- T ' t-r- .
BY S. B. KOW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1858.
VOL. 5.-TTO. 5.
THE ADMI.MSTKATIOS EXPOSED!
srilECH OP COL. JOHN W. FORNEY,
Teliverel on tho 21 Sept., at Tarrytown. X. Y.
in tho 9th Congressional District, represented by
Jion. John li. Haskin, who was re-bom (na ted an
.he People's candidate on that day.
.Fkllow Citizens : I feel gratified in being
able to appear before you as one to partici
pate in the ceremony which has been announc
ed the nomination, as the people's candidate,
of one of tho tribunes who stood up daring
the whole exciting session of Congress for an
:undying principle. And I am gratified, far
ther, in Iwing able to bear, here in your pres
ence, my personal tribute to the courage, the
independence and consistency of the gentle
flian whom you have thus formally placed be
fore tht-people for re-election. Having taken
some part in the controversy which is not
yet closed, and having been present when va
rious demands were made at the seat of the
Federal Government, I saw Mr. Haskin tried,
not only by frowns and the threats of power,
hut by its blandishments, too. And there nev
er was a moment,froni the beginning to the end
-of that struggle, in which that man quailed or
laltered. Cheers. It required on his part,'
gentlemen, uncommon courage, sustaining
.- peculiar personal relation, as he did, to the
Executive, to resist these combined influences.
It required grent independence and great sell
denial to tear himself loose from those with
whom he had been thus closely associated ;
nnd, more than all, it required that he should
keep constant watch over himself, lest in that
great political centre, where public virtue is
constantly sapped, where the public man is
-constantly in danger of being Itetrayed, he
should fall into the handset his enemies. It
required on his part that he should so bear
himself as not only to resist the influence of
iower, but Iks able to stand without suspicion,
lie came from a District which had not only
given him a large plurality, but which had
-given to Mr. Buchanan a decisive vote ; and
to no man more, I venture to say, is Mr. Bu
chanan indebted than to Mr. Haskin, for the
manner in which the Democratic party in this
vicinity rolled tip the vote they gave to the
Democratic candidate in lt.j. His active ex
ertions, his personal devotion to the character
of the President ; we feel that that candidate
reciprocated, (or pretended to reciprocate)
all the devotion which Mr. Haskin himself
manifested, rendered him of all men the man
upon whom the President might rely in con
ducting the affairs of the Government at the
seat of the Federal Capital. He did not go to
Washington to betray a principle, or to desert
the candidate of his choice. He saw this
Administration which he had 'bus toiled to
elect with four years of power, with unbound
ed patronage. Besides, as I have said, he was
his friend. The Cabinet was filled with men
towards whom he sustained the most intimate
relations. What reason, then, had he to do
anything but the light? What inducement
was there on the part of Mr. Haskin to take
any other than an honest course? I say.
then, my fellow citizens, tint you do well in
placing him beforo his constituents for anoth
er trial. Cheers and applause. Yes, you
not only do well, but you would not do well if
yon did not do so. But I say now, that when
the time comes that public men in the North
re not sustained who have done what Mr.
Haskin has done when that time conies that
the people ot" this Congressional District, or
" any Congressional district, refuse to do honor
to such a man, then we become in this region
a race ot cowards and slaves. Cheers and
applause.
My fellow citizens, I must now be a little per
sonal, because appearing before you as I do,
I am impelled, if not compelled, to refer to a
portion of political history in which I h.ivc
borne a Somewhat promim-nt part. Mr rela
tions to the present Executive of the United
States begun with early boyhood, from the
time long before I became a voter, when I was
Lis intimate confident and friend. From early
youth down to the present hour, or rather to a
period one year ago, I sustained toward Mr.
Buchanan relations not only of intimacy, but
of more than intimacy. Had he been my
father, if his blood ran in my veins, I could
not have leen more devotedly attached to him.
Applause. I believe that that sentiment and
affection was reciprocated. We had tried in
our good old State of Pennsylvania, for many
years, to elect this gentleman to the Presiden
cy. It fell to my lot born in the county
where Tie grew to man hood, in tho county
where he read law, in the county where he
.still ha his residence, in that county where
he s.iys he expects to die and knowing him
thus well, it fell to my lot to do ii good deal
.f the hard work incident fo the fulfillment of
the aspirations of himsell and tho wishes ot
hi friends. In 1844 we went to the city of
Baltimore instructed to vote for a distinguish
ed citiZ'-n of your State, Mr. Van Buren ; but
mvimgto the publication of his celebrated Texas
Setter, the delegation from Pennsylvania", as is
weM known, concluded that Mr. Van Buren
liad forfeited the confidence of the Democratic
party, and that it bee mo us to present our
-jwn'.fitvtjred citizen for that high place. We
did so, nrd we failed. But still in 1848 we re
appeared upon the scents with our fellow-citizens,
and there the friends or Mr. Van Buren
in this state repaid us in kind for the good
turn we had served them four years before.
