THE E&FTS
rers. Labor became subservient to capital,
and the laborer almost a slave, and the capi
talist almost his master. Ireland poured out
its exodus or laborers ; and now behold the la
boring men of that country earning the com
forts and even the luxuries or life, and you see
the effects of the depletion of overburdened
ranks of labor. Go to China. This system
has been in operation there, and again the
rruth of this position has been demonstrated.
There has been no emigration ho seeking of
new homes no interest of the soil ; and the
people, denied emigration, have been filling
up and thickening year by year, until they
Jiave become, as I have already remarked, one
mass of degradation, poverty, ignorance and
crime ; and now depletion at length takes
place, by selling them as slaves to the West
Indies and this Continent. Is there any man
in the North who wishes to see this state of
things here ? Are we ready to dedicate all
that vast territory to the negro? If it were
dedicated to the profitable labor of the negro,
that would be bad enough ; but it is to be giv
en to the South to be wasted ; for there is not
a Slave State that is half full, but the soil is
wasted and abused. My time does not allow
me to enter into any elaborate consideration
of this question, but it is replete with inter
est to every man who loves his country and
lias his hopes invested in its future. Jtisa
question between the laboring men of the
North and the negroes of the South. The free
laboring man of the North should know that
the people of Kansas are fighting his battles,
and fighting to settle the question whether he
shall have a right to go there and build a home
lor himself and children. Great applanse.
It is, in fact and in truth, a question between
white men and negroes, and nothing leis.
Hut there are other respects in which this
question is to be looked at. We look forward
to a Pacific Railroad, as one of the great and
cherished objects The remainder of this sen
tence was lost in a spontaneous burst of ap
plause. There are few men whose hairs are
ko gray that they do not hope to live to see
the time when tho - iron horse shall be heard
thundering over the plains ol the great West,
passing beyond the Rocky Mouutains, and
bringing back the riches of China and the In
dies, filling the Northern States with wealth,
enterprise and commerce. Now tell me, if
you will, if we make Slave States of our Ter
ritories to the Pacific, how soon we shall see
that railroad built 1 Never, never ! If you
make them Free States, and till them with the
lrco population, the progress and cnterprize
of the North, the schools and manufactures
and churches o freemen will arise on all those
hills and valleys a tide of life will roll over
the Rocky Mountains, and in fitteen years the
Pacific Railroad will be built. Great ap
plause.! But dedicate that soil to tlic negroes,
and I tell yon yonr lesponse is true it never
will be built. But there are considerations c
iiough, in a political point of view, why these
Territories should be secured. Suppose they
fall into the hands of the South, and become
States. Each State will send two Senators,
the South will have the preponderance of pow
er ; and when do you suppose we will get it
back t Never! never! not while we have a
doughface. You say truly. It will lie never.
Nothing will get it back except bloodshed and
revolution. If that power passes into their
hands how will they use it 7 Will they be
more scrupulous in using than acquiring it ?
If they acquired it by robbery, and fraud, and
murder, will they nse it more magnanimously 1
No, No. And their first measure will bo to
re-open the Slave trade, filling the country
with negroes stolen from their native land.
Not only this, but they will give free transit
to Slaveholders into the Free States with their
Slaves, thus taking the first step toward carry
ing into execution the threat of Senator
Toombs, that he wonld call the roll of his
slaves beneath the shadow of Banker Hill.
Never ! never ! they cannot do that. Yes,
you say never ; but the man who says never
must do never. Great applause, and three en
thusiastic cheers for Fremont. Faith is a ve
ry good thing ; but "faith without works is
dead, being alone." It is a very good thing
to have faith that the slaveholder shall not call
the roll of his slaves on the soil of the Free
States; but the man who would prevent it
must begin the work in time. It will not do
for men to say "never," and sit down in tho
fulness of their faith till the work is accom
plished. Tho man who would prevent it must
go to work in season he must discern the
danger in the distance, and use prevention in
stead of enre. I have seen, not long since,
men whose conduct I could not explain or re
concile, except on the supposition that if tho
South should demand it of them, they would
have Slavery among you of the North. I have
seen men in Congress whose votes I could ex
plain on no other principle. And I believe
there are men among you now, who, were the
question raised, would be ready to introduce
it into New York. No, no ! It is so! yes!
no doubt of it. Yes, there are such to bo
found, and their conduct can be explained no
other way. That is it that's the doctrine.
