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it
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.31
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and have otherwise been treated by tbc au
thorities in an insulting and arbitrary manner,
which requires redress. r - ".
A demand for these purposes will be made
in a firm but conciliatory spirit. This will the
more probably be granted il the Executive
shall have authority to use other means in the
event of a refusal. This is accordingly re
commended. ' 1
THE KANSAS QUESTION.
It is unnecessary to state in detail the alarming
eonditon of the Territory of Kansas at the time of
my inauguration. The opposinz parties then stood
in hostile array against each other, and any acci
dent miirht have relighted the flames of civil war.
Besides, at this critical moment. Kansas was left
without a Governor by the resignation of iov
Gearr. j .
On the 19th February previous, the territorial le
gislature had passed a'law providing for the elec
tion of delegates on the thir l Monday of June to
"a convention to meet on the firrt Monday of tep
,t ember, for the purpose of framing a constitution
preparatory to admission into the Uiiion. This
law was in the main fair and just ; and it is to be
regretted that all the qualified electors had not re
gistered themselves and voted underits provisions.
At the time of the cleeton for delegates, an ex
tensive organization existed in the Territory.whosc
: avowed object was. if need be. to put down the
lawful government by force, and to establish a
government of their own under the so called To
peka constitution. The persons attached to this
revolutionary organization abstained from taking
anr part in the election.
The act of the territorial legislature had omit
ted to provide resubmitting to the people the con
stitution which might be framed by that conven
tion; and in the excited state of public leeting
throughout Kansas an apprehension extensive
ly prevailed that a design existed to force up
on them a constitution in relation to slavery against
their will. In this emergency it became my duty,
as it was my unquestionable right, having in view
the union of all geo-1 citizens in support ot the
territorial laws, to express an opinion on the true
construction of tha provisions concerning slavery
contained in the organic act of Congi'f$s-c the Gilch
May. 1S34. Congress declared it to be - the true
intent and meaning of this a:t not to legislate sla
very into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it
therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfect
ly free to form and regulate their domestic intiu
tions in their own way." l udor it Kmsas. '-when
admitted as a State," was to '-be received into the
Union, with or without slavery, as their constitu
tion may prescribe at the time of their adini.-fion.
lid Congress mean by this language that the del
egates elected to frame a constitution should have
authority finally to decide the question of slavery,
or did they intend by leaving it to the people, that
the people of Kansas themselves should decide this
question by a direct vote ? On this subject I con
fess I had never a serious doui-t. and. therefore, in
my instructions to Governor Walker of the 2-th
March last, I merely said that when -a constitu
tion shall be submitted to the People of the Terri
tory they must be protected in the exercise of their
right of voting f z or against that instrument, and
the fair expression of the popular will must not be
interrupted ny fraud or violence."
In expressing this opinion, it was far from my
intention to interfere with the decision of the peo
ple of Kansas, either for or agsiiusl slavery. Trorn
this I luive always carefully abstaiae 1. lutrusted
with the duty of taking -care that the laws be
faithfully executed." my only desire was that the
people of Kansas should" furnish Congress the evi
dence teouired ly the organic act. whether f'-r or
against slavery ; and in this manner smooth their
passage into the Union. In emerging from their
condition of territorial dependence into that of a
sovereign state, it was their duty, in my opinion,
to make known their will by the votes of a inajo -ity,
on the direct question u helher this important
domestic institution should or should not contime
to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible mo le in
which their will could be authentically ascertained.
The election of delegates to a convention must
necessarily take place in seperate districts. From
this cause it may readily happen, as has often been
the case, that tile majority of the people of a State
orTerritoryr.ro on one side of a question, whilst
a majority of the representatives from the several
districts into which it was divided may be upon
the other side. This arises from the fact that in
some districts delegates may be elected f.y small
majorities, whilst in others those of different sen
timents may receive majorities sufficiently great
r.otonly to overcome the votes given for the former,
bj.t to leave a large majority of the whole people
in direct opposition to a majority of the delegates.
Beside, our history proves that influences may be
brought to bear on the representative sufficiently
powerful to induce him to disregard the will of his
constituents. The truth is. that no other authentic
and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the
will of a majority cf the people of any ttate or
Territory on an important and exciting question
lite tnat ot slavery in Jviiusas. except oy ic:n iug
it to a direct vote. How wise, then, was it for Con
gress to pas over ell subordinate and intermediate
agencies, and proceed directly to the source of t-11
legitimate power under our institutions ?
