Raftsman's journal. (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, December 19, 1860, Image 1
A BY S. B; BOW. CLEARFIELD, PA., "WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1860. VOL. 7.-M 17. UNDER THE LINDEN. FROM TUB SXBKA2T. Under the spreading Linden tree W sat in th twilight still, YTbil the dim brown shadow glided on Stealthily np the hill. Oh, fraud wai the stately hall that roie In it turreted pride near by ; And the master there I envied him not, For a happier man wu I. -Ah ! happy, I trow, wa I, as I sat Under the Linden tree, For a golden head lay close to my heart At I told my love to thee. - Under the Linden tree I sit " To-night, in the darkness still, Jind the dim brown shadows hare glided on Silently up the hill. Oh, grand does the stately mansion stand, in its turreted pride near by ; And the master there oh, I envy him not, Though a sorrowful man am 1 ; For his gold has stolen the fickle heart That plighted its faith to me ; And alone with a memory sad I sit Under the Linden tree. SOUTH CAROLINA IN 1832. Probably tbe best key to the hopes, inten tions and purposes ot South Carolina, will be found in the history of her action twenty-eight years ago. It is full of striking parallels. Congress passed a Tariff which the South deemed objectionable. While it was pending intense excitement prevailed in the Southern States. Public meetings threatened forcible resistance. Senators and Congressmen pre dicted ft. Governors and Legislatures en. couraged it. The Virginia Legislature asser ted the principle of nullification. Tbe Geor gia Legislature denied tbe authority of decis ions of the Supreme Court. South Carolina stood ready to lead the way in a collision with Federal power. When the news reached Char leston that the bill had actually passed, the Governor summoned the Legislature to the Capital. It met on tbe 22d of October. An act was immediately proposed and passed, authorizing a Convention on the 18th of No vember, "to consider the character and extent of the General Government." Tho passage of this act was hailed by the firing of cannon, and music from a band stationed at the doors r the Capitol. The Convention assembled on tbe 19th. On the 21th it adopted an Ordinance declaring the Tariff Act null and void, making it unlawful for the authorities, either National or State, to enforce the payment of the du ties, enjoining on the Legislature to pass laws giving effect to the Ordinance, and forbiddiDg any appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. The Ordinance further declared, that if any act was passed by Congress to authorize tbe employment of force against South Caro lina, such act would be null and void, and from the time of its passage the State would consider itself absolved from further obliga tions to tbe Union, and proceed to organize a si-parate Government. This Ordinance was to take effect Feb. 1st 1833. In reply to this Ordinance President Jackson issued his cele brated Proclamation, combating the doctrine f Nullification in a masterly argument, and declaring bis firm determination to enforce the Laws at whatever hazard. The Proclama tion was met with anathemas in South Caroli na. It was denounced as "a Declaration of War by Andrew Jackson against the State of South Carolina," tho "edict of a dictator." The people were exhorted to "take np arms" as the "only course which honor and duty pre scribed." In the Legislature members styled it "the impotent missile of despicable malig nity." They declared they "hurled back scorn sod defiance," that "the country and tbe world saoati know how perfectly we despise and defy him," that before the doctrines of tlio Proclamation would be carried out "the bones of many an enemy should whiten the shores ai.d the carcasses of many a caitiff blacken tbe air of Carolina." The Governor issued a proclamation denouncing that of the President. The Legislature immediately pass ed isws for carrying the Ordinance into effect, prohibiting the collection of revenue, and placing the militia at the command of the Governor. Orders were issued for increasing the military force of the State. The Gover nor was authorized to accept tho services of Volunteers, many companies of whom had al ready organized under the name of "Minute Men." This action or South Carolina was communicated to Congress by the President, and a bill was proposed empowering him to em ploy the land and naval forces of the Union to enforce tbe collection of the revenue, if resis tance should be offered. It gave rise to warm debate, and was not passed until a month af terwards. A number of the Southern Sena tors, ou its final passage, withdrew from the Senate Chamber. . However, they came back gain in a few days. But while these prepa rations were being made for a conflict, meas ures were also in progress to avert it. Vir finia offered to mediate. Resolutions were passed in her Legislature asking South Caro lina to suspend tbe operation of her Nullify ing Ordinance