At one time, I should have believed this idle
talk ; but that time has gone by, and the exis
tence of this fact should put every man upon
his guard, and make him exceedingly sensitive
to public opinion upon this subject. But I am
detaining you, too long. rLoud cries of "Go
on." Who is responsible for the state of
things 1 The Democratic party We arc.
You have seen outrage after outrage perpetra
ted upon the Free-State men of that Tcrrito-
jy ; yon have seen the courts of justice closed
against them. Every man is aware that of nil
the forms of oppression judicial tyranny is the
most terrible. This oppression our people up
on the soil of Kansas feel in all its terrible ri
gor. There is for them no redress, no legal
justice. Murder stalks abroad ; a citizen finds
a neighbor butchered in cold blood, with the
iitecl still in his body : but he has no appeal to
the courts of justice. They are closed against
Ins complaints ; they aro but the instruments
of oppression and the vehicles of insult and
outrage. Our men are murdered at home and
abroad, and the murderer goes unhuniehed.
To such despotism and outrage arc our men
in Kansas subjected. Even now the civil war
is raging upon its soil, and men are left to
welter in their blood lor the sake of their po
litical opinions. There was a time when tho
arm of the Executive of the United States
could have been interposed to have prevented
this internecine war, when all this could have
been remedied if we could have had a man of
nerve in the first office of the nation. Gallant
men are now in prison, and guarded by the
dragoons of the United States, upon a charge
of treason, which came from whom ? The
first intimation that treason had been commit
ted came in the Message of tho'President of
the United States in January ,18-36. One word,
in relation to these indictments for treason.
There is a strange state of things, and a re
markable coincidence, that the Chief Justice
of the Territory of Kansas (unconsciously,
perhaps) laid down the same doctrine which
made Jeffries immortally infamous. In tho
reign of Charles I of England, JefTrics laid
down tho doctrine that has enshrined him aa
the greatest judicial villain that has ever in
cumbered the earth ; but no man,pbilosophcr,
poet ar statesman, has ever raised his voice to
apologize for that infamous conduct He
stands in unmittigated infamy, without one
roan to apologize for him. His, "Bloody As
size ' hves In the memory of every citizen of
England. That greatest crime that man was
vcr gnilly or, and by which he sacrificed so
nanr -ncttm, wai t,ho doctrine of construc
tive treason the doctrine that every man who
resisted the process of tho law was guilty of
constructive treason. That doctrine has made
him immortal in infamy. Judge Lecompte, of
the Territory of Kansas, lays down precisely
the same doctrine, hisses and says that the
Freemen who resist the laws of the U. States
are guilty of constructive treason. He had
some difficulty to make the arrangement be
canse it was the laws of the Territory of Kan
sas that were resisted. But he argues that be
cause the laws of the Territory aro made by a
Legislature of the United States, therefore to
resist them is to resist the United States.
Some of the men had never resisted at all, but
were, however, doubtful of the legality of the
laws ; they were therefore guilty or construc
tive treason, as he deemed them guilty of con
structive resistance because the laws were con
structively the laws of the United States.