Applause. Undaunted, we continued to or
ganize and in lb-2 we reappeared in the same
scene with our former friend, and wo were a
I;ain defeated. That weuicd to be the last
chance the last shot in the locker if I may
use the expression. But he was appointed by
President f ierce in 18-VJ to fill the high and
important mission of Minister to England.
AVtjiii there he was removed from the scenes
.of domestic politics, and quietly and obser
vantly watched the movements at home pend
ing and succeeding the repeal of the Missouri
line. Mr. Buchanan had been known for his
attachment to that line. Though in 1819,
.hi!e a student of law with Mr. Hopkins, at
Lancaster, Pa., be attended a meeting in which
ho denounced it; subsequently, in 184,he
t-jinm out in his celebrated Berks County let
ter, and stated there that the only way to settle
,the Slavery question was to rnn the line to
the Pacific so as to secure to the North and to
the South .their respective benefits on each
side ol it as proposed by its original friends.
Therefore, it was, that while at a foreign court,
absent from bis own country, his name became
peculiarly tho name of the American people,
as the one that would lead the Democratic par
ty to Tictory again. His old friends in Penn
sylvania moved forward, and again we orga
nized. We saw the time had come when our
rhrunpion f-onjd b presented to rnr people.
We repaired to Cincinnati. Rivalries home
rivalries had been extinguished; bitterness
growing out of the Missouri line and the pas
sage of theKansasNebraska bill had temporarily
removed other candidates from the field (or so
wc thought) ; and Cass men, Dallas men, and
Buchanan men in Pennsylvania made common
cause, and repaired to Cincinnati for the pur
pose of potting this gentleman in nomination.
When we reached there, the first indication
that appeared was, that the extreme South had
resolved upon Mr. Buchanan's annihilation.
They saw in him the light of a moderate Con
servative sentiment. They saw in him, for the
first time, a public man who having been ab
sent from the country, therefore disconnected
from the exciting revalrics of the day would
be compelled from his position, ot do justice to
Northern feelings, and extinguish sectional
ism. They diil not trust to him on the issue
of the day. lie was not a good enough Kansas
and Nebraska man for them ; and they fought
us, as the history of that Convention will show,
for five long days with a bitterness and ani
mosity audi as political Conventions can
scarcely rival. But he was the only man to
rescue the Democratic patty from defeat. He
was the only man to prevent the election of a
Republican, and the only man who conld car
ry Pennsylvania ; for upon the contest of that
State did the entire tide of battle turn. From
your own State a similar disposition was man
ifested in certain quarters. In this quarter,
now, where this disease of Lccomptonism
rages the most violently, and where the aflec
tion for the Administration is indulged the
most ardently, Mr. Buchanan received nothing
but coldness and contempt but we nominated
hi in and returned to Pennsylvania, for the first
time joyous in having achieved our long-cherished
wish. And when we returned there, we
came n ith the full and confident hope that there
would be an end to the difficulty in electing a
man whose nature was believed to be so con
servative, whose character was believed to be
so prudent, and whose entire record had been
national and constitutional. At that time I
believe the Republicans themselves abandon
ed the campaign. They looked npan his nom
ination as their death-blow. They looked a
round in vain for a candidate ; but events (and
there is no necessity for spinning out this de
tail to a greater length) brought on a series
of excitements such as we have never witness
ed in our country, and by the middle of Aug
ust, 18-jC, the campaign was more than doubt
ful. Why did it become doubtlul I Because
the public opinion of the North had been stir
red to its deepest depths by the excesses of
the Pro-Slavery minority, backed by Federal
power in the Territory of Kansas. That was
the only question. It was not the Ostcnd Con
ference, it was not the Pacific Railroad ; it was
nothing but the single issue Shall the people
of Kansas bo permitted to dispose of their
own affairs in their own way ? Shall they vote
upon their domestic institutions, not Slavery
alone, but upon all their institutions. unmolest
ed by the bayonets of the Administration on
the one hand, and the on-slaughts of hands of
foreign marauders on the other? No man felt
more deeply in reference to Kansas than did
Mr. Buchanan. No man talked more freely
about it. In bis letter of acceptance of the
nomination and in the speech he delivered to
the Committee upon it in his parlor at Lancas
ter, (at which I happened to be present.) he
laid stress upon the great principle tint the
will of the majority should prevail. Why, he
said to me a thousand times "The South trhuI
vote for me, and the North must be secured ;
and the only way to secure the North is to
convince those gentlemen that when I get in
the Presidential chair I will do right with the
people in Kansas. I am now 06 years of age.