until the close of the first sea son or the next Congress ; and also asking Congress to modify the Tariff. , Benjamin atkins Leigh was appointed a Commissioner iy the8e re"olutiona before South Carolina. A bill, in accordance with their request, was lio introduced in Congress. This bill failed pasj. But Mr. Clay introduced a Compro mise Tariff Bill, which gave rise to considera te debate, Messrs. Webster, Dallas, Forsyth nd Wright, opposing it ; because it abolished PeciQc duties j and Messrsr. Calhoun", Ewing, wJton, Frelinghuyaen, 'Mangum 'and Bibb; "pporting it as a me'asure of pacification; It m? fDaI,jr ?assed February 25,' 1835, though Jntil after South Carolina 'had suspended w a unification Ordinance j fbr the media tion of Virginia had tbe remarkable effect of " . 0IDP"shing its object even before her Com- Gov n t, irea l0" eIl,rer tUe Kesolutions. St sZT Hyne of South Carolina, said that kenm, m ?? known tbat Virginia had ta- th..1.-,, 8UUJe in a rnenaiy spirit, and Dta bjli modifying the TariffWas before V6a toV' wa detenined by common consent uapend the operation of the Ordinance un- alter the adjournment of Congress." The g1 the Compromise jjni). though not In'rn- accoPtable, was gladly accepted as frnZ TD ao reason for retreating retreating h.7. lQ .unenviable position South Carolina j mouuidu, ' lus oiaie n ki.ij n'S ratsismklKil . iL . . . . t . r . Sontk n ' 8 "romance was nnauy repealed. n Carolina, nevertheless claimed, the glory . trlnmnh. n. , Jl ltd An I . yrvia WCID EUIlgiaiula- ad ,ng acceeded fn defying Congress tryn;r'ventin the "broad usurpation".- of ' I to "coerce a Sovereign- State."' The Charleston nullifying organ boasted thus over me result : "Never was there a prouder instance of the might of just principles backed by a high courage. This little State in the mere panop ly of courage and high principles, has foiled the swaggering giant of the Union. 30,000 Carolinians have not only awed the wild West Into respect, but compelled Pennsylvania stolidity into something like sense New York corruption Into something like decency Yan kee rapacity into a sort of image of honesty. The Tariff is overthrown j tbe corrupt major ities In Congress have yielded. . Tbe madness of government has at last found a slight lucid interval." FREAKS OF AN ECCENTRIC GIRL. About four years since the good people of Cincinnati were startled by tbe announcement in the daily journals, of what was supposed, at the time, to be a fearful tragedy, in which a young and beautiful girl was believed to have been carried away by some wretch ; and, as nothing has since been heard from her, little doubt was entertained by her friends that she had, after a brief space, either experienced the fate of 'Desdemona,' or what was more shocking still, had been compelled, in her disgrace, to barter virtue for life. Her pa rents who were advanced in years, gradually sunk beneath the terrible calamity, until they became living personifications of settled mel ancholy and deep despair. Numerous circum stances had led them irresistibly to this con clusion ; and on the night of her departure policemen had heard the smothered shrieks of a female in the vicinity of her parents' re sidence j but before they reached the spot ail was silent ; neighbors, too, had beard myste rious noises and observed dark figures beneath the ladys window ; but, strange as it may ap pear, they did not think to raise the alarm, or even speak of the matter until her absence was discovered ; but afterwards there was such a marked similarity in their stories, that there was no room to doubt their truth. Besides, if she had simply eloped with a lover, and been legally married, she should have inform ed her parents of her whereabouts, and as certained from them wbather they approved or disapproved the course she had taken, be fore she put them off forever. Nor is this all : her lover, the man to whom she was supposed to have been betrothed, still remained, and e vinced a distress as deep, if not lasting, as that of tbe parents. Under such circumstan ces, the conclusion that she had been forcibly abducted appeared necessarily to follow. About tbe same time a young man, or rather boy, named Frank Bates, of slight stature, but with rosy cheeks, smiling face, ready step and winning demeanor, engaged in the service of a river captain as a cabin boy, and by his promptness and ingenuousness so ingratiated himself into the good will of bis patron that he was elevated to an assistant clerkship, a position for which his education and activity eminently qualified him. He remained on the boat in this capacity for about two years, when he went to Council Bluffs,-Iowa, and engaged as a clerk m a dry goods stoie. Here his affability did not fail to draw towards himself numerous friends, and among the fair belles of tbe Bluffs he was much ad mi red, and his em ployer's store was soon discovered by all of them to be the best in the village, and Frank was everywhere applauded