A
BY S. B; BOW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., "WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1860.
VOL. 7.-M 17.
UNDER THE LINDEN.
FROM TUB SXBKA2T.
Under the spreading Linden tree
W sat in th twilight still,
YTbil the dim brown shadow glided on
Stealthily np the hill.
Oh, fraud wai the stately hall that roie
In it turreted pride near by ;
And the master there I envied him not,
For a happier man wu I. -Ah
! happy, I trow, wa I, as I sat
Under the Linden tree,
For a golden head lay close to my heart
At I told my love to thee. -
Under the Linden tree I sit "
To-night, in the darkness still,
Jind the dim brown shadows hare glided on
Silently up the hill.
Oh, grand does the stately mansion stand,
in its turreted pride near by ;
And the master there oh, I envy him not,
Though a sorrowful man am 1 ;
For his gold has stolen the fickle heart
That plighted its faith to me ;
And alone with a memory sad I sit
Under the Linden tree.
SOUTH CAROLINA IN 1832.
Probably tbe best key to the hopes, inten
tions and purposes ot South Carolina, will be
found in the history of her action twenty-eight
years ago. It is full of striking parallels.
Congress passed a Tariff which the South
deemed objectionable. While it was pending
intense excitement prevailed in the Southern
States. Public meetings threatened forcible
resistance. Senators and Congressmen pre
dicted ft. Governors and Legislatures en.
couraged it. The Virginia Legislature asser
ted the principle of nullification. Tbe Geor
gia Legislature denied tbe authority of decis
ions of the Supreme Court. South Carolina
stood ready to lead the way in a collision with
Federal power. When the news reached Char
leston that the bill had actually passed, the
Governor summoned the Legislature to the
Capital. It met on tbe 22d of October. An
act was immediately proposed and passed,
authorizing a Convention on the 18th of No
vember, "to consider the character and extent
of the General Government." Tho passage
of this act was hailed by the firing of cannon,
and music from a band stationed at the doors
r the Capitol. The Convention assembled on
tbe 19th. On the 21th it adopted an Ordinance
declaring the Tariff Act null and void, making
it unlawful for the authorities, either National
or State, to enforce the payment of the du
ties, enjoining on the Legislature to pass laws
giving effect to the Ordinance, and forbiddiDg
any appeal to the Supreme Court of the United
States. The Ordinance further declared, that
if any act was passed by Congress to authorize
tbe employment of force against South Caro
lina, such act would be null and void, and
from the time of its passage the State would
consider itself absolved from further obliga
tions to tbe Union, and proceed to organize a
si-parate Government. This Ordinance was
to take effect Feb. 1st 1833. In reply to this
Ordinance President Jackson issued his cele
brated Proclamation, combating the doctrine
f Nullification in a masterly argument, and
declaring bis firm determination to enforce
the Laws at whatever hazard. The Proclama
tion was met with anathemas in South Caroli
na. It was denounced as "a Declaration of
War by Andrew Jackson against the State of
South Carolina," tho "edict of a dictator."
The people were exhorted to "take np arms"
as the "only course which honor and duty pre
scribed." In the Legislature members styled
it "the impotent missile of despicable malig
nity." They declared they "hurled back scorn
sod defiance," that "the country and tbe
world saoati know how perfectly we despise
and defy him," that before the doctrines of
tlio Proclamation would be carried out "the
bones of many an enemy should whiten the
shores ai.d the carcasses of many a caitiff
blacken tbe air of Carolina." The Governor
issued a proclamation denouncing that of the
President. The Legislature immediately pass
ed isws for carrying the Ordinance into
effect, prohibiting the collection of revenue,
and placing the militia at the command of the
Governor. Orders were issued for increasing
the military force of the State. The Gover
nor was authorized to accept tho services of
Volunteers, many companies of whom had al
ready organized under the name of "Minute
Men." This action or South Carolina was
communicated to Congress by the President,
and a bill was proposed empowering him to em
ploy the land and naval forces of the Union to
enforce tbe collection of the revenue, if resis
tance should be offered. It gave rise to warm
debate, and was not passed until a month af
terwards. A number of the Southern Sena
tors, ou its final passage, withdrew from the
Senate Chamber. . However, they came back
gain in a few days. But while these prepa
rations were being made for a conflict, meas
ures were also in progress to avert it. Vir
finia offered to mediate. Resolutions were
passed in her Legislature asking South Caro
lina to suspend tbe operation of her Nullify
ing Ordinance until the close of the first sea
son or the next Congress ; and also asking
Congress to modify the Tariff. , Benjamin
atkins Leigh was appointed a Commissioner
iy the8e re"olutiona before South Carolina.