1 have reached that time of life when I cannot
have any ambition for a re-election, and if I
have, i tie unit way to secure it is to be strong
with my own people at home I witched this
struggle from my retirement in London ; I
have seen what I conceive to lie the mistakes
of others. I am not responsible for the Ad
ministration ot President Pierce; therefore,
1 wi'l inaugurate a new system ; I will show
to those gentlemen that a Pennsylvania Presi
dent will stand firm to the pledges of a Penn
sylvania gentleman and a Pennsylvania Dem
ocrat." Now, fellow-citizens, in that letter of
acceptance, if you will refer to it it is not
necessary for mc to produce it here you will
find that he stated distinctly that the people of
the Territory of Kansas should be protected in
the sacred right of suffrage, unawed by any
influence whatever, and that the will of the
majority should prevail.
We went into the canvass. It fell to my lot
to be at the head of the State Democratic
Committer of Pennsylvania. All my afiec
tions were in that State ; all the emotions of
my nature, physical and mental, were enlisted
on the side of the candidate she had presen
ted. His whole career, his character, my
personal attachment ami the sincere devotion
I felt tor him, bis family, his cause, and all
about him made me so anxious for him to
succeed, that I indulge in no vain expression
of speech when I say to you that I would
have forfeited my life for him. My devotion
for him knew no bounds. Day and night,
night and day, 1 toiled in that campaign.
And there are those here to-day from my own
State who will bear witness to the fact when
I say flint all my on resonreos, all my for
tune, my every exertion,every aid that could be
enlisted was enlisted to produce the final re
sult. And alKjve all others in that campaign
was the great principle of popular sovereign
ty. Applause. That was the standatd which
marshaled the way. That was the shibboleth
that was the war cry. From Lake Kiio to
the Delaware River from Pittsburgh to Phil
adelphia in every village and town in the
State everywhere that 1 could induoo a pen
to write, or a tongue to speak, that was the
theme upon which those pens wrote ami those
tongues spoke. Why, gentleman, Mr. Bu
chanan had no confidence or reserve upon this
subject. He was public, ho was open, he was
unreserved in his declarations to everybody,
lie sent to the traduced John Hickman, in an
adjoining county. He told him, through his
friends and agents; "You, Mr. Hickman,
occupy a peon liar relation; you vcted for the
Topeka Constitution ; you rfenaunoed tho
Kansas-Nebraska bill ; you ere opposed to
the repeal of tho Missouri Compromise line ;
tho Democratic party of your district; have
nominated you ; the Republicans, like yu ;
they believe in you. Now, I want you to take
tho stump and go before your people and
iled"e Die, James Bucbana.i, that I intend
standing by, nnu h iwccmi; j ib "j
prinoiple of Popular Sovereignty." For my
;n if I could descend to the Mseness f re
publishing private letters, I might fill a yoU
ume with similar pledges from similar author
ity. Why, gentlemen, when tbedistinguished
Secretary ot State, Mr. Cobb, who from hav
ing been a superfine Union man, has been
converted into a fire-eater, equal to Mr. Chau
bert himself when Mr- Cobb came into Penn
sylvania, and traversed our State from end to
end, and from county to county, talking to
delighted audiences all the time, what was the
burden ol his theme t , Why Popular Sov
ereignty. I would take the Army and Navy,
I would use every power of the Federal Gov
ernment, I would surround the Territory but
what the people of Kansas should vote, and
by their vote the destinies of the future State
should be decided. Whenever a Southern
orator came into Pennsylvania and called up
on mc, I said to him : "Now, Sir, I have
but one thing to say to you, we have buia
single thing Itefore the people; every day is
making the campaign more and more doubtful;
every day is making the popular feeling more
and more intense ; Mr. Buchanan himself
feels that everything depends upon the pru
dence, the sagacity, nnd the spirit of concili
ation by which this campaign is conducted,
and for God's sake take care what you say
about Kansas; leave your violent Southern
feelings at home; you must not come to
threaten; you Governor Johnston, and you
Mr. Scott, of Richmond, andsyou Mr. Extra
Billy Smith, and you Mr. Secretary Floyd,
all of yon, must remember (hat if you lose
this battle here, you lose it altogether; it will
be your loss, and therefore you must allow us
to manage it in our own way. And they did
accede toahat policy, without any protestation,
and gladly. There was no deception in that
fight, at least so far as I was concerned. I
sovied the State with private letters and pri
vate pledges upon this question. There is
not a county in Pennsolvania in which my
letters may not be found, almost by hurdreds,
pledging Mr. Buchanan, in his name, and by
his authority, to the full, complete and prac
tical recognition cf Jlie rights of the people-of
Kansas to decide upon their own affairs. Ap
plause Gentlemen, he was elected, nc formed his
cabinet. He issued his inaugural address.