as the most agrea ble of clerks. . When be attended parties and places of amusement, he was always assigned the post of honor, and it must be confessed that no other young man in the vicinity could fill tbe station with such perfect ease and grace as could our hero. It would be useless, however, to trace bis history during tho two years he remained at Council Blufis, nor to chronicle the oft raised hopes and repeated disappointments of his fe male admirers they willreadily suggest them selves to the reader. But, in the midst of life there is death the glory of victory is often succeeded by disgrace and defeat, and it so happened in this case. About three weeks a go, at a masquerade, Frank' was discovered how the paper that relates the facts narrated above does not state to be a female, much to the chagrin of all the fair sex, and to the scan dal of the neighborhood. At this unlucky mishap, 'Frank,' revealed name and parent age, at the same time coolly requesting to be retained in his employer's service, promising to draw around the place of business two male patrons for every female repulsed, but wheth er or not she was allowed to remain we are un able to say. Council Bluffs Eagle. The bark Cora, with 705 negroes on board, was captured on the coast of Africa, near the Congo river, on the 25th of September, by the United States ship Constellation. She left the port of New York on the 27th of May last, having been previously seized on the suspi cion of being about to engage in the slave trade, and held in bonds to the amount of $22,000. She is nominally owned by John Latham, and it is believed other persons are the real parties in possession. Her cargo was the most varied ever put in a slaver, costing over $22,000. The Africans were landed at Monrovia, and the vessel sent to Norfolk in charge of a prize crew. She arrived at New York on Saturday evening, tbe 8th December. The bondsmen of tbe Cora are Robert Griffiths and Charles Newman, of Brooklyn. Tbe New York papers contain accounts of a tforrible ancj. appalling murder which was committed in fbaf! city on Friday morning, Pec. 7th, ijt tyo. 32 JSast Twelfth street. The victirA was Sarah Sbancks. She was an old widow Ii$y, and kept a fancy goods and miU linery store at tbe place mentioned. On Fri day morning' she was found dead in her bed room, at the rear of her store, with her throat Cut, her bead bruised, and her body otherwise injured. The apartment was ransacked, and the motive for tbe murder appears to have been robbery. Tbe murderer obtained about a hundred dollars as the result of his fiendish act. The police have not been able to arrest the perpetrator, although they are vigilantly searching after him. ; You flatter me," said a thin exquisite to a lady who was praising the beauty of his mous tache. . "For heaven's sake, ma'am," inter- posed an old skipper, "don't make that mon- key any flatter, han ha is, qqw Irnir anv Hatta. fF.an ha la nnur ' . I ' Kenmore, once the. residence of Mary, tbe mother of Washington,' was' recently sold to. Mrs. Harrison, of Goochland county, Va., for $10,000. The sale includes, only the dw,l)u)g and, four acres, of. ground,! , THE AMERICAN EXPERIMENT. The social, and especially the political insti tutions of the United States, have, for the whole of the current century, been the subject In Europe, not merely of curious speculation, but of the deepest interest. We have been re garded as engaged in trying a great experi ment, involving not merely the future fate and welfare of this Western continent, but the hopes and prospects ot the whole human race. Is it possible for a Government to be perma nently maintained without privileged classes, without a standing army, and without heredi tary or self-appointed rulers? Is the demo cratic principle of eaual riehts. ireneral suf frage, and government by a majority, capable of being carried into practical operation, and that, too, over a laree extent of countrv ? The more populous and wealthy the United States have become, and the higher the posi tion to which they have risen in the scale of national importance, with the greater confi dence has it been maintained, on tbe one hand, that our institutions rest on a solid and permanent basis, and on the other, that they are destitute of inherent strength and cohe sion, and that the time of explosion and dis ruption is rapidly approaching. It cannot be doubted that the news of the present extraordinary position of affairs in the Southern States, consequent upon the result of the late Presidential election, will produce a mong the European advocates of democratic government and popular rights very serious a larms as to what is to become of us ; while a mong the advocates of monarchy and aristoc racy, the-threatened secession of tbe Cotton, if not of the entire body of the Slaveholding States, will be regarded as the .first step to ward the entire breakdown of our whole sys tem of republican government. It ought, however, to be borne in