A bill, in accordance with their request, was
lio introduced in Congress. This bill failed
pasj. But Mr. Clay introduced a Compro
mise Tariff Bill, which gave rise to considera
te debate, Messrs. Webster, Dallas, Forsyth
nd Wright, opposing it ; because it abolished
PeciQc duties j and Messrsr. Calhoun", Ewing,
wJton, Frelinghuyaen, 'Mangum 'and Bibb;
"pporting it as a me'asure of pacification; It
m? fDaI,jr ?assed February 25,' 1835, though
Jntil after South Carolina 'had suspended
w a unification Ordinance j fbr the media
tion of Virginia had tbe remarkable effect of
" . 0IDP"shing its object even before her Com-
Gov n t, irea l0" eIl,rer tUe Kesolutions.
St sZT Hyne of South Carolina, said that
kenm, m ?? known tbat Virginia had ta-
th..1.-,, 8UUJe in a rnenaiy spirit, and
Dta bjli modifying the TariffWas before V6a
toV' wa detenined by common consent
uapend the operation of the Ordinance un-
alter the adjournment of Congress." The
g1 the Compromise jjni). though not
In'rn- accoPtable, was gladly accepted as
frnZ TD ao reason for retreating
retreating
h.7. lQ .unenviable position South Carolina
j mouuidu, ' lus oiaie
n ki.ij
n'S ratsismklKil . iL . . . . t . r .
Sontk n ' 8 "romance was nnauy repealed.
n Carolina, nevertheless claimed, the glory
. trlnmnh. n. , Jl
ltd An I . yrvia WCID EUIlgiaiula-
ad ,ng acceeded fn defying Congress
tryn;r'ventin the "broad usurpation".- of
' I to "coerce a Sovereign- State."' The
Charleston nullifying organ boasted thus over
me result :
"Never was there a prouder instance of the
might of just principles backed by a high
courage. This little State in the mere panop
ly of courage and high principles, has foiled
the swaggering giant of the Union. 30,000
Carolinians have not only awed the wild West
Into respect, but compelled Pennsylvania
stolidity into something like sense New York
corruption Into something like decency Yan
kee rapacity into a sort of image of honesty.
The Tariff is overthrown j tbe corrupt major
ities In Congress have yielded. . Tbe madness
of government has at last found a slight lucid
interval."
FREAKS OF AN ECCENTRIC GIRL.
About four years since the good people of
Cincinnati were startled by tbe announcement
in the daily journals, of what was supposed,
at the time, to be a fearful tragedy, in which
a young and beautiful girl was believed to
have been carried away by some wretch ; and,
as nothing has since been heard from her,
little doubt was entertained by her friends that
she had, after a brief space, either experienced
the fate of 'Desdemona,' or what was more
shocking still, had been compelled, in her
disgrace, to barter virtue for life. Her pa
rents who were advanced in years, gradually
sunk beneath the terrible calamity, until they
became living personifications of settled mel
ancholy and deep despair. Numerous circum
stances had led them irresistibly to this con
clusion ; and on the night of her departure
policemen had heard the smothered shrieks
of a female in the vicinity of her parents' re
sidence j but before they reached the spot ail
was silent ; neighbors, too, had beard myste
rious noises and observed dark figures beneath
the ladys window ; but, strange as it may ap
pear, they did not think to raise the alarm, or
even speak of the matter until her absence
was discovered ; but afterwards there was such
a marked similarity in their stories, that there
was no room to doubt their truth. Besides,
if she had simply eloped with a lover, and
been legally married, she should have inform
ed her parents of her whereabouts, and as
certained from them wbather they approved
or disapproved the course she had taken, be
fore she put them off forever. Nor is this all :
her lover, the man to whom she was supposed
to have been betrothed, still remained, and e
vinced a distress as deep, if not lasting, as
that of tbe parents. Under such circumstan
ces, the conclusion that she had been forcibly
abducted appeared necessarily to follow.
About tbe same time a young man, or rather
boy, named Frank Bates, of slight stature,
but with rosy cheeks, smiling face, ready step
and winning demeanor, engaged in the service
of a river captain as a cabin boy, and by his
promptness and ingenuousness so ingratiated
himself into the good will of bis patron that
he was elevated to an assistant clerkship, a
position for which his education and activity
eminently qualified him. He remained on the
boat in this capacity for about two years, when
he went to Council Bluffs,-Iowa, and engaged
as a clerk m a dry goods stoie. Here his
affability did not fail to draw towards himself
numerous friends, and among the fair belles
of tbe Bluffs he was much ad mi red, and his em
ployer's store was soon discovered by all of
them to be the best in the village, and Frank
was everywhere applauded as the most agrea
ble of clerks. . When be attended parties and
places of amusement, he was always assigned
the post of honor, and it must be confessed
that no other young man in the vicinity could
fill tbe station with such perfect ease and
grace as could our hero.