And here, at this point, let rac say, that the
nblic confidence inspired by his nomination
by the Democratic party, and the apprehension
cf his election inspired in the Itcptiblican
ranks, that public confidence in the man was
renewed and revired by tnc publication of his
Inaugural Address. The Republicans, many
ot them who had voted for John C. Fremont,
said : "We believe in Mr. Buchanan ; if he
stands by tho doctrines of this Inaugural Ad
drcsi we will stand by him." Now, had he
done so, the Republican and . the American
parties, in my opinion, would have been ex
tinguished ; we would have been one great,
happy, national family. - After all, what the
great mass of the pcoplcJn this country de
sire is a good Government. Every man in
this country is not an office-seeker. Nine out
of ten are disinterested in their relations to
this Government, and they are ready to vote
for John B. Haskin, or for John Smith, if they
have confidence in the man : and Mr. Buchan
an would have suited Ihe country as well as
any other man, if he had but fulfilled his pled
ges ; and therefore it was that when his inau
gural address was published, they said one to
the other We Imlicve in Mr. Buchanan ; we
are sorry wc have not voted for him ; but we
are willing to trust him and stand by him to
the end. Mr. Buchanan had before him a fu
ture which Washington, if he had been living,
might have envied a future which, if he had
walked resolutely in the path he had marked
out the path illuminated by his resolutions
and pledges would have allowed him to go
down to the grave with the acclamation or the
,o.ic. I'osterity would have pointed to bis
administration as a model and example to all
generations; Pennsylvania would have had no
cause to have been ashamed of her once favor
ite son. No, my fellow countrymen; but lie
did not stop here. As if for the purpose of ac
cumulating pledge upon pledge, as if for the
purpose of piling up a pyramid of promises
upon the question, what did he do next ? lie
looked around to sec whom he should get to
go to Kansas for the purpose of settling the
vexed question which had rendered Kansas,
what it has been graphically termed, "the
graveyard of Governors." He sought no in
ferior man ; he would not be tempted to take
an ordinary man. He selected a gentleman, a
statesman, who had leen presented by a largo
portion of the leading and prominent men of
the South for a seat in his Cabinet, who had
for years represented his State in the councils
of the Nation. He selected Kolcrt J. Walt
er. And when he called upon Mr. Walker,
and asked him to proceed to the territory, Mr.
Walker said to him, "Why, Mr. Buchanan,
that would finish me forever ; it has ruined ev
ery man who has gone there ; it will ruin me.
I have reached that time of life when I cannot
afford to risk all my prospects, and probably
the peace and happiness of my family." And
he said further, as if gifted with a Knowledge
of tho future, "I cannot run the risk of being
most probably betrayed and deserted by the
Administration that appoints mc." Mr. Bu
chanan said to him, "Mr. Walker, if you will
go there, you will settle this question in a few
weeks. Everything is ready ; here are your
instructions. I pledge you my word that ev
erything you desire you shall have." Mr.
Walker, as if inspired by a sublime suspicion,
said, "Mr. Buchanan, I will not go to Kansas
until you allow mc to meet your Cabinet lace
to face, and ascertain from that cabinet in per
son whether they will agree . that I shall go
there and carry out the pledges of the cam
paign of 1856." Accordingly, a meeting of
the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan was called. At
the meeting every member of tho Cabinet was
present. Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Walker were
present Nr. Buchanan in the chair. Gover
nor Walker said, "I have desired this meeting
because 1 have determined not to go to Kan
sas unless 1 have full instructions to carry out
those pledges and those principles ; if there is
any opposing voice, I will not go ; I do not
want to go ; it is by no means an enviable po
sition ; but if I have the permission and con
sent of you, gentleman, for this I have asked,
I will go." The Cabinet was polled ; but one
member of the Cabinet objected to the pro
gramme laid down by Gov. Walker. I need
not mention his name. Gov. Walker said,
"That settles the question, gentlemen ; I do
not wish to go ; a single negative is sufficient,
and I will retire from tho field." But they
took that member of the Cabinet into an ad
joining room, and ti;re they convinced him
that Gov. Walker was right. They returned
and gave Walker his instructions. He went
to Kansas with bis instructions in his pocket,
and accompanied by a man well known to the
country, Mr. Stanton, who went out with sim
ilar pledges.