mind that tho threatened disruption of the Union does not originate at all from the democratic ele ment of our politics or social condition. It is the element of negro slavery, confined exclu sively to a portion only, and that the smaller portion, of the States, that has given occasion to all the existing trouble. This element of negro slavery not only conflicts with the dem ocratic idea by stripping the negro population of all. rights whatsoever ; but at the same time it paralyzes and degrades the great mass of the white population ; so that, whatever may be the letter of constitutions and laws, it creates a narrow aristocracy, which, in the local affairs of the Slaveholding States, has everything its own way. Not content to rule at home, this slaveholding aristocracy now undertakes to dictate to the other States also, not merely their laws and their Presidential candidates, but even their opinions on questions of reli gion and morals, so far, at least, as the ques tion of slaveholding is concerned. It is not the development of democratic ideas or insti tutions that has brought on tbe present diffi culties ; it is tbe collision which has taken place between democracy on the one hand, and this foreign element and doubly aristo cratical institution of negro slavery on the oth er. Suppose it should turn out that, under these circumstances, the Slaveholding States should determine to separate from the Union. That might prove the incompatibility of Sla very with tho well-working of a Government based on democratic principles, but it would be very far from proving, or even indicating, the failure of our American experiment. Whatever happened to the Slaveholding States after this separation, in the broad extent of tbe Free Labor States the experiment of repub lican government on democratic principles would still go on ; nor is there anvthine ,, ; j I JL1 l !DdUCe It has often been urred that with the in crease or wealth and population our existing popular system of government would become impracticable, and that a great class would a rise, ot mere laborers, destitute of property, to whom tho right of suffrage cculd not be safely entrusted. Our experience thus fardoes not give any countenance to this view. Take the State of Massachusetts, for instance : With a constant increase in population and wealth, her institutions and government have conform ed more and more to the democratic idea ; nor does there seem any danger to her exist ing political institutions, even if that increase should continue indefinitely. JV. Y. Trib. JUDQE BLACK ON SECESSION. Hon. J. S. Black, the Attorney General of tbe United States, has furnished tbe President with bis official opinion upon tbe questions of law involved in tbe present state of affairs in the South, and the course of action to be pur sued by the President in the event of a colli sion on the part of the Central Government with tbe authorities of South Carolina or any other State. The opinion is elaborate. The Attorney General does not think tbat tbe will of a State can absolve its people from alle giance to the just and constitutional require ments of a Centra Government, nor can any act of the Central Government displace the jurisdiction of a State. Its laws are supreme and binding only so far as they are passed in pursuance of the Constitution. The duty of tne president is only to execute the law to tbe letter as it is written. We have no common law to fall back upon when the written law is defective. In the collection of customs or revenues, b,e has a particular method pointed out for him to adopt, and if the machinery fur nished by Congress for tbe collection of duties should become so deranged or broken up that it could not be used, there would be no legal reason for substituting a different kind of ma chinery in 1(5 plape. Tbe Government is the owner cf the public lands and national proper ty, and the Attorney General thinks tbe Pres dent will be justified in taking such measures as he may deem to be necessary for their pro tection. It had the right of keeping exclu sive possession and repelling intrusion, and could retake its property from any power by force, as was tbe case at Harper's Ferry, in 1859, when the United States forces took tbe arsenal from John Brown. . By the act of 1807 the President is empowered to employ such parts of the land and naval force as he aball judge necessary for the purpose of causing the laws to be duly executed. On4he President alona devolves the responsibility of deciding whether tbe exigency dem.aods. the use of mil- itary force, and in' the exercise of his power thority. A military force can only be called into tbe field when other means are found to be useless. Even then its operations must be purely defensive, and. can only b used) to re- - w.wo.vp hA ftnrmlri ha itarafnl nnf In Avarofan fiia air pek an assault on the public property, and aid .the courts in the performance of their duty. r i eniorce the laws in conjunction with