It would be useless, however, to trace bis
history during tho two years he remained at
Council Blufis, nor to chronicle the oft raised
hopes and repeated disappointments of his fe
male admirers they willreadily suggest them
selves to the reader. But, in the midst of life
there is death the glory of victory is often
succeeded by disgrace and defeat, and it so
happened in this case. About three weeks a
go, at a masquerade, Frank' was discovered
how the paper that relates the facts narrated
above does not state to be a female, much to
the chagrin of all the fair sex, and to the scan
dal of the neighborhood. At this unlucky
mishap, 'Frank,' revealed name and parent
age, at the same time coolly requesting to be
retained in his employer's service, promising
to draw around the place of business two male
patrons for every female repulsed, but wheth
er or not she was allowed to remain we are un
able to say. Council Bluffs Eagle.
The bark Cora, with 705 negroes on board,
was captured on the coast of Africa, near the
Congo river, on the 25th of September, by the
United States ship Constellation. She left the
port of New York on the 27th of May last,
having been previously seized on the suspi
cion of being about to engage in the slave
trade, and held in bonds to the amount of
$22,000. She is nominally owned by John
Latham, and it is believed other persons are
the real parties in possession. Her cargo was
the most varied ever put in a slaver, costing
over $22,000. The Africans were landed at
Monrovia, and the vessel sent to Norfolk in
charge of a prize crew. She arrived at New
York on Saturday evening, tbe 8th December.
The bondsmen of tbe Cora are Robert Griffiths
and Charles Newman, of Brooklyn.
Tbe New York papers contain accounts of
a tforrible ancj. appalling murder which was
committed in fbaf! city on Friday morning,
Pec. 7th, ijt tyo. 32 JSast Twelfth street. The
victirA was Sarah Sbancks. She was an old
widow Ii$y, and kept a fancy goods and miU
linery store at tbe place mentioned. On Fri
day morning' she was found dead in her bed
room, at the rear of her store, with her throat
Cut, her bead bruised, and her body otherwise
injured. The apartment was ransacked, and
the motive for tbe murder appears to have
been robbery. Tbe murderer obtained about
a hundred dollars as the result of his fiendish
act. The police have not been able to arrest
the perpetrator, although they are vigilantly
searching after him.
; You flatter me," said a thin exquisite to a
lady who was praising the beauty of his mous
tache. . "For heaven's sake, ma'am," inter-
posed an old skipper, "don't make that mon-
key any flatter, han ha is, qqw
Irnir anv Hatta. fF.an ha la nnur ' . I
' Kenmore, once the. residence of Mary, tbe
mother of Washington,' was' recently sold to.
Mrs. Harrison, of Goochland county, Va., for
$10,000. The sale includes, only the dw,l)u)g
and, four acres, of. ground,! ,
THE AMERICAN EXPERIMENT.
The social, and especially the political insti
tutions of the United States, have, for the
whole of the current century, been the subject
In Europe, not merely of curious speculation,
but of the deepest interest. We have been re
garded as engaged in trying a great experi
ment, involving not merely the future fate and
welfare of this Western continent, but the
hopes and prospects ot the whole human race.
Is it possible for a Government to be perma
nently maintained without privileged classes,
without a standing army, and without heredi
tary or self-appointed rulers? Is the demo
cratic principle of eaual riehts. ireneral suf
frage, and government by a majority, capable
of being carried into practical operation, and
that, too, over a laree extent of countrv ?
The more populous and wealthy the United
States have become, and the higher the posi
tion to which they have risen in the scale of
national importance, with the greater confi
dence has it been maintained, on tbe one
hand, that our institutions rest on a solid and
permanent basis, and on the other, that they
are destitute of inherent strength and cohe
sion, and that the time of explosion and dis
ruption is rapidly approaching.
It cannot be doubted that the news of the
present extraordinary position of affairs in the
Southern States, consequent upon the result of
the late Presidential election, will produce a
mong the European advocates of democratic
government and popular rights very serious a
larms as to what is to become of us ; while a
mong the advocates of monarchy and aristoc
racy, the-threatened secession of tbe Cotton,
if not of the entire body of the Slaveholding
States, will be regarded as the .first step to
ward the entire breakdown of our whole sys
tem of republican government.