How vain would any other principle prove in
practice ! This may be illustrated by the case of
Kansas. Should she be admitted into the Union,
with a constitution maintaining or abolishing slav
ery, against the sentiment of the people, this
could have no other cUVet than to continue and to
exasperate the existing agitation during the brief
period required to make the constitution conform
to the irresistible will of the majority:
The friends and supporters of the Nebraska and
Kansas a:t. when struggling on a recent occasion
"to sustain its wise provisions before the sreat tri
bunal of the American people, never differed a
boat its true meaning on this subject. Every
where throughout the Union they publicly pledg
ed their faith and their honor, 'that they would
cheerfulv submit the Question of slavcrv to the
decision of the bauafi-te people of Kansas, with
out any restriction or qualification whatever. All
were cordially united upon the great doctrine of
popular sovereignty, which is the vital principle
of our free institutions. Had it then been insin
uated from any quarter that it would be a suffi
cient compliance with the requisitions of the or
ganic law for the members of a convention. there
after to be elected, to withholl the question of
jdavery from the people, and to substitute thoir
own will for that of a legally ascertained majority
of all their constituents, this would have been in
stantly rejected. livery where they remained true
to the resolution adopted on a celebrated occasion,
recognizing ;lhe right of the people of all the
Territories including Kansas and .Nebraska act
ing through the legally and fairly expressed will
of a majority of actual residents, and whenever
the number of their inhabitants justifies it. to form
a constitution, with or without slavery, and be ad
mitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equal
ity with the other states."
The convention to frame a constitution for Kan
pas met on the first Monday of September last.
They were called together by virtue of an act of
the territorial legislature, whose lawful existence
had been recognized by Congress in different forms
and by different enactments. A large proportion
of the citizens of Kansas did not think proper to
register their names and to vote at the election for
delegates; but an opportunity to do this having
been fairly afforded, their refusal to avail them
selves of their right could in no manner affect the
legality of the convention.
This convention proceeded to frame a constitu
tion for Kansas, and finally adjourned on the 7th
day of November But little difficulty occurred in
the convention, except on the subject of slavery.
The truth is that the general provisions of our re
cent tate Constitutions are so similar and, I may
adJ.soexcellent that the difference between them
is not essential. Under the earlier practice of the
government, no constitution framed by the conven
ventionof a Territory preparatory toits admission
into the Union as a State had been submitted to
the perple. I trust, however, the example sot by
th.e Congress, requiring that the constitution
of Minnesota "rfiould be Eubject to the approval
and ratification of the people of the proposedttate"
may be followed on future occasions. I took it for
granted that the convention of Kansas would act
m accordance with this example, founded as it is
on correct principles, and hence my instructions
Governor alker, m favor of submitting the con
stitution to the people, were expressed in general
and unqualified terms.
In the Kansas Nebraska act, however, this re
quirement, as applicable to the whole constitution,
had not been inserted, and the convention were not
bound by its terms to submit any other portion of
the instrument to an election, except that which
relates to the "domestic institution"' of slavery.
This will be rendered elear by a simple reference
to its lancnaze. ' It was -'not to legislate slaver
S nto any T erritory or State, nor to exclude it there
from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free
to form and regulate their domestic institutions in
their own way 't; According to the plain construc
tion 'of the gentence, the words domestic institu
tions' havt a direct ahcy have a appropriate
reference to slavcrv. totnestia institutions, are
limited u Jhe family. . The relation between mns- 4
ter an-i slave anu a lew otners are -aome.-nc m- t
stitutions," end are entirely distinct from institu-.
tionsof a political character. .Dcsidcs. there was
no question taeu octora t-ocgress. nor mu un
there since been any serious' question before the
people of Kansas or the country, except that which
relates to the '-domestic institution1 of slavery.
The convention, after an angry and excited de
bate, finally determined, by a majority of only
two. to submit the question ot slavery to. me peo
ple, though at the last forty-three of the fifty del
egates present affixed their signatures to the con
stitution. . r
A large majority of the convention were in favor
of establishing slavery in Kansas. They accor
dingly inserted aa article in , the constitution for
this purpose, similar in form to those which had
been adopted by other territorial conventions. In
the schedule, however.piovidiug for the transition
from a territorial to aetata government. the ques
tion h.x been fairly and explicitly referredto the
people, whether they will have a constitution
with or without slavery." It declares that, be
fore the constitution adopted by the convention
'shall be sent to Congress for odmitsion into the
Union as a State, an election shall bo held to de
.cide this question, at whfcli all the white male in
habitants of the territory, above the age of 21, are
entitled to vote " They are to vote by ballot, and
'-the ballots cast ntsaid election shall be endorsed
constitution with slavcrv.' and 'constitution with
no slavery.' " If there be a majority in favor of
the "constitution with slavery, tnen it is to oe
transmitted to Congress by the priident of the
convention, in its original form If. on the con
trary, there shall be a majority in favor of the
-constitution with no slavery,'" then thjf article
providing for slavery shall be stricken iroui the
constitution by the president of this convention ;
and it is expressly declared that -r.o slavery shall
exist in the .Statc'of Kan.is. except that the right
of property in slaves now in the Territory shall
in no manner be interfered with :"' and in that e
vent it is made his duty to-have the constitution
thus ratified transmitted to the Cbncress of the
United States for the admission of the State into
the Union. At this election every citizen wiil
have an opportunity of expressing his opinion by
his vote '-w hether Kansas shall Co received into
the Union with or without slavery." anl thus this
exciting question may be peacefully settled in the
very mode required oy too organic law. lae e
lection wi!I bo helii under legitimate authority.
and if any portion of the inhabitants shall refuse
to vote, a f iir ojiportuuity to uo so having been
presented, this ni'l be their own voluntary act,
and they alone will be responsible for the conse
quences. VI nether , Kansas snail be a tree or a
slave trta'tc. must eventuallv, under some authori
ty, be decile I by an election; and the qnestion
can never be m"re clearly or distinctly presentel
to the people than it is at the present moment.