-' Now, after this plain statement of the facts,
I will come down to my own part of this
campaign. My ambition to assist and build
up my good old State, to push forward her
great interests, and assist in the devclopcmcnt
of her industry to do that which we. must
all do, at least if we desire success for the
older you grow you should be stronger at your
own home to build you: selves up in your
own counties and own State, and when you
do that you will bo respected and strong at
the seat of the Federal power. Therefore, it
was that in tho year 1857 I started the news
paper which now bears my name at its mast
head. I did this foi'the jmrpose of advocat
ingMr. Buchanan's policy throughout. I had
abundant pledges as to his course, but before
publishing that paper I took care to write to
Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet, and to himself, and
told them on what ground I intended to stand
on this question ot Kansas. They were so
good as to send roe sufficient written testimony
strengthening mc in the positiou I had as
sumed. I went on with Walker and Stanton,
until the Oxford and McGee frauds took place,
when there was a hurst of execration through
out the country. Tho whole Democratic press
had argued constantly tho policy of the Ad
ministration up to that time ; but when Gov.
Walker rejected these frauds,thcre was silence.
A pall fell over the columns of The Washing
ton Union. Nothing ivas said upon the subject
of the Oxford and McGee frauds. No voice
was heard in Washington against it ; but I
supposed some malign influences for the mo
ment, had surrounded that journal; that it
had nn attack of some peculiar insanity,
which has lately become chronic with it, and
I allowed it to pass by. ' But when the dark,
damning deed of Lecompton was perpetrated,
then I saw for the first time that those gallant
men in the Territory, Walker and Stanton,
and those who acted with them, bad liccn Ve
serted. I saw that Democratic principles had
been carried out by them, anil we were now
called upon to turn our backs upon our pledg
es and betray our manhood. Applause.
Gentleman, there was something too much
of this; and when the cup was presented to
my lips I refused it. Cheers. Administra
tions may change, Presidents may change,
but I had been too fully committed on this
subject to go back to Pennsylvania and turu
my back upon pledges which I had both spo
ken and written to thousands of men. I did
not for a moment believe that the Adminis
tration had concluded to abandon the princi
ples which had put them into power ; that
they were resolved to make their policy a test;
so when I went to Washington and called up
on my old friend, I said to him, "Mr. Buchan
an, for the first time in our lives we are at
variance ; I -find myself standing by ouc prin
ciple having followed your lead, and you have
deserted it." "Well," said he, "can't you
change too? Laughter. If I can alford to
change, why can't 3-ou afford to change 7
Renewed laughter. If you and Douglas and
Walker will unite in support of my policy,
there will not be a whimper of this thing; it
will pass by like a Summer breeze." I tol l
him that it was very well with an Administra
tion surrounded by office holders and living
all the time in tho atmosphere of flattery,
that -was followed by thousands of gentlemen
who expected places ; that they conld come
to him and say, "You are right. Mr. Buchan
an ; we arc down on our bellies ; please to
walk over us please trample upon us and we
will Iks happy and content, and hope you will
helinvA. j-nur iinlirr is.risht." "But I tell
you," said I, "that there is a still, small voice
in the pc' pie that instinctively rejects frauds,
and this is not only a fraud but a dishonor.
I do not claim to be more honest than any
other man. i have done as all polilicans have
some things which may not square exactly
with the rules of religion and right, and which,
if I have, I regret them ; but these things
will not do. Loud cheers. I have reached
the stature and years of manhc od, and I can
not go back to Pennsylvania to cat my own
words and become the slave of power. Ro
newed cheers. I cannot. But then, Mr.
Buchanan, you must tolerate this difference" of
opinion. Gen. Jackson tolerated differences
of opinion in his friends. Col. Polk tolera
ted differences of opinion, and you differed
with him in his views on the tariff, and yet
you remained in his Cabinet. Mr. Pierce
tolerated difference of opinion. But here
you are. Men who put you where you are
who ask nothing at your hands who have re
fused your favors have . trampled all the pat
ronage that has been offered them under feet;
here they are, asking to be tolerated in the
indulgence of an honest opinion." The re
ply to that was, "Sir, I intend to make my
Kansas policy a test." "Well, Sir," said I,
"I regret it ; but if yon make it a test with
your officers, wc will make it a test at the
ballot box." Loud cheers.