It ought, however, to be borne in mind that
tho threatened disruption of the Union does
not originate at all from the democratic ele
ment of our politics or social condition. It is
the element of negro slavery, confined exclu
sively to a portion only, and that the smaller
portion, of the States, that has given occasion
to all the existing trouble. This element of
negro slavery not only conflicts with the dem
ocratic idea by stripping the negro population
of all. rights whatsoever ; but at the same time
it paralyzes and degrades the great mass of the
white population ; so that, whatever may be
the letter of constitutions and laws, it creates
a narrow aristocracy, which, in the local affairs
of the Slaveholding States, has everything its
own way. Not content to rule at home, this
slaveholding aristocracy now undertakes to
dictate to the other States also, not merely
their laws and their Presidential candidates,
but even their opinions on questions of reli
gion and morals, so far, at least, as the ques
tion of slaveholding is concerned. It is not
the development of democratic ideas or insti
tutions that has brought on tbe present diffi
culties ; it is tbe collision which has taken
place between democracy on the one hand,
and this foreign element and doubly aristo
cratical institution of negro slavery on the oth
er. Suppose it should turn out that, under
these circumstances, the Slaveholding States
should determine to separate from the Union.
That might prove the incompatibility of Sla
very with tho well-working of a Government
based on democratic principles, but it would
be very far from proving, or even indicating,
the failure of our American experiment.
Whatever happened to the Slaveholding States
after this separation, in the broad extent of tbe
Free Labor States the experiment of repub
lican government on democratic principles
would still go on ; nor is there anvthine
,, ; j I
JL1 l !DdUCe
It has often been urred that with
the in
crease or wealth and population our existing
popular system of government would become
impracticable, and that a great class would a
rise, ot mere laborers, destitute of property,
to whom tho right of suffrage cculd not be
safely entrusted. Our experience thus fardoes
not give any countenance to this view. Take
the State of Massachusetts, for instance : With
a constant increase in population and wealth,
her institutions and government have conform
ed more and more to the democratic idea ;
nor does there seem any danger to her exist
ing political institutions, even if that increase
should continue indefinitely. JV. Y. Trib.
JUDQE BLACK ON SECESSION.
Hon. J. S. Black, the Attorney General of
tbe United States, has furnished tbe President
with bis official opinion upon tbe questions of
law involved in tbe present state of affairs in
the South, and the course of action to be pur
sued by the President in the event of a colli
sion on the part of the Central Government
with tbe authorities of South Carolina or any
other State. The opinion is elaborate. The
Attorney General does not think tbat tbe will
of a State can absolve its people from alle
giance to the just and constitutional require
ments of a Centra Government, nor can any
act of the Central Government displace the
jurisdiction of a State. Its laws are supreme
and binding only so far as they are passed in
pursuance of the Constitution. The duty of
tne president is only to execute the law to tbe
letter as it is written. We have no common
law to fall back upon when the written law is
defective. In the collection of customs or
revenues, b,e has a particular method pointed
out for him to adopt, and if the machinery fur
nished by Congress for tbe collection of duties
should become so deranged or broken up that
it could not be used, there would be no legal
reason for substituting a different kind of ma
chinery in 1(5 plape. Tbe Government is the
owner cf the public lands and national proper
ty, and the Attorney General thinks tbe Pres
dent will be justified in taking such measures
as he may deem to be necessary for their pro
tection. It had the right of keeping exclu
sive possession and repelling intrusion, and
could retake its property from any power by
force, as was tbe case at Harper's Ferry, in
1859, when the United States forces took tbe
arsenal from John Brown. . By the act of 1807
the President is empowered to employ such
parts of the land and naval force as he aball
judge necessary for the purpose of causing the
laws to be duly executed. On4he President
alona devolves the responsibility of deciding
whether tbe exigency dem.aods. the use of mil-
itary force, and in' the exercise of his power
thority. A military force can only be called
into tbe field when other means are found to
be useless. Even then its operations must be
purely defensive, and. can only b used) to re-
- w.wo.vp
hA ftnrmlri ha itarafnl nnf In Avarofan fiia air
pek an assault on the public property, and aid
.the courts in the performance of their duty.
r i
eniorce the laws in conjunction with U. S. offi
cers, but if there are no U. S. officers in the
c undertaking to secede, and tbe Govern-
vUfc gec no one to 8erTe tbereiDj tnen the
laws Cannot ba enfnivori . n .