Should this opportunity be rejected, she may be
involved for years in domestic discord, and possi
bly in civil war, before she can again make up
the is.-ue now so fortunately tendered, and again
reach the point she has already attained.
Kansas has for some years occupied too much of
the public attention. Jt is higu time this shnnl t
be directed to far more iintxirtant objects. When
once admitted into the Union, whether with or
witbout slavery, the excitement bevond her own
limits wiil speedily pass away, and she will then
for the first time be left, as sue ought to have been
long since, to manage her own affairs in her own
wav. If herconstitution on the subject of slavery
or on any other subject, be displeasing to a major
ity of the people, no human power can prevent
tLem trom changing it within a briet penou. In
dor these circumstances, it may well be question
c-d whether the peace an 1 quiet of the whole coun
try are not of greater imoortance than the mere
temporary triumph of cither of the political par
ties in Kansas.
Should the constitution without slavery bo a-
dopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of
property slaves now in the lerritory are reserved.
The number of these is very small ; bat if it were
greater the provision would be equally just and
reasonable. These slaves were brought into the
territory under the constitution of the United
States, and are now the property of their masters
This point has at length been finally decided by
the highest judicial tribunal cf the country ana
this upon the plain principle that when a confede
racy of sovereign Mates acquires a new territory
at their joint expense, both equality and justice
demand that the citizens of one and all of them
shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is
recognized as property by the common Constitu
tion. To have summarily confiscated the property
in slaves already in the Territory, would have
been an act of gross injustice, and contrary to the
practice of the older States of tec L Lion which
have abolished slavery.
I'TAil AFFAIRS.
A territorial government was established for
Ut.ili bv act of Conzre&s approved the 9th
Sept. 1850, and the constitution and laws of
the U nited btates were thereby extended owr
it "so far as the same, or any provisions there
of, may be applicable." This act provided for
the appointment tv the 1'resulent, lv and with
the advice and consent of the Senate, of a
governor, who was to be cx-oflicio snpeiinten
dent of Indian athiirs, a secretary, three judges
of the supreme court, a marshal, and a district
attorney, subsequent acts provide-! for the
appointment of the ofrioirs necessary to extend
our land and onr Indian system over the Ter
ritory. Brigham Young was appointed flrst
governor, on the 20th September, IS-jO, and
has helu the oihee ever since.
Whilst Governor Young has boon both gov
ernor and superintendent of Indian affairs
throughout this period, lie has !cen at the
same time the head of the church called the
Latter-day S.-iir.ts, and professes to govern its
members and dispose ol their property by di
rect inspiration and authority Irom the A!
mighty. His power has been, therefore, ab
solute over both Ohnrch and state.
The people of Utah, almost exclusively, be
long to tl is cbureh, and believing with a funat
ieal spirit that he is governor ol the Territory
ly Uivino appointment, they obev bis com
manJs as if these were direct revelations from
Heaven. If, therefore, ho chooses that his
government shall come into collision witli the
government of the United States, the mem
bers of the Mormon church will yield imnlici
obedience to his will. Unlortunatelv. exist
ing facts leave but little donbt that such is his
determination. Withont entering upon a min
ute history of occurrences, it is sufficient to
say that all the officers of the United States
judicial and executive, with the single excep
tion ol two Indian asrents, have found it neces
sary for their own personal safety to withdraw
irom the lerritorv, and there no longer re
mains any government in Utah but the despot
ism of Lrigham Yonng. This being tho con
dition of atiairs in the Territory 1 could not
misuse tue path of duty. As Chief Execu
live Magistrate, I was bonnd to restore tho sn
premacy of the Constitution and laws within
its limits. In order to effect this purpose, I
uppuimeu a new governor and other federal of.
ficers for Utah, and sent with them a military
force for their protection, and to aid as a vosse
comitatus, in case ot need, in the execution of
tnc laws.
With the religions opinions of tho Mormons
as long as they remained mere opinions, bow
ever deplorable in themselves and revolting to
the moral and religious sentiments ol all Chris
tendom, I had no right to interfere. Actions
alone, when id violation of the constitution
and laws of the united States, become the le
gitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the
civil magistrate. My instructions to Governor
Gumming have therefore been framed in strict
accordance with these principles. At thei
data a hope was indulged that no necessity
migni exist lor employing the mjhtarv in re
storing and maintaining the anthority of the
law; but this hone has now vanished. Gnvpr-
nor oung has, by proclamation, declared his
determination to maintain his power by force,
and has already committed acts of hostility
against the United States. - Unless he should
retrace his steps the Territory of Utah will be
in a state cf open rebellion. lie La commit
ted these acts of hostility, notwithstanding.