U. S. offi cers, but if there are no U. S. officers in the c undertaking to secede, and tbe Govern- vUfc gec no one to 8erTe tbereiDj tnen the laws Cannot ba enfnivori . n . be the physical strength at its command ; un aer such circumstances, to send a military force Jnto a State with orders to act against the peo ple would be simply making war upon them, in the event of the retirement of a State from tne Union, the action of the President must not depend upon tbe rightfulness of tho cause upon which such declaration is based. He cannot recognize her independence or absolve her from her Federal obligations. This fs a matter for Congress or a Convention of the states. He must see that the laws are duly executed, acting generally npon the assump tion that the present constitutional relations between the State and the FederalGovernment still exist. War. therefore. i vr tvuic me laws, suppress insurrections a gainst the States, and to repel the invasion of a State by enemies. It was never calculated "to form a more perfect union, establish jus tice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." Military force would be pernicious as a means of holding the States together. The right of the Govern ment to protect its property does not warrant it in punishing the political misdeeds of a peo ple. The States are colleagues, and to con quer or subjugate one of them would be to destroy the theory of our Union. The Attor ney General thinks that the Union must utter ly perish at a moment when Congress shall arm one part of the people against another for any purpose beyond that of merely protecting the General Government in the exercise of its proper constitutional functions. If these , views be correct, no State has a right to secede, nor has the government any power to prevent it from seceding. This is the old sing-song : you can and you can't ; you shall and you shan't; you will and you won't ; you'll be d-d if you do, and you'll be d-d if you don't." HOW THEY TREAT NORTHERN MEN. The Pittsburgh Gazette of December 11th, says : We have been shown a letter from Mr. Harris, tbe agent of B. A. Fahnestock & Co., who was rudely expelled from New Orleans, by a mob, for tbe sole offence of being a Northern man. It is not trne, as stated in the Chronicle, yesterday, that Mr. Harris voted for Lincoln, nor did he boast that be had so voted and was glad ot it. Mr. Harris did not vote at all, not being at home at tbe time of the election, but was a Bell man with strong Breckinridge pro clivities.. The expulsion took place. on the 27th ult. He had been in . the city a day or two, attending to the business of tbe firm, and was sitting in bis room, at the Hotel, when be was waited upon by a committee, who compel led him to go down stairs,wbere be met an ex cited crowd and was presented by the foreman of the committee who said : "Look at him and see if he . is tbe man you want." The mob shouted, Yes, that's him ; tbe d-d abolition ist ;' 'Out with him ;' D-n him ;' We'U fix him ' Hang him ;' 'Lynch bim ;' &c. But the speaker, or as he proved to be the chair man of the Vigilance Committee, proceeded : Mr. Harris is accused of being an abolitionist ; of being tbe agent of ' an abolition house ; of uaving saia ne was glad of Lincoln's election ; " uv vuu v IV. A-XXJ that he voted for him and was proud of it. He m.ain in this community We'll examine him!' A voice '.examine tne d-tj hang him.' " A Mr. Nathans was then presented as witness, who stated that be had met bim in Morrison's store, that be did not deny being a Black Re publican, and that he said ; "Let the Soutb secede, nobody cares ; the North can get a long very well without the South, and he for one wanted to show them who will suffer the most ; ho wasn't afraid of the South no in deed, not he." . ; Mr. Harris denied all these allegations; sent for Mr. Morrison to show that it was not true, and made a speech to tbe crowd, in which he admitted that be was in favor of Secession, as tbe quickest way of settling the present dif ficulty. When Mr. Morrison arrived, the crowd was so great tbat the proprietor of the Hotel insisted tbat the Committee should go with Morrison and Harris to Harris's room, and report the result of their investigation to the crowd. This was done, and for the rest we leave Mr. Harris to tell his own story : . "Here I threw open for their inspection some of my private correspondence, letters of introduction, &c, several of which letters be ing from men well known to the committee, they expressed their entire satisfaction, and in fact my position gained the full approval of my accuser, Mr. Aalhans. All of Mr. Morri son's testimony was also in my favor. The re port of the committee was, 'Harris is all right.' But tbat wouldn't do. Harris must leave town, to say the least about it and a majority were for lynching him under any circumstances. I was thersfore told, 'The cars leave in 40 or 45 minutes ; can you get ready V 1 said yes, and at once packed my