be the physical strength at its command ; un
aer such circumstances, to send a military force
Jnto a State with orders to act against the peo
ple would be simply making war upon them,
in the event of the retirement of a State from
tne Union, the action of the President must
not depend upon tbe rightfulness of tho cause
upon which such declaration is based. He
cannot recognize her independence or absolve
her from her Federal obligations. This fs a
matter for Congress or a Convention of the
states. He must see that the laws are duly
executed, acting generally npon the assump
tion that the present constitutional relations
between the State and the FederalGovernment
still exist. War. therefore. i
vr tvuic me laws, suppress insurrections a
gainst the States, and to repel the invasion of
a State by enemies. It was never calculated
"to form a more perfect union, establish jus
tice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for
the common defence, promote the general
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity." Military force
would be pernicious as a means of holding the
States together. The right of the Govern
ment to protect its property does not warrant
it in punishing the political misdeeds of a peo
ple. The States are colleagues, and to con
quer or subjugate one of them would be to
destroy the theory of our Union. The Attor
ney General thinks that the Union must utter
ly perish at a moment when Congress shall
arm one part of the people against another for
any purpose beyond that of merely protecting
the General Government in the exercise of
its proper constitutional functions.
If these , views be correct, no State has a
right to secede, nor has the government any
power to prevent it from seceding. This is the
old sing-song : you can and you can't ; you
shall and you shan't; you will and you
won't ; you'll be d-d if you do, and you'll
be d-d if you don't."
HOW THEY TREAT NORTHERN MEN.
The Pittsburgh Gazette of December 11th,
says : We have been shown a letter from Mr.
Harris, tbe agent of B. A. Fahnestock & Co.,
who was rudely expelled from New Orleans, by
a mob, for tbe sole offence of being a Northern
man. It is not trne, as stated in the Chronicle,
yesterday, that Mr. Harris voted for Lincoln,
nor did he boast that be had so voted and was
glad ot it. Mr. Harris did not vote at all, not
being at home at tbe time of the election, but
was a Bell man with strong Breckinridge pro
clivities.. The expulsion took place. on the
27th ult. He had been in . the city a day or
two, attending to the business of tbe firm, and
was sitting in bis room, at the Hotel, when be
was waited upon by a committee, who compel
led him to go down stairs,wbere be met an ex
cited crowd and was presented by the foreman
of the committee who said : "Look at him and
see if he . is tbe man you want." The mob
shouted, Yes, that's him ; tbe d-d abolition
ist ;' 'Out with him ;' D-n him ;' We'U fix
him ' Hang him ;' 'Lynch bim ;' &c. But
the speaker, or as he proved to be the chair
man of the Vigilance Committee, proceeded :
Mr. Harris is accused of being an abolitionist ;
of being tbe agent of ' an abolition house ; of
uaving saia ne was glad of Lincoln's election ;
" uv vuu v IV. A-XXJ
that he voted for him and was proud of it. He
m.ain in this community We'll examine him!'
A voice '.examine tne d-tj hang him.' "
A Mr. Nathans was then presented as witness,
who stated that be had met bim in Morrison's
store, that be did not deny being a Black Re
publican, and that he said ; "Let the Soutb
secede, nobody cares ; the North can get a
long very well without the South, and he for
one wanted to show them who will suffer the
most ; ho wasn't afraid of the South no in
deed, not he." . ;
Mr. Harris denied all these allegations; sent
for Mr. Morrison to show that it was not true,
and made a speech to tbe crowd, in which he
admitted that be was in favor of Secession, as
tbe quickest way of settling the present dif
ficulty. When Mr. Morrison arrived, the
crowd was so great tbat the proprietor of the
Hotel insisted tbat the Committee should go
with Morrison and Harris to Harris's room,
and report the result of their investigation
to the crowd. This was done, and for the rest
we leave Mr. Harris to tell his own story :
. "Here I threw open for their inspection
some of my private correspondence, letters of
introduction, &c, several of which letters be
ing from men well known to the committee,
they expressed their entire satisfaction, and
in fact my position gained the full approval of
my accuser, Mr. Aalhans. All of Mr. Morri
son's testimony was also in my favor. The re
port of the committee was, 'Harris is all right.'
But tbat wouldn't do. Harris must leave town,
to say the least about it and a majority were
for lynching him under any circumstances. I
was thersfore told, 'The cars leave in 40 or 45
minutes ; can you get ready V 1 said yes, and
at once packed my trunk. . . . A carriage
was ordered at an alley in the rear of tbe ho
tel, and I smuggled through tbe back way un
known to tbe crowd. When once in the car
riage, the horses galloped at top speed to
the depot, arriving just in time to get aboard
the cars. As tbe train moved off, 1 felt some
relief, as may be supposed."