Repeated efforts were made to heal the dif
ference. But it seems to me, gentlemen, that
when the Presidency isconlerred upon a poor
mortal, it transforms him into a god, in his
own estimation, or a lunatic. Laughter.
Nobody is permitted to approach power to tell
the truth. Power never hears the thunder
voice of the people, sitting as it does in its
cushioned chairs, between tho marble walls.
The independent man, loud and bold, with a
clear eye, who comes to tell the truth, is
waved from the Presidential presence as a rude
intruder. Then we went home. As I said,
repeated efforts were made, and made in vain,
to heal tho differences. The conferring of
this Presidential patronage of vast millions
more than the monarch of Great Britain en
joys, and nearly as much as the French despot
wields this patronage induced Mr. Buchanan
to believe that he could make his test success
ful. How was it made ? Gentlemen, when
tho chapter which shall detail the manner in
which the Administration has used its patron
age is written it will be a black one. When
our children and our children's ohildron come
to read it, they will not believe that an Amer
ican citizen, elevated to the Presidential chair,
in the faoc of such a people, covered with
such an armor of pledges, would have gone
into that chair to have used his army aye, his
army and the treasure your money and mine
your officers and mine for the purpose of
putting down a gallant band of men for stand
ing by the plain God's truth ; and I would
wish that when the historian conies to write,
he would not be compelled to write that that
President was born in Pennsylvania. Ap
plause. Now, gentlemen, there has not been
an element lacking to relieve this unredeemed
infamy not one. There has not been a single
circumstance lacking. They have gone on
step by step, with a tread of fate and destiny,
trying to crush out the brave and gaiiani spir
its who have stood forth asking for nothing
but to be allowed to do right. Look at the
South, in whose name this deed, Lecompton
ism, has been perpetrated alter its representa
tives in the Senate and the House have assist
ed in hounding down Stephen A. Douglas and
David C. Broderick and their gallant compa
triots in the House, the South begins to say
as they see the Administration bell-bounds
pursuing and attacking Douglas and bis friends
in Illinois. "This Is too much. We arc will
ing to accept Lecompton as gilded poison
which has been extended, to us, and which is
to help us, though the only thing it has done
has been to commit our Representatives to a
gross wrong toward the North. But we can
not bear this persecution." Read the letter
published the other day in the New York pa
pers from Reverdy Johnson of Maryland
Read the statement of Alex. II. Stephens and
Henry A. Wise. They arc clamorous against
these attacks on Mr. Douglas. Public men in
this country forget in their truckling to the
South that Southern people are Americans as
we are. They have their Slavery. They have
their pectiliar institutions. But they reject a
wrong they reject an infamy they reject un
fairness just as readily as we do. They will
not submit to this tyranny of the Administra
tion upon MY. Douglas. Aud so it will be
when the Administration begins by couiting
the South hyUccLiriiig that the only thing
thePresident should do is to yield to theSonth,
that Administration will end by the South turn
ing upon it. What then ? It will be Tyler
ized. Laughter. The Administration of
James Buchanan Tylerized supported by a
set of office holders and expectants only, w ith
all the great parties, and the one that put it
in power inclusive, standing from it and shun
ning it like a contagion !
'Imperial Ca:sar, dead and turned to clay,
Must stop a hole to keep the wind away."
Laughter. I am aware that I am talking to
a mixed audience there aro here present A
mcricans, Republicans, and Democrats.
A Voice No doubt of that.