Major Yan "Tlbst, an otlicet of the army, sent
to Utah bv tno commanding general, to pur
chase provisions for-the troops, bad given him
f,Ahe Dc.fdl in-
tentions of the government, and that the troop
would only be employed as a poste eomitatns
when called on by the civil authority to aid in
the execution ot the laws.
- CV
There is reason to believe that Gov. x oung
as long contemplated this result. He knows
that the continuance of his despotic power de
pends upon the exclusion of all settlers from
the Territory except those wno win acknowl
edge bis divine, mission and implicitly obey
his will ; and that an enlightened puoiic pin-
on there wonld soon prostrate institutions at
war with the Uws both of God and man. lie
has therefore for several years in order Td main
tain his independence, been industriously em
ployed in collecting and fabricating arms and
munitions of war, and in disciplining the Mor
mons for military service. As superintendent
ot Indian affairs" he has had an opportunity of
tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting
their hostile feelings against the United States.
This, according to our information, he has ac
complished in regard to some of those tribes,
while others have remained true to tnoir aiie
giatice, and have communicated bis intrigues
to our Indian agents. He has laid in a store
of provisions for three years, which, in case
ot necessity, as he informed .Major an v nei,
lie will conceal, "and then take to the moun
tains, and bid defiance to all the power of the
government."
A jjscat part of all this may he nue uoasting;
but yet no wise government will lightly esti
mate the efforts which may be inspired iiy
such phrensied fanaticism as exists among the
Mormons in Utah. This is the first rebellion
which has existed in our Territories ; and hu
manity itself requires that we should put it
down in such a manner that it shall !. the last-
To trifle with il would be to encourage it and
to render it formidable. We ought to go
there with such an imposing force as to con
vince t'aese deluded pcoplo that resistance
would be vain, and thus spare the effusion of
blood. Vc can in this manner best conviuca
them that wc are their friends, not their ene
mies. Iu order to accomplish this object it
will be necessary, according to the estimate of
the War Department, to raises four additional
regiments; and this I earnestly recommend
to Congress. At the present moment of de
pression in the revenues of the country I am
sorry to be obliged to recommend such a mea
sure ; but I feel confident ol the support of
Congress, cost what it may, in suppressing
the insurrection and in restoring ami main
taining the sovreiguty of tie constitution and
laws over the Territory of Utah.
A SEW TERRITORY.
I recommend to Congress the establishment
of a Territorial Government over Arizona, in
corporating with it such portions of .New Mex
ico as they may ueein expedient. 1 need scarce
ly adduce arguments iu support of this recom
mendation. We are bound to protect the lives
and the property of our citizens inhabiting A-
rizona, and these are now without any emeient
protection. Their present number is already
considerable, and is rapidly increasing, not
withstanding the disadvantages uti ler which
they labor. Besides, the proposed Territory
is believed to be rich in mineral and agricul
tural resources, especially in silver and cop
per. The mails of the United States to Califor
nia are now carried over it throughout its wholo
extent, and this route is known to be the near
est, and believed to be the best to the Pacific.
PACIFIC KAIL EOAfi.
Long experience has deeply convinced me
that a strict construction of the powers graut-
ed to Congress Is the only true, as well as the
only safe, theory of the Constitution. Whilst
this piinciple shall guide my public conduct,
I consider it clear that under the war-making
power Congress may appropriate money for
the construction of a military road through
the Territories ot the United States, when this
is absolutely necessary fur the defence ol any
of the States against foreign invasion. The
constitution has conferred upon Congress pow
er "to declare war," "to raise aud support ar
mies," "to provide and maintain a navy," and
to call forth the militia to "repel invasions.
These high sovereign powers necessarily in
volve important and responsible public duties.
and amount them there is none so sacred and
so imperative as that of preserving our soil
from the invasion of a foreign enemy. I he
Constitution lias.therelore, left nothing on this
point to construction, but expressly requires
that "the United States shall protect each of
them the States against invasion." Xow, if
a military road over our own Territories be in
dispensably necessary to enable us to meet and
repel the invader, it follows as a necessary
cousequence,not onlv that we possess the pow
er, but it is our imperative duty to construct
such a road. It would be an absurdity to in
vest a government with the unlimited power to
make and conduct war. and at the same deny
to it the only means of reaching and defeat! ug
the enemy at the frontier. Without such a
road it is quite evident we cannot "protect
California and our Pacific possessions "against
invasions." We cannot bv any other means
transport men and munitions of war from the
Atlantic States in sullicient; time successfully
to defend these remote and distant portions of
tho republic. . . -
For these reasons I recommend to the friend
ly consideration of Congress the subject of the
Pacific railroad, without finally committing
myself to ary particular route.