Here it will be seen tbat tbe committee and
even Nathans, his accuser, were perfectly sat
isfied that Harris was not amenable to the
charges made against bim ; but tbe mob had
come determined to lynch him, and would not
rest satisfied otherwise.
We learn that several other Pittsburghers
have been expelled in like manner. ..In fact,
New Orleans seems to be given up to the do
minion of the mob.who hunt out every North
erner who arrives, and compel him to leave.
New Orleans ought to prosper, under such do
minion as this. We do not wonder to bear that
there were ten commercial failures there in one
day, and tbat the business of the city is dull.
"I don't see as anything is the matter with
this plumb-pudding," said a cbap at a Thanks
giving dinner. Well, who said there was 1"
growled out hi, neighbor. " vThy". said the
first, "I concluded there was ; ; yoa M seem
ed to be running it down.3 ,; - ;
The largest horse in the world is an Eng-
iian norse or tne Clydesdale breed, now atNew
castle, Pa. He weighs 1777 pounds.,
ae contends that no State has a right to se
cede : that the Pr.iMn .
ARTEMUS WARD ON "FORTS."
Every man of intellect has ot his Fort.
Forte A man's peculiar faculty or strong
side. Dictionary. Dannll Webster's Fort
was 10 speecherly m the Hauls of Kongriss &
make Dickshunaries. Shakspeer rote good
plaze but he woodent hev bin wuth a pint of
kold Sidur as a stennergraffick Reporter. Ho
Det z doners he woodent. Henrv Ward Beach-
er wood make a good end man for the kork op-
. : . ..... r
ery minstrels, becauz he can cakil well. Old
George Washinton's Fort was to not hev enny
public man of the present day resemble him
to enny alarmin extent. Whare abowts can
George's ekal be fownd 1 1 ask, & boldly an
ser no whares, or enny whares else. Old man
Townsin's Fort was to maik Sassyperiller.
"Goy to the wurld ! anutherlire saived!" (Co
tashun from Townsin's advertisment.) Cyrus
Field's Fort is to lay a submachine tellergraf
under the boundin billers of the Oshun & then
hev it Bust. Spaldin's Fort is to maik Pre
paird GIoo, which mends everything. Won
dir ef it will mend a sinners wicked waze.
(Impromtoo goak.) Zoary's Fort is to be a
femail circus fefler. My Fort is tbe grate
moral show biness & ritin choice famerly lit
eratoor for the noospapers. That's what's tbe
matter with me. &c, &c, &c. So I mite go
on to an indefinit extent. Twict I've endev-
ered to do things which wasn't my Fort. The
fust time was when I undeituk to lick an ow
dasbus cuss who cut a hole in my tent it krawld
threw. Sez I, "my jentle Sir go out or 1 shall
lall onto you putty hevy-" Sez he, "wade in,
old wax Aggers," wharupon I went for him,
but he cawt me powerful on the hed & knockt
me threw the tent into a cow pastur. He pur
sood the attack & flung me into a mud puddle.
As 1 aroze & rung out my drencht garmints I
koncluded fightin wasn't my Fort. He now
rize the kurtin upon Seen 2nd : - It is rarely
seldum that I seek consolashun in tbe Flowin
Bole. But in a sertin town in Injianny in the
Faul of 18-, my orgin grinder got sick with
the fever & died. I never felt so ashamed in
my life, & I thawt Ide histe in a few swallers
of sumthin strengtbenin. Consequents I was
histid in so much 1 dident zackly know whare
abowts I was. I turned my livin wild Beests
of Pray loose into the street and tipsot my wax
wurks. I then Bet 1 cood play boss. So I
harni8t myself to a Eanal bote, there bein two
other bosses hitcht on likewise, one behind &
annther ahead of me. The driver hollered for
us to git up & we did. But the hosscs bein
onused to sich an arrangemunt begun to kick
& squeal & rair np. Consequents was I was
kickt vilently in the stum muck & back, & pres
suntly I fownd myself in the Kanal with the
other hosses, kickin & yellin like a tribe of
Cusscarorus savvijis. I was rescood, & as I
was bein carrid to the tavern on a hemlock
Bord I sed in a feeble voise, "Boys, playin
"boss isn't my Fort-",,. Moral. Never don't do
nothin which it isn't your Fort, for ef you do
you'll find yourself splashin round in the Ka
nal, figgeratively speakin.