trunk. . . . A carriage was ordered at an alley in the rear of tbe ho tel, and I smuggled through tbe back way un known to tbe crowd. When once in the car riage, the horses galloped at top speed to the depot, arriving just in time to get aboard the cars. As tbe train moved off, 1 felt some relief, as may be supposed." Here it will be seen tbat tbe committee and even Nathans, his accuser, were perfectly sat isfied that Harris was not amenable to the charges made against bim ; but tbe mob had come determined to lynch him, and would not rest satisfied otherwise. We learn that several other Pittsburghers have been expelled in like manner. ..In fact, New Orleans seems to be given up to the do minion of the mob.who hunt out every North erner who arrives, and compel him to leave. New Orleans ought to prosper, under such do minion as this. We do not wonder to bear that there were ten commercial failures there in one day, and tbat the business of the city is dull. "I don't see as anything is the matter with this plumb-pudding," said a cbap at a Thanks giving dinner. Well, who said there was 1" growled out hi, neighbor. " vThy". said the first, "I concluded there was ; ; yoa M seem ed to be running it down.3 ,; - ; The largest horse in the world is an Eng- iian norse or tne Clydesdale breed, now atNew castle, Pa. He weighs 1777 pounds., ae contends that no State has a right to se cede : that the Pr.iMn . ARTEMUS WARD ON "FORTS." Every man of intellect has ot his Fort. Forte A man's peculiar faculty or strong side. Dictionary. Dannll Webster's Fort was 10 speecherly m the Hauls of Kongriss & make Dickshunaries. Shakspeer rote good plaze but he woodent hev bin wuth a pint of kold Sidur as a stennergraffick Reporter. Ho Det z doners he woodent. Henrv Ward Beach- er wood make a good end man for the kork op- . : . ..... r ery minstrels, becauz he can cakil well. Old George Washinton's Fort was to not hev enny public man of the present day resemble him to enny alarmin extent. Whare abowts can George's ekal be fownd 1 1 ask, & boldly an ser no whares, or enny whares else. Old man Townsin's Fort was to maik Sassyperiller. "Goy to the wurld ! anutherlire saived!" (Co tashun from Townsin's advertisment.) Cyrus Field's Fort is to lay a submachine tellergraf under the boundin billers of the Oshun & then hev it Bust. Spaldin's Fort is to maik Pre paird GIoo, which mends everything. Won dir ef it will mend a sinners wicked waze. (Impromtoo goak.) Zoary's Fort is to be a femail circus fefler. My Fort is tbe grate moral show biness & ritin choice famerly lit eratoor for the noospapers. That's what's tbe matter with me. &c, &c, &c. So I mite go on to an indefinit extent. Twict I've endev- ered to do things which wasn't my Fort. The fust time was when I undeituk to lick an ow dasbus cuss who cut a hole in my tent it krawld threw. Sez I, "my jentle Sir go out or 1 shall lall onto you putty hevy-" Sez he, "wade in, old wax Aggers," wharupon I went for him, but he cawt me powerful on the hed & knockt me threw the tent into a cow pastur. He pur sood the attack & flung me into a mud puddle. As 1 aroze & rung out my drencht garmints I koncluded fightin wasn't my Fort. He now rize the kurtin upon Seen 2nd : - It is rarely seldum that I seek consolashun in tbe Flowin Bole. But in a sertin town in Injianny in the Faul of 18-, my orgin grinder got sick with the fever & died. I never felt so ashamed in my life, & I thawt Ide histe in a few swallers of sumthin strengtbenin. Consequents I was histid in so much 1 dident zackly know whare abowts I was. I turned my livin wild Beests of Pray loose into the street and tipsot my wax wurks. I then Bet 1 cood play boss. So I harni8t myself to a Eanal bote, there bein two other bosses hitcht on likewise, one behind & annther ahead of me. The driver hollered for us to git up & we did. But the hosscs bein onused to sich an arrangemunt begun to kick & squeal & rair np. Consequents was I was kickt vilently in the stum muck & back, & pres suntly I fownd myself in the Kanal with the other hosses, kickin & yellin like a tribe of Cusscarorus savvijis. I was rescood, & as I was bein carrid to the tavern on a hemlock Bord I sed in a feeble voise, "Boys, playin "boss isn't my Fort-",,. Moral. Never don't do nothin which it isn't your Fort, for ef you do you'll find yourself splashin round in the Ka nal, figgeratively speakin. ALARM IN SOUTH CAROLINA. The condition of things throughout the whole South, at this juncture, is such that the peo ple of that section are to be pitied. They are standing upon a mine which maybe fired at any moment, and they know and feel their danger. The little volcanic State of South Carolina, though hurrying on secession, is not without its alarms and apprehensions, as will be seen by the following letter, which portrays vividly, and accurately we doubt not, the real condition of things in that State. A lady, writing to her uncle in New York, says the family are preparing to come North, and goes