Why, even Jeffries never preached this. J ridge
Lecompte had the language of the Constitu
tion to guide him, to tho effect that "treason
shall only consist of waging war against the
" United States Government, and extending
" aid and comfort to her enemies." He had
his information from high quarters, through
no less a scourcc than a special message of
the President of the United States, in Janua
ry, 1856, in which the adoption of the Free
State Constitution was held to be treason. I
tell you that the Constitution of the State of
Kansas has been adopted in a manner which
may be justified by authority. It may seem
strange to you, that alter all the elections nine
of the States are ia this Union with Constitu
tions adopted in no better way than that of
the State of Kansas. I challenge contradic
tion upon this subject, because I know what I
say and I say it confidently. We have had
eighteen new States, seventeen of which were
made from Territories of the United States,
Texas, being a foreign State. Of these sev
enteen, eight were admitted upon Constitu
tions f ranied by virtue or an enabling act or
Congress. Nine were admitted upon Consti
tutions framed by no other authority than that
of the people in their primary assemblies. Is
thcro any man to contradict this 1 No. If
there is, I would like to meet him. Laugh
ter. I tell you that the Constitutions or
Maine, Vermont, Kentncky, Tennessee, Ar
kansas, Iowa, Florida, California and Michi
gan, all these had no enabling act or Congress.
When they came to adopt a Constitution in
Kansas, they did not act unadvisedly. We
supposed this old, well known, long-trodden
well-beaten track through which nine succes
sive States had ' travelled, which we round
associated with the names of Washington and
Jackson, and of many of the statesmen of the
present day, would be wide enough for us.
We thought that where nine States had gone
through already, there was room enough for
the State or Kansas. We round that in the
State or Tennessee that process was sanction
ed by Washington himself. Cheers. We
found that ia the State of Michigan the same
course was introduced by Gen. Jackson, and
we followed the lead, jogging along until Pre
sident Pierce meets us in 18-36, and tells us
we are committing treason. Laughter. It
is exceedingly fortunate that President Pierce
and Caleb Cushing did not live in the enjoy
ment of power in the time of Gen. Washing
ton, at the time of the question of the admis
sion of the State of Tennessee ; or of General
Jackson, at the time of the admission of Mi
chigan. They would havo had both Washing
ton and Jackson arraigned for grand traitors.
Laughter. Somebody may say to me, in
reply, you arc mistaken, that Constitution of
Kansas did not come in by the same authori
ty, some of them had an act of the Territorial
Legislature. So they had. The Territorial
Legislatures, though, have no right to give to
or withhold from the people tho authority to
form a Constitution. It has been asserted a
gain, and again, that the powers of the Legis
latures are limited powers. The power te or
der a State Constitution is not given to them.
The people derive their power from the Con
stitution of the United States, which provides
that the people may assemble to petition ror a
redress or their grievances, and if they deem
a Territorial government a grievance, they
have the right to petition for admission as a
State. But they could not by petition toCon
gress be admitted as a State, until they were
organized as a State with a Constitution.
They must have officers elected and the form
of a Constitution, when they apply for admis
sion ; they must come ready, like a machine,
with buts, bolts and wheels ready to receive
the motive power from Congress. Therefore
it is proper for the people of the Territory to
adopt a State Constitution with an organiza
tion all ready. So we ask for admission as a
State. Here we arc, a State organization
admit us. It could not be denied. How are
people to form an organization constitutional
ly right, unless they can elect Delegates, a
Governor, Judges, and Delegates to Congress,
so that tho organizaiion shall be complete,
ready to become a State ? In 183o this ques
tion arose under General Jackson's Adminis
tration. The people of Arkansas desired to
bo admitted into the Union. They called up
on the Government to summon a special ses
sion of the Legislature. Gen. Jackson refer
red the matter to the Attorney-General, who
at that time was Benjamin F. Butler. An o
pinion was rendered, and the qbestion was ta
ken on the right of a Territorial Legislature
to pass any such laws. Government was in
structed to call no special session, for the rea
son that tho Legislature had no sort of con
trol over the subject, for it was no part of their
power, and that all the laws that could be pas
sed upon that subject were absolutely void.
They then laid, down the principle that the
people have power, and that the Legislature
have not, cheers, and that the people derive
their power from the Constitution ; that they
may form a Constitution, and that the Consti
tution is just as good without an act of the
Legislature as with it; in other words, that it
derives all its power from the people, and not
from an act of the Territorial Legislature.