ALARM IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
The condition of things throughout the whole
South, at this juncture, is such that the peo
ple of that section are to be pitied. They are
standing upon a mine which maybe fired at
any moment, and they know and feel their
danger. The little volcanic State of South
Carolina, though hurrying on secession, is not
without its alarms and apprehensions, as will
be seen by the following letter, which portrays
vividly, and accurately we doubt not, the real
condition of things in that State. A lady,
writing to her uncle in New York, says the
family are preparing to come North, and goes
on to show the difference between the poetry
and tho reality of secession. Look upon the
picture:
"You may imagine,dear uncle.our situation,
but you never can realize it in its fullness.
Already we tremble in our own homes in an
ticipation and expectancy of what is liable to
burst forth at any moment, a negro insurrection.
Could you see the care and precaution display
ed here by the proprietors of the negroes, not
only planters, but others, you would not, for a
moment,envy us our possessions. Not a night
passes that we do not securely lock our field
servants in their quarters ; but our most loved
and valued house servants, who inordinary
times we trust to any extent, are watched and
guarded against with all the scrutiny and care
that we possess. Our planters and owners of
slave property do not allow their servants to
have any intercourse with each other, and the
negroes are confined strictly to the premises
where they belong. We are all obliged to
increase our force of overseers to prevent too
free intercourse even among our own servants.
The negroes feel and notice these new re
straints, and naturally ask "Why is this?"
But it is unnecessary for them to ask the ques
tion, for they all comprehend tbe cause as well
as we who own them. They have already
learned enough to give them an Idea of what
is going on in the State and Nation, and this
Knowledge they have not gained from Aboli
tionists, as some suppose, but from tbe con
versation of their owners indiscreetly held in
their presence. They- have already heard of
Lincoln's election, and have heard also that he
is for giving them their liberty, and you may
imagine the result. You have heard that our
servants all love their masters, and their mas
ters's families, and would lay down their lives
for them tbat tbe colored race in the South
prefer slavery to freedom that they would
not be tree if tbe could, &., &c. That is but
thepoeryof the case, the reality consists in
sleeping upon our arms at night in double
bolting and barring our doors in establishing
and maintaining an efficient patrol force in
buying watch dogs, and in taking turns in
watching our sleeping children, to guard them
and ourselves from the vengeance of these
same "loving servants" a vengeance which,
though now smouldering, is liable to burst
out at any moment, to overwhelm the State in
spite of the Palmetto flags or State precau
tions. You at the North are not the only ones
who are suffering financially by this new pan
ic The planters among us are really suffer
ing from the ' depreciation in their property.
Already negroes are not worth half price.- ' No
one dares to boy a servant, fearing lest be, in
doing so, should be introducing upon his plan
tation one tinctured with tbe idea of freedom.
Now, one word as to the military force of the
State, to protect us against an insurrection
I presume, with the exception of Cbailestor
and perhaps a few large towns, tbat tbe re
mainder of the Stale fs situated very much
as we are here ; and I will give you an idea of
bow well prepared we are to resist a mob. Up
on, our place of about 1200 acres, we
have : Of whites, males husband, two over-
seers and my soon of 18 years total, four i
females self and cousin, little Lucy and one
of the overseer's wives four: ol whom only
four at the most are capable of bearing arms
to offset which we have at least seventeen
field bands, sturdy young negroes, besides tbe
female servants. And this is a fair represcn- .
tation of theforce upon our plantations. Con-
BKienng sucn a state ot lads, do you blame
I mQ for desiring to absent myself, my husband
I 1 .I'll r . t i-. . . ...
and children from the State ?"
LETTER OF HON. A. H. STEPHENS.
The following letter ol this distinguished
Georgian statesman will be read with interest
and pleasure by every lover of tbe Union :
CEAwroanviLtE, Ga., Nov. 25.
Dear Sir : Your kind aud esteemed favor
of the I9th instant Is before me, for which
you will please accept my thanks. I thorough
ly agree with you as to tbe dangers by which
we are surrounded, and the importance of u
nited action on the part of our people, in tho
line of policy to be pursued. I know, also,
that there breathes not a man in Georgia who
is more sensitively alive to her rights, inter
ests, safety, honor, and glory than myself;
and, whatever fate befalls us, 1 earnestly hope
that we shall be saved from tho worst of all
calamities, internal divisions, contentions, and '
strifes. The great and leading object aimed
at by me in Milledgcville, was to prodtaco har
mony on a right line ot policy. If the ,
worst comes to the worst, as it may, and our
State has to quit the Union, it is of the Utmost
importance that all our people should1 be unit-
ed cordially in this course. This, 1 ftier con
fident, can only bo effected on tho line of pol
icy I indicated. But candor compels-me to
say that I am not without hopes that our '
rights may be maintained, and our wrongs bo
redressed, in the Union. If this can be done,
it is my earnest wish. I think, also, that it is ,
the wish of a majority of our people. If, af
ter making an effort, wo shall fail, tben- all -our
people will be united in making or adop
ting the last resort, the "Ultima ratio r'egum." ,
Even in that case, I should look with great ap
prehension as to tbe ultimate results.- When '
the Union is dissevered, if of necessity it '
must be, I see at present but little prospect of :
good government afterwards. At tbe North, .,
1 feel confident, anarchy will soon ensue.