on to show the difference between the poetry and tho reality of secession. Look upon the picture: "You may imagine,dear uncle.our situation, but you never can realize it in its fullness. Already we tremble in our own homes in an ticipation and expectancy of what is liable to burst forth at any moment, a negro insurrection. Could you see the care and precaution display ed here by the proprietors of the negroes, not only planters, but others, you would not, for a moment,envy us our possessions. Not a night passes that we do not securely lock our field servants in their quarters ; but our most loved and valued house servants, who inordinary times we trust to any extent, are watched and guarded against with all the scrutiny and care that we possess. Our planters and owners of slave property do not allow their servants to have any intercourse with each other, and the negroes are confined strictly to the premises where they belong. We are all obliged to increase our force of overseers to prevent too free intercourse even among our own servants. The negroes feel and notice these new re straints, and naturally ask "Why is this?" But it is unnecessary for them to ask the ques tion, for they all comprehend tbe cause as well as we who own them. They have already learned enough to give them an Idea of what is going on in the State and Nation, and this Knowledge they have not gained from Aboli tionists, as some suppose, but from tbe con versation of their owners indiscreetly held in their presence. They- have already heard of Lincoln's election, and have heard also that he is for giving them their liberty, and you may imagine the result. You have heard that our servants all love their masters, and their mas ters's families, and would lay down their lives for them tbat tbe colored race in the South prefer slavery to freedom that they would not be tree if tbe could, &., &c. That is but thepoeryof the case, the reality consists in sleeping upon our arms at night in double bolting and barring our doors in establishing and maintaining an efficient patrol force in buying watch dogs, and in taking turns in watching our sleeping children, to guard them and ourselves from the vengeance of these same "loving servants" a vengeance which, though now smouldering, is liable to burst out at any moment, to overwhelm the State in spite of the Palmetto flags or State precau tions. You at the North are not the only ones who are suffering financially by this new pan ic The planters among us are really suffer ing from the ' depreciation in their property. Already negroes are not worth half price.- ' No one dares to boy a servant, fearing lest be, in doing so, should be introducing upon his plan tation one tinctured with tbe idea of freedom. Now, one word as to the military force of the State, to protect us against an insurrection I presume, with the exception of Cbailestor and perhaps a few large towns, tbat tbe re mainder of the Stale fs situated very much as we are here ; and I will give you an idea of bow well prepared we are to resist a mob. Up on, our place of about 1200 acres, we have : Of whites, males husband, two over- seers and my soon of 18 years total, four i females self and cousin, little Lucy and one of the overseer's wives four: ol whom only four at the most are capable of bearing arms to offset which we have at least seventeen field bands, sturdy young negroes, besides tbe female servants. And this is a fair represcn- . tation of theforce upon our plantations. Con- BKienng sucn a state ot lads, do you blame I mQ for desiring to absent myself, my husband I 1 .I'll r . t i-. . . ... and children from the State ?" LETTER OF HON. A. H. STEPHENS. The following letter ol this distinguished Georgian statesman will be read with interest and pleasure by every lover of tbe Union : CEAwroanviLtE, Ga., Nov. 25. Dear Sir : Your kind aud esteemed favor of the I9th instant Is before me, for which you will please accept my thanks. I thorough ly agree with you as to tbe dangers by which we are surrounded, and the importance of u nited action on the part of our people, in tho line of policy to be pursued. I know, also, that there breathes not a man in Georgia who is more sensitively alive to her rights, inter ests, safety, honor, and glory than myself; and, whatever fate befalls us, 1 earnestly hope that we shall be saved from tho worst of all calamities, internal divisions, contentions, and ' strifes. The great and leading object aimed at by me in Milledgcville, was to prodtaco har mony on a right line ot policy. If the , worst comes to the worst, as it may, and our State has to quit the Union, it is of the Utmost importance that all our people should1 be unit- ed cordially in this course. This, 1 ftier con fident, can only bo effected on tho line of pol icy I indicated. But candor compels-me to say that I am not without hopes that our ' rights may be maintained, and our wrongs bo redressed, in the Union. If this can be done, it is my earnest wish. I think, also, that it is , the wish of a majority of our people. If, af ter making an effort, wo shall fail, tben- all -our people will be united in making or adop ting the last resort, the "Ultima ratio r'egum." , Even in that case, I should look with great ap prehension as to tbe ultimate results.