NATIONAL FISAXCES.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury
will furnish a detailed statement of the condi
tion of the public finances and of the respec.
tive branches of the public service devolved
upon that department of the government. By
this report it appears that the amount of reve
nue received from ail sources into the troasu-.
ry during the fiscal year ending the .30th Jnne
1&-37, was sixty-eight millions six hundred and
thirty-one thousand five hundred and thirteen
dollars and sixty-seven cents, ($68,r3l,5l3 67)
which amount, with the balance of $19,901,
S2j 4-j, remaining in the treasury at the com
mencement of the year, made an aggregate for
the service of the year of $8S,5r,,2,e39l2.
Tho public expenditures for the fiscal year
ending 30th June, 1S 7, amonnted to$70,Si!2,
724 bo, of which S-3.943,96 91 were applied
to the redemption of the public debt, inclu
ding interest and premium, leaving in the trea
sury at the commencement ot the present fis
cal year on tho 1st July, 1857, $17,710,114 27.
The receipts into the treasury for the first
quarter of the present fiscal vear, commencing
1st July, 1857, were $20,929,819 81, and the
estimated receipts of the remaining three
quarters to the 30th June, 1858, are $30,750,
000, making with the balance before stated an
aggregate of $75,389,934 08, lor the service
of the present fiscal year.
'The actual expenditures during the first
quarter of the present . fiscal year were $23,
714,528 S7, of which 3,895,232 39 were ap
plied to the redemption of the public debt, in
cluding interest and premium. The probable
expenditures of the remaining three quarters,
to 30th June, 1858, are $51,248,530 04, inclu
ding interest on the public debt, making an
aggregate of $74,9G3,9d8 41, leaving an esti
mated balance in tho treasury at the close of
the present fiscal year of $420,875 67. :
The amount of the public debt at the com
mencement of the present fiscal year was $29,
060,356 90. The amount redeemed since tho
1st of July was S3,89o:232 39, leaving a bal
ance unredeemed at thistime of $25,1C5,1"4 51.
..-"The amounlkol, estimated expenditures lot
the remaining three-quarters of the present fis
cal year4 will, ,in all probability,, be increased
from the causes set forth in tije Tc jK.rt of the
Secretary, i His suggestion, therefore- that au
thority should be given to supply any tempo
rary deficiency by the issue of a limited amount
of treasury notef, is approved, and I accord
ingly recommend the passage of such a law.
As stated in tl.eTcport of tii2 Secretary, the
tarill'of March 3,1857, has been inoperation tor
so short a period of time, and under circum
stances so unfavorable to a just development
of its results as a revenue measure, that I
should regard it as inexpedient, at least for the
present, to undertake its revision. - ,
- - f - INCREASE O? ARMY ANW 5AVT. - ' '
The President recommends an increase in
the Army and Nary, viz: the raising of tour
additional regimeuts, and the construction of
ton war steamers, t!e whole cost ol the vessels
to be about S2,C0O300t. .
TUS PliliLlO LINCS.
The report of tho Secretary of th Interior
is worthy of grave consideration. It treats of
the numerous, important, and diversified bran
ches of domestic administration intrustad to
him by law. Among these tho most promi
nent are the public lands and our relatioos
with the Indians.:.-:
Our . svsteni for the disposal of the public
lands, originating with the fathers of the re
public, has been improved as experience poin
ted the wav, and gradually adapted to the
growth and settlement of our western States
and Territories.-. It has worked well in prac
tice. Already thirteen States and seven Ter
ritories have- been carved out of these lands,
and still more than a thousand millions ol a-
cres remain unsold. What a boundless pros
pect this presents to our country of future
prosperity and power !
H e bav heretofore disposed of 363,822,404
acres of the public lan Is. , . i
hilst the public lands as a source ol reve
nue are of great importance, their importance
is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy
and iii'lependant. race of honest and industri
ous citizens, who desire to subdue and culti
vate the soil. .They ought to be administered
mainly with a view of promoting this wi.-wand
benevolent policy. In approprsating them for
any other purpose,we ought to use even great
er economy than if they had been converted
into money and the proceeds were already in
the public treasury.
Actual settlers under existing laws are pro
tected against other purchasers at tiie public
sales, in their right of pre-emption, to the ex
tent of a quarter-section, or 100 acres of land.
The remainder may then be disposed of at
public or entered at private salj in unlimited
quantities.
Speculation has, of late years, prevailed to
a great extent in the public lands. The con
sequence has been that large portions of them
have become the property of individuals aud
companies, and thus the price is greatly en
hanced to those whodesiro to purchase for ac
tual settlement. In order to limit the area ol
speculation as much as possible, the extinction
of the Indian title and the extension of the
public surveys ought only to keep pace with
the tide of emigration.
If Congress should hereafter grant alternate
sections to States or companies, as they have
done heretofore, I recommend that tiie inter
mediate sections retained by the government
should be subject to pre-emption by actual set
tlers. It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to
reserve the public lands as much as may bo for
actual settlers, and . this at moderate prices.