Cheers. Then in the case of the State of
Michigan, the case was reviewed upon this
same point, and Mr. Buchanan arose in his
place in the Senate and said that the Territo
rial Legislature had no power, but that the
power was in the people, and no man ventured
to state a contrary opinion. Thus, in fact, the
whole of the Senate of tho United States de
clared, through Mr. Buchanan, who was its
mouthpiece upon this subject, that the whole
power or forming a Slate Constitution in the
Territories rests with the people alone, and
that all the acts ot the Territorial Legislature
are nugitory and void. Thus, the Free-State
Constitution framed at Topcka lias all, all the
authority required, as it is given by the action
of the. people. Cheers. All that has ever
given vitality to any State Constitution has
given vitality to the Topeka Constitution ;
but, fctrange to say, there arc men who call
this exercise or a constitutional right treason.
This thing is susceptible of still farther ex
planation, but I shall be compelled to go to
another branch of the subject.
I now desire to call your attention to the
remedy Loud applause. You know what
the remedy should bo in tho political bearing
of this question. I now speak of the condi
tion of our people, and I scarcely know how
to broach it. You have seen that civil war
now exists in Kansas. For months it has been
waged upon us, but it has now became recip
rocal. The men of our Territory who were
restrained by. prudential considerations lor
months have broken all hounds. Thev had
endured thia rapine and outrage beyond all
human belief. During the time that the Bor
der Ruffians were encamped upon the Waker
usa, investing Lawrence, there was a desire
on the part of the people of Lawrence to at
tack their camp ; but tho leaders discouraged
the attempt. But soon after tho murder of
Barber, it was with the greatest difficulty that
the men could be restrained ; and a secret
arrangement was made on the part of some of
the men, by which they determined to go out
and attack tho camp on their own hook Ap
plause. So exasperated, and justly exasper
ated, were the men at the outrages which had
been committed, that it was with tho greatest
difficulty that the leaders were enabled to res
train them after the discovery or the plot.
Previous to tho sacking of Lawrence, when
it was supposed that a contest was impending
in relation to lhe arrest of prisoners, the ques
tion was mooted in private counsel whether
those prisoners who were sought to be arres
ted should remain there and resent the attemp
ted arrest, and make a fight at tlia time, or
whether they should disappear. L'pon consul
tation it was found that ammunition and pro
visions were scarce, and that a successful re
sistance to those outrages could not be made
even then the people were dissatisfied. And
subsequently when the sacking of Liwrence
took place, and the Committee of Safety had
determined not, to havo a contest, the people
were again dissatisfied. They required the
Committee of Safety to resign. It was only
after a new Committee came to the same de
termination that the people finally submitted.
Since that time outrage had been piled upon
outrage ; the leaders, whoso prudent counsels
prevented them from coming into collision be
fore, were taken from them ; the people hav
ing borne till forbearance could last no longer
and finally seeing the meshes closing around
them, seeing fort after fort, blockhouse after
blockhouse, erected in their midst, and see
ing Southern troops supported in part by the
border counties and in part by the Free-State
inhabitants coming into their midst, and see
ing the Missouri River blockaded against the
entrance of Free-State emigrauts seeing all
this preparation going on with a view of exter
minating the Free-State men, they could bear
no longer. They saw the mangled and bloody
corpses strewn over the prairies they saw
their houses in flames they saw idle fields,
uncultivated because they had been deprived
of the means of tilling them they saw Win
ter clo3o upon them, threatening them with
the horrors of starvation ; they became des
perate, and anticipated the conflict by strik
ing tho first blow Protracted cheering. Tho
first blow of this occasion, but not until after
they had lcen beaten to the earth by the blows
ol '54, '35 and '5G. They recaptured some of
the arms of which they had been despoiled
in the sack ol Lawrence; they recaptured
some of the arms and ammunitions they
drove from their forts two parties of those
Southern bravos and now the whole western
border of Missouri is teeming with prcpar
tion to crush out the Free-State men from the
Territory of Kausas and I tell you when that
shall be, when that Missouri army shall march
upon the soil of Kansas, and crush out that lit
tle band of sturdy and desperate patriots amid
the flames of houses and the shrieks of women
the last hope of Freedom will die with them
t Voices Never! never! When that little
and is destroyed, when again can we expect
to fill that country with such another body of
men so well prepared for their defense as they
are now ? No body of emigrants could W
sent but what would be met at the threshold.