- When ' the Union is dissevered, if of necessity it ' must be, I see at present but little prospect of : good government afterwards. At tbe North, ., 1 feel confident, anarchy will soon ensue. And whether we shall bo better off a the 1 South,will depend upon many things that I am not now satisfied that we have any assurance of. Revolutions are much easier started than' con- . trollod, and the men who begin thenr, even for the best purposes and objects, seldom end ; them. , . . The American Revolution of 1776" Was ono i of the few exceptions to this remark that tbe history of , the world furnishes. - nnraan pas- sions are like the winds when arffured, they ' sweep everything before them in their fury. -The wise and the good, who may attempt to-. control them, will themselves most likely be come the victims. This has been tfta his- ' tory or the downfall of all republic. Tho ' selfish, the ambitious, and tho bad will gener- ally take the lead. When the moderate nrenr who are patriotic, .have gone as far aj fhty think right and proper, and propose torecoh- ' struct, tben will be found a class below fhem, governed by no principle, but personal objects, i who will be for pushing matters farther and, further, until those who .sowed the wind will' find that they have ' reaped tho whirlwind. ' These are my serious apprehensions. ' Ther are founded upon the experience of the world , and the philosophy of human nature, and no wise man should condemn them. To tear down and build up again are very different ' things; and before tearing down even a bad Government, we should first see a good pros-., pect. for building up a better. . These are my views, candidly given. If there is one senti ment in ray breast stronger than all ofhers, it ' is an earnest desire for the peace, prosperity, -: and happiness of our people that peace, pros perity, and happiness which a wise and good Government alono can secure. I have no ob- ' ject, wish, desire, or ambition beyond this ; 1 and if I should in any respect err in endeav- ; oring to attain this object, it will be s error , of the head and not of the heart. With great personal esteem and respect, I ' remain yours, truly, Alex. H. Stephens. Ge. Sam Hoistox, Governor of Texas, has written a letter respecting tis views on the present crisis In our political affairs. He had hoped to have rejoiced in the election of m conservative candidate to the Presidency, and would have been satisfied with Breckinridge. He regards the election of Mr. Lincoln as the choice of a man whose only claim to the posi- ' tion is his constitutional endorsement by tho electoral college. Mr. Houston does not re gard the mere fact ot Lincoln's election as a cause for disunion and revolution. The Pres ident elect will be a mere citizen, sworn to ad-' minister the laws, at the risk or offending rad ical supporters. In doing this, he must, of , necessity, fall back upon the conservative masses of the country for support. If he rails to do this, and, in doing so, to respect the ' South and sustain her rights, be must be hurl ed from power. When the time comes that bo must choose between the loss of constitution- . al rights and revolution, Gov. Houston will ac- . cept revolution. If he hesitates now, it is not ' because he desires to submit fo Republican) rule, but because he recognizes the obligations -of the Constitution of his Country; and will ; stand by them. Mr. Lincoln has been constl- ' tutionally elected, and there is my other alter- ' native but obedience. Mr. Dottsfon draws a ' graphic picture or the horrors incident upon, civil war and asks whether tbe people of Tex as would be justified in meeting its results. The President will be in a minority, controlled ' by a Senate, House, and Supreme Court Inim ical to him. A dissolution of the Union would weaken tbe South, and imperil fa a greater de gree her rights of law and property. Mr. Houston deprecates the military display and ' preparation bow going on in Texas, and thinks ' the people will be eager enotrgh to arm when ; tbe occasion really dertrands it,- without tbe in- , tcrference of demagogues. He thinks Mr. Lincoln should make a declaration of his prin- -cipfeS, that the fro Sfates should repeal all laws obnoxious to the Constitution and its , compromises, and declares that so long as tho Constitution is maintained by Federal author ity, and Texas is not made the victim of Fed eral wrong, he is for the Union as it is. He concludes with an eloquent and pathetic appeal ' to the people of Texas to pause and ponder ' before they act outside ot tbe Constitution. To escape trouble from noisy children, send them to your neighbors, "visiting." -1 i 3 t!