We shall thus not only best promote the pros
perity of tho new Slates and Territories, and
the power of tho Union, but shall secure homes
for our posterity, for many generations. .
INDIAN" AFFAIUS.
The extension of our liniitshas brought with
in our jurisdiction many additional and popu
lous tribes of Indians, a large- proportion of
which are wild, untrue table, and difhcult to
control. .Predatory and wailikcjn their dis
position and habits, it is impossible altogether
to restrain them from committing aggressions
on each other, as well as upon our frontier cit
izens and those emigrating toour distant States
and Territories. Hence expensive military
expeditions are frequently iii.-ces.sjry to over
awe and chastise the more lawless and hostile.
The present system of making theui valua
ble presents to influence them to remain at
peace, has proved ineffectual. It is believed
to be the : better policy to co'onizo them in
suitable localities, where they can receive the
rudiments of education and be gradually in
duced to adopt habits of industry. So far as
the experiment has been tried it has worked
well in practice, and it will doubtless prove to
be less expensive than the present system.
The whole number of Indians within our
territorial limits is believed to be, from the
lest data in the Interior Department, about
325,000. The tribes of Chcrokees, Chocfaws,
Chickastws, ank Creeks, settled in the territo
ry set apart for them west of Arkansas, are
tapidiy advancing iu education and in all the
aits of civilization and self-government ; and
we may indulge the agreeable anticipation
that at no very distant day they will be incor
porated into tho Union as one of the sov
ereign States.
POST OFFICE DEPARTMENT.
It will be seen from the report of the Post
master General that the Post Othce Depart
ment still continues to depend on the treasury,
as it has been compelled to do for several
years past, for an important portion of the
means of sustaining and extending its opera
tions. Their rapid growth and expansion are
shown by a decennial statement of tho num
ber of post oflices, and the length of post
roads, commencing with the year 1827. In
that year there were 7.000 post offices; iii
1837, 11,177 ; in 1S47, 15,740; and 1857 they
number 20,5S0. In this year 1,725 post offices
have been established and 701 discontinued,
leaving a net increase of 1,021. The postmas
ters of 308 offices are appointed by the Presi
dent. The length of post roads in 1827 was
105,337 miles; in 1837, 111,212 miles; in
1847, 153,818 miles; and in the year 1857
there 212,001 miles of post road, "including
22,530 miles of railroad, on which the mails
are transported.
The expenditures of the department for the
fiscal year ending on the 30th of June, 1857,
as adjusted by the Auditor, amounted to $11,
507,070. i To defray these expenditures there
was the credit of the department on the 1st
July, 1850, the sum of $789,599; the gross
revenue of the year, including the annual al
lowances for the transportation of free mail
matter, produced $8,053,95 ; and the remain
der was supplied by the appropriation from the
treasury of S2.250.0O0, granted bv the act of
Congress approved August 18, 1S5G, nd by
tiie appropriation of $G0b",883 made bv the act
of March 3, 1857, leaving $252,703 to be car
ried to the credit of tho department in the ac
counts of the current year. I commerd to
your consideration the report of the depart
ment in relation to tho establishment of iho
overland mail route from the Mississippi river
to San Francisco, California. The route was
selected with my full concurrence, as the one,
in my judgment, best calculated to attain the
important objects contemplated by Congress.
PrBLIC KCOSOMt,4C."
. The late disastrous monetary revulsion may
have one good efiect. should it cause both the
government, and the people to return to the
practice of a wise and judicious economy,
public: and Ivatc expenditures.
V rowirv traasurv has led to liamts oi 1
TrodtihtfKy and- extra vagnnccin pr Kg's-a-
nd- extra vagnncc in pr Kg's-a-
tio'n. It has induced uocgress to jnaiw i.u ,
appropriations to objects for Ahich they
never
would have provided had it been necessary to
r.iise'the amount of revenue required to meet
them by increased taxation or by loans. We
are now compelled to panse in our career, and
to scrutinize oar expenditures w ith the utmost
vigilance; and in performing this duty, I
pledge uiy co-operation to the extent of my
constitutional competency.
It ought to be observed at the same time,
that true public economy does not cousist in
withholding the means necessary to accom
plish important national objects intrusted to
ns by the constitution, and especially such as
mar be necessary lor t lie common defence.
In "the present crisis of the country it is our
duty to c'oiiflrfe"'our appropriations' to objects
of this character, unless iu cases u leie just ice
to individuals may demand a different course.
. In all cases cue ought to bo taken that the
money granted by Congress shall be l'aithlitlly
and economically applied.
The President dislikes the passage of ap
propriation bills at the heels of the session,
and says he will approve no bill which he ha3
not thoroughly examined-
I caunot "conclude without commending to
your favorable - consideration the interests of
the people of this district. Without a repre
sentative on the lloor of Congress, they have
for this very reason peculiar claims upon our
just regard. To this I know, from my long
acquaintance witli tneni, li.ey arc em-.nenii
entitled. James Liciiasan.