Now is the only time to save tho Territory by
saving and sustaining the men who are now on
its soil Protracted cheers. They must lie
saved or all must be given up and lost. Sen
sation. The last hope of Freedom in the far
West is with them. If you will save them
you will save Kansas; but if you allow them
to be submerged, Kansas and all the territory
behind it is lostto Freedom, and is lost to free
white labor, and dedicated to the blighting in
fluence of negro slavery white slavery exists
there already but white slavery w "uh human
freedom will both be drowned in the blood of
the defenders of the latter, and its soil will le
a dark and gloomy waste. Now what is the
remedy 7 voice Elect Fremont. Cheers.
I have made up my mind, fellow citizens, as
to what the remedy is, and 1 proclaimed that
opinion last Spring, as soon as I was enabled
to tread the soil of a Free State, and that opin
ion I give you. I say here, that unless men
arc raised and put upon the soil of Kansas,
supported, sustained and fed there, she will
bo lost. A voice "that's it" applause
Men must be sent there men who are willing
to defend themselves able to defend themsel
ves, prepared to defend themselves, and de
termined to defend themselves. Enthusias
tic cheers. We want no preponderance of
men, for experience has shown that when our
people have met Missourians in equal numbers
the contest is not doubtful. Tho Free State
men ask no odds of the invaders, but a free
field, if it must be settled in that way, and a
fair and even fight Prolonged cheers. Long,
patiently, meekly and forliearingly have they
suffered these wrongs, in tile hope of avoiding
this violence ; but this contest of violence has
been long on one sido ; and if it must be mu
tual, it should be met as men should meet it
Cheers. The remedy is to put men on that
-soil. They cannot be put there without be
ing fed. If yon send 3,000 men there you
will have to feed them. With the fields un
cultivated and provisions scarce, the advent
of 3,000 men into that Territory unprovided
for, would be tho means of not only starving
themselves but starving those already there.
They must take a year's provisions with them
or they must be lurnishcd with a year's pro
visions. The question is now presented to
the people of the North. When every Wind
from the west brings news of battles, of slaugh
ter and of murder when preparations most ex
tensive are going on in the Border Counties
of Missouri when iittlammatory appeals are
distributed over the Border to secure acces
sions to their numbers when the army of tho
invaders is again marching against your breth
ren in Kansas who are standing up for your
cause as well as their own fighting the bat
tles or the North and the West of the free
white laborers who are periling their all upon
this issue. I say the question is now presen
ted t yon whether you will allow them to go
down in blood, or whether you will go and
save them and the cause you represent. This
cannot be done without a sacrifice and a sac
rifice too which you will feel, if every man in
this house were to give one-tenth part of what
the settlers on the soil have given, tho matter
would be settled at once. n lves there have
given their husbands children have given their
fathers, men have given their lives men have
poured out freely all their worldly substance,
and are now ready to give their lives, vhat,
then, will their brethern give to sustain them
in this cause 7 Now is the time. It might as
well not be given at all as to be given when
the battle is lost. Then give freely if you
would aid this cause.
On last Friday, the 5th, the Mt. Vernon Ho
tel at Cape Island, which is said to have been
the largest house in the country, was destroy
cd by fire, and sad to relate, six persons per
isced in the flames, viz Mr. Cain, the lessee,
his swo sons, two daughters, and the house
keeper, Mrs. Albertson.
A collision occurred on the N. York Central
Railroad on tho 5th, by which six men were
scalded to death.
gaftsntatt's f flimtal
' It X
S. 1i. ROW, Editor and PnorRiETort.
CLEAUFIELD, PA., SEPT. 10, 1856.
