all our people should1 be unit- -
ed cordially in this course. This, I feer con
fident, can only bo effected on tho line of pol- ,
icy I indicated. But candor compels" me to
say that I am not without hopes that our '
rights may be maintained, and our wrongs be
redressed, in the Union. If this can be done, t
it is my earnest wish. I think, also, that it is ,
the wish of a majority of our people. IT, af- "
ter making an effort, wo shall fail, then-all '
our peoplo will be united in making or adop- ;
ting the last resort, the "Ultima ratio r'egum." ,
Even in that case, I should look with great ap- ,
prehension as to the ultimate results.- When
the Union is dissevered, if of necessity it '
must be, I see at present but little prospect of i
good government afterwards. At the North, .,
1 feel confident, anarchy will soon ensue.
And whether we shall be better off at the :
Soutb,wiIl depend upon many things that I am '
not now satisfied that we have any assurance of
Revolutions are much easier started than' con- .
trolled, and the men who begin them, even
for the best purposes and objects, seldom end '
The American Revolution of 1 ""(J" was one i
of the few exceptions to this remark that the
history of the world furuishes. Herman pas
sions are like the winds when arcured-, tbey '
sweep everything before them in tbeir fury.
The wise and the good, who may attempt-to-.
control them, will themselves most Fibely be
come the victims. Thia has been thn' his-"
tory of the downfall of all republic. The '
selfish, the ambitious, and tho bad will gener-
ally take the lead. When the moderate nrenr
who are patriotic, ,have gone as far as t'huy
think right and proper, and propose to'recoh- '
strnct, then will be found a clas9 below fhera,
governed by no principle, but personal objects,
who will be for pushing matters further and 4
further, until those who sowed the wind will
find that they have 1 reaped tho whirlwind. '
These are my serious apprehensions. - They '
are founded upon the experience of the world :
and the philosophy of human nature, and no ,
wise man should condemn them. To tear
down and build up again are very different '
things; and before tearing down eve a bad
Government, we should first see a good pros-.,
pect, for building up a better. . These are my ,
views, candidly given. If there is one scnti- '
ment in my breast stronger than all ofh'ers, it :
is an earnest desire for the peace, prosperity
and happiness of our people that peace, pros
perity, and happiness which a wise and good
Government alono can secure. I have no ob- '
ject, wish, desire, or ambition beyond this ;' '
and if I should in any respect err iu endeav- ,
oring to attain this object, it will be sii error .
of the head aud not of tho heart.
With great personal esteem and respect, I
remain yours, truly, Alex. 11. Stephens.
Gex. Sam Hoi stox, Governor of Texas, haa
written a letter respecting bis views on the
present crisis in our political affairs. He bad 1
hoped to have rejoiced in the election of a h
conservative candidate to the Presidency, and ,
would have been satisfied with Breckinridge. ,
lie regards the election of Mr. Lincoln as the '
choice of a man whose only claim to the posi-
tion is his constitutional endorsement by the
electoral college. Mr. Houston does not re
gard the mere fact ot Lincoln's election as a ,
cause for disunion and revolution. The Pres
ident elect will be a mere citizen, sworn to ad- '
minister the laws, at the risk of offending rad-
ical supporters. In doing this, he must, of ,
necessity, fall back upon the conservative .
masses of the country for support. If he fails
to do this, and, in doing so, to respect the
South and sustain her rights, he must be hurl
ed from power. When the time comes that he
must choose between the loss of constitution- .
al rights and revolution, Gov. Houston will ac- ,
cept revolution. If be hesitates now, it is not"
because be desires to submit to Kepublican
rule, but because he recognizes the obligations -of
the Constitution of bis country, and will
stand by them. Mr. Lincoln has been constl- ,
tutionally elected, and there is rrr other alter- '
native but obedience. Mr. Houston draws a '
graphic picture of the horrors incident npon
civil war and asks whether the people of Tex
as would be justified in meeting its results. '
The President will be in a minority, controlled
by a Senate, House, and Supreme Court inim
ical to him. A dissolution of the Union would
weaken the South, and imperil to a greater de
gree her rights of law and property. Mr.
Houston deprecates" the military display and '
preparation now going on in Texas, and tbinka '
the people will be eager enotrgb to arm when ;
the occasion really demands it, without the in- ,
terference of demagogues. He thinks Mr.
Lincoln1 should make a declaration of his prin-
ciples, that the frett Sfafes should repeal all
aws obnoxious te the Constitution and its .
compromises, and declares that so long as the
Constitution is maintained by Federal author
ity, and Texas is not made the victim of Fed
eral wrong, be is for the Lmon as it is. He
concludes with an eloquent and pathetic appeal
to the people of Texas to pause and ponder '
before tbey act outside ot the Constitution.
To escape trouble from Daisy children, send
them to your neighbors, "visiting."