Washington, December 8, 1S57.
l;iftsm;in's Jounml.
S. B. HOW. KMTOa AM PP.OI-RIET'iR-
CI.LAU FIELD, PA., DEC. 1G, 1857.
PRESIDENT'S 2IESSAGZ.
The message of Mr. Buchanan is a long af
lair, and occupies much of our paper. The
President recommends a government loan,
squints a little at low wages, is down on Slate
banks, attributes our financial embarrassments
to an ''extravagant and vicious system of pa
per currency and bank credits," recommends
the passage cf a bankrupt law applicable to
banking institutions, and the iss;;j of treasury
orders, which is, in our bumble opinion, only
a new name under which to issue shin-plasters.,
and may, perhaps, in some respects bo con
sidered a hard currency. But let's Lave 'em,
so that wc may see how they wiil operate.
There being a misunderstanding between Eng
land and the United St.tes relative to the'
Clayton-Bphvcr treaty, the President thicks
the wisest course is to abrogate it by mutual
consent. With the exception- of Spain, our
foreign relations are peaceful. Filiib-uster ex
peditions are condemned, and in oriler to sup
press the Mormon rebellion in Utah, tho for
mation of four additional regiments of troops
is rocommonded by the President.1 lie contends-that
the Kansas Constitutional Conven
tion was not bound by the Xansas-Xebraska
act to submit any other portion of the Consti
tution to a vote of the people, except that
which relates to Slavery that is, he is in favor
of sustaining the action of the Lecomj don
Constitutional movement, which Douglas, the
father of the Kansas-Nebraska act, condemns,
as hedoes the position the President has taken.
Our space, however, will not permit us to give
the message an extended notice. We trust
every one will give it a careful perusal.
'The Oldest IxiiAniTASTs." A Crawford
County paper, of a recent date, makes men
tion of a Lady who had reached the age of 100
years, and claims her as the oldest person now
living iu Western Pennsylvania. We are not
willing to admit tiiis, for a friend informs ns
that we have now residing i:i Burnsido town
ship, Cleat field county, the oldest man and
woman perhaps in the State Mr. Lr.dwick
Snyder aud his wife. Mr. Snyder, in Acgnst
last, attained the grer.t age of one hundred and
clccen years, and Mrs. Snyder cm hundred and
sercii. Both now enjoy good health, and are
quite as active as persons of 00 to 70 years of
age. Mr. Snyder is a gun-smith, and has
within ten years made a gnn, and lias walked
from home to Clearfield town and back to Cr.r
wensville, a distance cf SO miles, in one day,
since his one hundreth year. We believe this
cannot be beaten, and claim for our countv
the oldest inhabitants in the State of Penn
sylvania, till we learn to the contrary.
The Phesent Congress. The list of mem
bers is complete with the exception of the va
cancy made by the resignation of Mr. Banks.
The contemplated admission of Minnesota im
mediately alter the organization of Congress,
will moke the Senate consist of G4 members,
and the House of 235, besides 7 delegates.
In the former branch there will be a democia
tic majority of II, and in the latter of 23. In
the Senate the Republicans are five stronger
than they were in the last Congress. Iu the
House there Las been far greater changes than
in the Senate. The new members are 117,
just one half of the whole number. The Re
publicans have lost sixteen members and the
Americans twenty-niae, while the Democrats
have gained forty-five. By these changes the
Americans have lost the balance of power,
and the Democrats have obtained a fair woik
ing majority, so long as unanimity reigns in
their ranks. ,
Tus Harrisbirg Daily Telegraph comes
to us in an enlarged form and otherwiso much
improved. It is ono of the best papers in the
States, and much vigor and energy character
ize its editorial and news departments. For
terms, see advertisement in another column.
both
BIGLEE AXD DGTJGLAS.
uu usi u euuesua, -..aioi uuugas ueiinca
position in the u. senate on the Kan-
nnesiion. iu which be severely censured
..... ,r - , , .
the Administration. jr. i.u cwucei-
ly wishes to be the Apollo ot the Administra
tion, undertook to rap the "little giant" over
the knuckles. Wc have not room to give the
debate, and therefore content ourselves with
the following account from a New York paper :
Mr. Bigler, cf Pennsylvania, who is under
stood to speak for the President, began ly ad
mitting the force of the argument, and ot tho
considerations urged by the Senator from Il
linois in favor of submitting the whole consti
tution to the vote of -the. people ) but thought
it a sufficient answer to them to state the fact
that the feelings and opinions ot the majority
of the people were such that it was useless to
expect that the Constitution would be adopted,
or that a peaceful and fair election would be
held. He ventured also to taunt Mr. Douglaa
with inconsistency.
The Little Giant turned upon hin with the
mien of a lion who has received an insult
from an inferior quarter, and speedily brongbt
the Senator from Pentsylvania to a highly de
ferential attitude.