Mr. Forney (continuing) Now, gentlemen,
we who act with Mr. Haskin, we who follow
the flag borne by those great heroes of the day
-those immortal chieftains, Henry A. Wise
and Stephen A. Douglas aro constantly twit
ted with combining with what are politely
called Black Republicans. Laughter. But
have you Americans who are present, witness
ed the efforts of the Administration to make a
union with you ? The Administration can
combine with the Americans (1 believe you
are called Know-Nothings sometimes) and that
is all right. Or if a Republican comes out for
Lecompton, he is immediately washed clean
and wiped. Laughter. Why, gentlemen,
the principles that wc fought for in 1856 ate
now reduced to Lecompton. We may be as
true as the North pole upon principle, but if
we don t go for Iecompton, wc are u-d in
deed. Laug'jtcr. Bnt if the Republican or
American becomes Lecomptonized, lie is not
only speedily forgiven, but he is elevated" to
the highest scat in the synagogue, and he is
pointed at as a brand rescued from the burn
ing. Laughter. The Administration is
pledged, recollect, to a platform of hostility
to secret political societies. He is pledged in
its platform to those who speak with a rich I
rish brogue or sweet German accent. But,
gentlemen you Americans and you foreign
ers and adopted citizens arc- not to recollect
when an "American becomes Lecomptonized;
only those are held to le infamous who unite
with Republicans and Americans to vindicate
a principle. Applause. Then you are out
of the party and are excluded from decent so
ciety, and henctforth and forever you are nev
er to be forgiven unless at the last moment yon
come forward and say : "Praise unto thee John
Calhoun and Lecompfon." Laughter. I
have been toiling in the Democratic party since
I was a boy, and I am not now quite 41 years
of age. 1 never voted any but a straight-out
Democratic ticket. My excellent friend, Sam
uel J. Randall, who was a very good Ameri
can, and who was elected to the Sen ite of our
State, said to me : "I am freshly in the J -arty,
and yon are freshly out of it." Thus I find
myself turned out of the Democratic party, if
1 will consent to it, and because I will not con
sent to leave Democratic principles. Laugh
ter. This is an age of newspapers and tele
graphs on the land and through the sea. And
when these transpire there would be no God
in Heaven if the ballot-box did not d-n such
a party in October next. Cheers. And you
in New York who think the Democratic party
is sold body vn I breeches to this official de -pot
ism, take care lest when November comes
you do not find that the Democrats think a
good deal more of their principles than they
do of their organization. For my part, speak
ing for Pennsylvania, on the 12th of October,
when you open theN. Y. Tribune, Herald and
Times, you will see under the telegraphic
head figures something like this s "40,000 ma
jority against the Lecompton candidate."
Cheers. That is the way we will make our
mark there yes. wc will do more : we will
stand by John Hickman, we will stand by
Montgomery, and whenever a Lecomptonitc is
trotted out, we will try to defeat him, regular
ly nominated or not. I am not to be terrified
by this Chinese thunder of organization.
Laughter. I am willing to combine with any
good man, no matter what is his name, who
combines with me to rescue toe American
name from this odium and this disgrace. Why,
gentlemen, in 1S56, not to go back to that but
for an instant, wc would never have got the
Republican vote we did for Mr. Buchanan if
we had not pledged ourselves over head and
heels for this doctrine.
Now Met mc say a word, in .conclusion, on
the subject of popular sovereignty. You Re
publicans are coming to it, end, gentlemen,
you will all come to it. Now mark ; there is
but one way for it. I saw the other day a
speech made by a distinguished New York
journalist and I speak of him as distinguish
ed for many things, though we have differed
for many years 1 mean Mr. Greeley. (Cheers.
He pointed the way to the coming time. He
has been denouncing popular sovereignty as a
humbug. It would have been if all Democrats
! co-operating with him had surrendered to the
j Administration. It is not humbug it is a
! living principle. Tell me this is illusory
i that a people to tho number ot 13,000 have
been strong enough iu their own will and In
i their own way to put down the army of the U
nited States, and beat the slaveholders' major
ity, with about $70,000,000 of patronage, ovcr
j run with Federal officers, with the Senate and.
I Uouso against them with the President be
traying bis tmst tell me that they, armed as
they have been by the simple, naked principle
of popular sovereignty that this principle is
a humbug? Why, what tioes such wonders
must be real, must be tight. Come to it, gen
tlemen, the men who are for Congressional in
terference here areLecomptonites; men whom
you despise. They are constantly telling yon,
day after day, that they despise you. We of
fer to you the principle of popular sovereign
ty, brought from the fair field of Kansas, cov
ered all over with glory. We have proved
that we stand by it ; we have turned our backs
upon the Administration ; we'lrove rejected its
patronage; we have laughed at its blandish
meuts no mean thing to do at any time, and
particularly at a time like the present, when
our country has been swept by such a whirl
wind. Believe in us, stand by Haskin in bis
noble conduct ; vindicate the principle in bis
election; cease your differences as to names j
give us the principle, anil the name will be
little. That which applics'to the Republican,
applies with significant iforce to the Ameri
cans ; and 1 must say, :(I would do injustice
to my character if I did not say it,) that I an
inexorably opposed to one portion of tho A
merican creed; that is due to you, gentlemen
and to myself. But there is another portion of
the American creed which teaches us, and we
are bound to believe them, that it is a national
creed. They have their Southern connections
they have their Humphrey Marshall, their
Winter Davis, and their good men, whom I
know weil, ami these are your leaders. They
tell us that you are national, and therefore tho
doctrine of popular sovereignty is for you;
above all it is for the North; the South is
committed to it it will not recede. Tho day
is gone when sectionalism can prevail in this
country. The South, gallant and glorious as
she is, we mnst protect, sirs, in all her rights.