And whether we shall bo better off a the 1
South,will depend upon many things that I am
not now satisfied that we have any assurance of.
Revolutions are much easier started than' con- .
trollod, and the men who begin thenr, even
for the best purposes and objects, seldom end ;
them. , . .
The American Revolution of 1776" Was ono i
of the few exceptions to this remark that tbe
history of , the world furnishes. - nnraan pas-
sions are like the winds when arffured, they '
sweep everything before them in their fury. -The
wise and the good, who may attempt to-.
control them, will themselves most likely be
come the victims. This has been tfta his- '
tory or the downfall of all republic. Tho '
selfish, the ambitious, and tho bad will gener-
ally take the lead. When the moderate nrenr
who are patriotic, .have gone as far aj fhty
think right and proper, and propose torecoh- '
struct, tben will be found a class below fhem,
governed by no principle, but personal objects, i
who will be for pushing matters farther and,
further, until those who .sowed the wind will'
find that they have ' reaped tho whirlwind. '
These are my serious apprehensions. ' Ther
are founded upon the experience of the world ,
and the philosophy of human nature, and no
wise man should condemn them. To tear
down and build up again are very different '
things; and before tearing down even a bad
Government, we should first see a good pros-.,
pect. for building up a better. . These are my
views, candidly given. If there is one senti
ment in ray breast stronger than all ofhers, it '
is an earnest desire for the peace, prosperity, -:
and happiness of our people that peace, pros
perity, and happiness which a wise and good
Government alono can secure. I have no ob- '
ject, wish, desire, or ambition beyond this ; 1
and if I should in any respect err in endeav- ;
oring to attain this object, it will be s error ,
of the head and not of the heart.
With great personal esteem and respect, I '
remain yours, truly, Alex. H. Stephens.
Ge. Sam Hoistox, Governor of Texas, has
written a letter respecting tis views on the
present crisis In our political affairs. He had
hoped to have rejoiced in the election of m
conservative candidate to the Presidency, and
would have been satisfied with Breckinridge.
He regards the election of Mr. Lincoln as the
choice of a man whose only claim to the posi- '
tion is his constitutional endorsement by tho
electoral college. Mr. Houston does not re
gard the mere fact ot Lincoln's election as a
cause for disunion and revolution. The Pres
ident elect will be a mere citizen, sworn to ad-'
minister the laws, at the risk or offending rad
ical supporters. In doing this, he must, of ,
necessity, fall back upon the conservative
masses of the country for support. If he rails
to do this, and, in doing so, to respect the '
South and sustain her rights, be must be hurl
ed from power. When the time comes that bo
must choose between the loss of constitution- .
al rights and revolution, Gov. Houston will ac- .
cept revolution. If he hesitates now, it is not '
because he desires to submit fo Republican)
rule, but because he recognizes the obligations -of
the Constitution of his Country; and will ;
stand by them. Mr. Lincoln has been constl- '
tutionally elected, and there is my other alter- '
native but obedience. Mr. Dottsfon draws a '
graphic picture or the horrors incident upon,
civil war and asks whether tbe people of Tex
as would be justified in meeting its results.
The President will be in a minority, controlled '
by a Senate, House, and Supreme Court Inim
ical to him. A dissolution of the Union would
weaken tbe South, and imperil fa a greater de
gree her rights of law and property. Mr.
Houston deprecates the military display and '
preparation bow going on in Texas, and thinks '
the people will be eager enotrgh to arm when ;
tbe occasion really dertrands it,- without tbe in- ,
tcrference of demagogues. He thinks Mr.
Lincoln should make a declaration of his prin- -cipfeS,
that the fro Sfates should repeal all
laws obnoxious to the Constitution and its ,
compromises, and declares that so long as tho
Constitution is maintained by Federal author
ity, and Texas is not made the victim of Fed
eral wrong, he is for the Union as it is. He
concludes with an eloquent and pathetic appeal '
to the people of Texas to pause and ponder '
before they act outside ot tbe Constitution.
To escape trouble from noisy children, send
them to your neighbors, "visiting."
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