In the coirse cf the debate Mr. Bigler al
luded to a private conference of Democratic
Senators a year or two ago at the Housu of
Mr. Douglas, at which it was determined by
them, that for certain considerations, the Kan
sas Constitution, when framed, should not bo
submitted totbe popularvote. He insinuated,
rather than charged, that the Senator from
Illinois, influenced by the aforesaid "certain
considerations," bad assented to the agree
ment that the Constitution tshould cot be snb
miited to the people.
Mr. Dottglas haughtily and peremptorily
denied it. Mr. Bigler hesitated. At this mo
ment, Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, who, like
the rest of the Kt-pnMican Senators, bad watch
ed with silent interest, the progress of the
fight, rose, and in his blandest and most In
sinuating manner, addressed the Pennsylvania
Senator, remarking that he did not wish to
interfere in the discussion, but as in atten
tive and disinterested auditor, he wonld
ask the Senator to explain a phrase he bad
used, the meaning of which did not seom to
be quite clear.
Mr. Bigler innocently professed his readi
ness to aSord any explanation in his power.
4iI wish to know," said Mr. Hale, "merely
for t lie sake of information, of course, what
was the exact nature of those considerations to
which the Senator so delicately and mysteri
ously refers as influencing the Democratic
Senators in the matter of submitting the Con
stitution of Kar.sis to the popular vote."
In spite of the grave mood into which they
bad been thrown by Mr. Douglas' speech, even
the Deni.cratic Senators could not refrain
from laughing at the embarrassment into
which this question threw Mr. Bigler.
Mr. Bigler siid no one had said more on this
subject than Mr. Hale, and of violence and
keeping free State people from the polls. He
(Bigler) was interested to get Kaus&s into the
Union.
Mr. Douglas, to prevent wrong impressions,
asked Mr. Bigler whether be meant to be un
derstood as saying he, in bis own house or els(
where, bad expressed himself in favor of the
Constitution without bcin submitted to the
people.
Mr. Bigler I made no such allegation.
Mr. Douglas You left it to be inferred. I
will not allow it to le inferred that I so de
clared in my own Louse, ir I did cot, acquit
me of it.
Mr. Bigler I repeat I have no recollection
of the Senator participating in the discussioa.
Mr. Douglas If I had nothing to do with it,
I don't know what my house had to do with il.
(Laughter.)
Mr. Bisrler Wbat I said was truth, and that
only. What I said is on record.
Awrri. Tragedy. We learn of n attempt
at murder and suicide, which took place on
Tuesday the 1st Dec, ut Underdello, Livings
ton Co., .Michigan, the parlies !cing; recently
residents of this place. It appears that
Charles Soutlswick, formerly employed as a
carriage trimmer here, conceived an attach
ment for a Miss Lanra Kvar.s, also a recett
resident in this place. Tbc lady did r.ot re
ciprocate the feeling, and removed not long
since, with ber father to Michigan. Thither
it would seem Southwick followed her with
some bad intent. He there renewed to ber
solicitatb ns, and was rejected. By some
means he gained access to ber bed-ioom ou
the night :.bove stated and witli a razor cut ber
threat. She escaped from tbc room to that
ot her father, gave the alarm, and on search
being made Southwick was found lying in ber
room, having attempted to commit suicide by
cutting his own throat. At the latest account
both were alive but lying in a very critical
situation. Southwick, it was thought would
recover, and was about being removed to tho
count vj.iil. Meadville Journal.
Miss Evans is a daughter of Samuel Evans,
who kept tho Mansion House in Clearfield
Borough in 1S5G, and is well known here.
Removal or Sec. Staxtos. Oa last Wed
nesday, President Buchanan sect into the U.
S. Senate the nomination of Gen. J. W. Den
ver, as tho successor of Mr. Stanton, the pres
ent acting Governor of Kansas, who has bean
removed iu consequence of hi. having called a
special session of the Kansas Legislature,
which is viewed as a violation of the instruc
tions given hiui and Gov. Walker. Mr. Den
ver's nomination Las been confirmed by the
Senate. This effort to thwart the action of
the Territorial legislature against the Lecomp
ton constitutional movement, will however,
we think, fail, as the Legislature was to have
assembled on the 7th inst.
A dispatch to the N. Y . Ti ibvnc from Wash
ington, under date of Dec. 11, says : "Tho
breach between Senator Douglas and the South
is hourly widening. There is much violent
talk against him, even to the exteut of threat
ening to bang him, or at least to tar and feath
er him. These menaces are of course Idle,
and will come to nothing, but they indicate
the depth of the blow lie has dealt the Slave
Power." The same paper says it is "assured
that he will triumph in his present policy and
bring Old Beck to Lis marrow-bones. If so,
wc entreat him not to turn the President out of
the psrty. Let magnanimity be rcciirocated."
Late advices from Mexico represent that tho
position of the Government had improved, the
forces of the opposition having been routed,
and Comonfort formally installed. Campea
chy was still besieged, and the inhabitants
wer in great want of provisions.
ini