I have stood by her from my early years down
to the present moment. I will stand for her
to the end, unless she asks me to do wrong ;
then we must part company for a time. Tho
South, gentlemen, is committed to this prin
ciple, and thus with all the pledges of tho
past, with all the liopcvdf the present, I call
upon yon to take the principle, and to take it
soon ; the train is moving anil the cars are fill
ing up. Come on, let t.s take this principlo
for a single principle. Everything else that is
right will follow, and in 3.SG0 there will not be
a white man in the North willing to say ho
ever heard the name of Lecompton. Loud
cheers.
Sreakixg oit i. Dreams. A correspon
dent of the Richmond Dispatch, tells the fol
lowing in a letter from one of the Springs: An
amusing incident occurred on the cars of ihe
Virginia and Tennessee road, which must bo
preserved in print. It is too good to be lost.
As the train entered the Big Tunnel, near this
place, in accordance with the usual custom a
lamp was lit. A servant girl accompanying
her mistress, had sunk into a profound slumber
but just aa tho lamp was lit she awoke, and.
half asleep, imagined herself in the infernal
regions. Frantic with fright, she implored her
Maker to have mercy on her, remarking, at
the same time, "the devil has got nie at last."
Her mistress, sitting on the seat in front of the
terrified negro was tleeply mortified, and csl-.
led upon her "Mollie, don't make such a
noise; it is I, be not afraid-" The poor Afri
can immediately exclaimed. "Oh, missus,'
dat you ; jest what I 'spected ; I always thought
if eber I got to de bad ffiace, 5 would see you
dar." These remarks iverc 'uttered with such
vehemence, that not a word was lost, aud tho
whole coach became convulsed with laughter.
Arkansas Politicians. In Pike county,
Ark., a few days ago, a political meeting
came on, at whioh tho afnhiats for jc Le
gislature a Dr. Lane among them addressed
the people. Upon the 5r. descending from
the platform, af.er a brfifiant speech, he was
arrested for a murder comnifttei in North
Carolina two or three yetfrs ago, and put in
irons, to be encveyed to the State from which'
lie had fled. The Dr. was very reluctant, and
appealed to his "constituents," but it wouldn't
do.
The man who carries a lantern in a Hart'
night can have friends all around walking safe
ty uy i ue neip ot us rays ana be not defraud
ed. So he who has the God-given light of
hope in bis breast can help on many others in
this world's darkness not to his own loss, but
to their precious gain. .
A medical writer asserts that the introduc
tion of the tomato npon the table has reduced
the severity of certain types of summer di-.
seases to a noticeable extent. There is no
doubt of their healthfnlncss as food nor of
their excellence as a luxiirr. : . --. v..
An Irishman, arrived from California says :
"It's an illcgant counthry the bed bongs are as
large as dinner pots, while the fleas aroused
for crossing creeks itn, tnc bop an they'e over
with two on their backs."
Messrs. Lincoln and f)rinv-i Iim in v,Ti.
discussions, triven sketches inf their nn ni
each other's lives. , II appears that, whilo
Douglas has been a gross sinner, Lincoln has
been a gi-ocer. ... -
' . .'
A writer in Blackwood says that every man
who is not a monster, a mathematician, or a
mad philosopher, is the slave of some woman.
Wonder how he knows.
There lives a tnah in our connty who says
that he has a cow so small that he sets her on
the table, aud hands her around instead of a
cream pitcher. ' ;
Joe Fuller says some young ladies are so
artificial, that even in making love, they use
none but artificial flowers of speech. .
Tho strongest kind of a hint a yonng lady
asking a gentleman to see if one of herrings
will go on his little finger. .
S'OW 5k) CALL IX Jri.T Tho mrUm. -
Snow, of Arkansas. ' trara birth tn v,n
, - a viur
dren July 26th. . . .
Jones has turchfi&l ttt v. A
navigation, and shortly expects re cap the
"Sir. TOU 'are lust liVnthii mntinm nf
dog's tail.. How;so'. "Because too ace a
wag." ....
The 6Ujerfluitk of professed christians
would send, the gospel te tho whole world. '
v