People's National Ticket.
for rrtKSinnsT,
JOHN C. F R E M ONT,
OP CALIFORNIA.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM L. DAYTON,
OK SEW JERSBV.
Union State Ticket.
CASAI. COMMISSIONER,
THOMAS K. COCHRAN, of York Ca.
AUPITOR GENERAL,
DARWIN PHELPS, of Armstrong Co.
M'RVEVOR GF.XKRAI.,
BARTHOLOMEW LAPORTE, of Bradford Co.
Union District Ticket.
FOR CONGRESS,
JAMES S. MYERS, of Venango County.
Assembly,
JOHN M. CHAPE, of Woodward Township. .
Subject o the decision of the Representative con
ference of this district J
Union County Ticket.
" Prothonotary,
THOMAS ROSS, of Pike Township.
Asrociato Judges.
BENJAMIN SPACKMAN. of Clenrfield bor.
ARTHUR BELL, of Bell Township.
Register and Recorder.
JOHN ADAMS, of Boggs Township.
Commissioner.
WILLIAM W. CATHCART, of Tike tp.
Surveyor.
PETER LAMM, of (Jirard Township.
Auditor.
WILLIAM HOOVER, of Bradford Township.
THE DISUNION" SHRIEKERS.
The burden of nearly every speech and edi
torial of the Buckaneer presses and orators is
"Disunion !" the Black Republicans will sev
er the Union ! the election of Fremont will
be the knell of the Union ! and so on through
the whole chapter one everlasting cry of dis
union ! until we aro forced to believe that with
them "the wish is father to the thought!"
Is this saying too much t We think not, for
these traitors to tho Union and violators of
constitutional rights threaten to dissolve the
Union if Fremont is elected. This threat is
made openly at tho South, but more covertly
at the North, but everywhere it is dwelt upon
in a way to bring about the very object these
hypocrites pretend to deprecate. Snpposc,
for instance, that Fremont is elected, how will
these men appear before their fellow citizens?
Are they the traitors their speeches and wri
ting indicate them to be 1 Do they intend to
make gvd their predictions, by fighting a
gainst their country ? If they do not intend
to submit to Fremont's government, in the
event of his election, they are in so many
words declaring that tho majority shall not
rule, and they aro as vile traitors to the Union
and the country as ever saw the sun. If they
do intend to submit, then they are arrant hyp
ocrites who are willing to weaken the ties
which hold us together, for the purpose of car
rying a political object. In any view of the
case, they are enemies to the welfare of tho
country, and deserve the detestation of all true
patriots. If Fremont is elected President, he
will take his scat and administer the govern
ment, and no set of men, or party, will dare
resist tho constituted authorities. -
A few weeks since we published extracts
from speeches or a number of prominent Lo
cofocos, expressing strong Disunion sentU
ments. We can now add the views of another
distinguished Democrat on the same subject.
Tho arc those of the brave and intrepid Pres
ton S. Brooks, as expressed recently at Colum
bia, South Carolina, on the occasion of a pub
lic reception and the presentation of a pitcher,
goblet and cane to him for his "chivalrous de
votion" to tho South. He referred to his as
sault upon Mr. Sumner, which he considered
"the result or a high sense or duty," and said
"it was strange that the castigation or a black
guard has raised such wide-spread excitement
from Maine to Texas" just such languago as
one could expect to come from a ruffian like
Brooks. After indulging in abuse of this
character, Brooks uses the following language,
which is copied from the Columbia South Car
olinian, a paper whose orthodoxy dare not be
disputed by any of its Locofoco brethren :
"As to his own position, he was now as he
was in 1851, a co-operation disunionist. He
thought it best to dissolve the government un
der which we now live. But in doing this.
there was a difference of opinion as to the
means to be employed. He believed that
something was duo to our sister Southern
States, who had the same interests at stake as
we that we should be prepared to act with
them and to wait on them. When, in his
speech of resignation, he said that it was in
bis power to begin revolution, he made no
idle boast. He was not egotistical enough to
ucneve mat no wiciaca intellectual power
cnougn lor tne task; but what he meant was,
that had he, during the debate on his expul
sion, walked up and slapped the faco or the
prominent man or the Black Republican par
ty, a storm wouia nave Deen raised which
would have ended only in the hall of the House
being drenched in blood. (!)
"In coming next to the subject of the Pres
idency, he felt, in view or the politics or some
of his hearers that he was touching upon a
aeucate question, iie wouia not, however,
hesitate to declare his opinion plainly and
frankly. That had ever been his habit and
so long as he had intelligence enough to con
ceive opinions, he would have the manhood to
declare them. He was Tor Mr. Buchanan, and
ho thought it the duty of tho people of this
State to aid in the election or that c-pnt Io
nian. . . . Mr. Buchanan, although not unex
ceptionablc, was an able, dignified and conser
vativ statesman, and he entertained not a
doubt but that if elected ho would be faithful
to the Constitution and the South. . Moreover,
w should sunDort bim. because he stands
pledged to .a platform of principles which, if
carried out in the proper spirit, must com
mand our approbation.
'Soon, said he, the great question of the
Presidency would be settled, and if on the
second Mondav of November next it shall be
found that Fremont is elected, he thought our
course was plain. It was his deliberate opin
ion that we should then, on the 4th March nexi,
march Jo IVashineton, seize the archives and the
treasury of the Government, and leave the conse
quences to God."
Everybody knows who Preston S. Brooks is,
that he is a Locofoco and in ravor or Buchan
an, and the above is the plain and unmistakc
able manner in which he avows himself a dis-
unionist. Can any doubt exist as to what par
ty the disunionists belong to 1 Brooks is an
other witness on this point. But we arc willing
to leave every candid and reasonable man draw
his own conclusions after reading the forego
ing extracts. If such sentiments were uttered
by any member of our party, the most pierc
ing shrieks of "disunion" would be heard
from every Locofoco orator in Pennsylvania,
and not a journal belongs to that party that
would not herald the cry from one end of our
State to the other.
INTENSE EXCITEMENT!
On last Saturday evening, the loungers on
the street-corners or our usually quiet town
wcro thrown into a state of fermentation by
the appearance of a number of glaring hand
bills. At once concluding that an animal or
some other kind of 'show" was about visiting
our borough, we approached one of these
"posters," when we read the following start
ling announcement. We give it literally.
"THE TWO BIGLERS
ARE HERE!
The friends of Buchanan and Breckexridge,
the Constitution and the Union, are requested
to meet at the Court House on Monday eve
ning, Sept. 8th.
Ex-Gov. Eiler, of California,
AND OUR OWN BIGLER,
Will address the people of Clearfield county
on that occasion, on the important topics of
the approaching election."
There it is ! the whole bill. Alter reading
it, no one will be snrprised that an excitement
should be produced. We heard it remarked,
that the announcement of Barnum, in the days
of his humbugging glory, that "the Scotch
Brothers are in Town," to which the whole of
the present affair bears a striking resemblance,
could not have possibly produced a more pro
found sensation ! And in order that "the
whole world and the rest or mankind" should
be frilly made acquainted with the highly im
portant intelligence that "The two Biglers are
Here !" the precaution was taken to stick up,
on Sunday, one or more of tho above interest
ing notices on the ground where the camp
meeting was in progress, as well as an occa
sional one along the road. We think that all
that was wanting to make the effect of the an
nouncement magnificently impressive was the
following spirited appeal of a Southern editor :
Blow the fuzzy guzzy,
Sound the hewgag,
Let the loud bosannah ring;
Smite the tomjohn.
AVhack the duicfuzzy.
And permit niircelluuious things to
rip generally."
We think the editor of the Republican should
thank us ror the suggestion, as such a bril
liant "appeal" would doubtless have produced
an effect that could only !iavc been eclipsed
by such a one as was made by "our own Big
ler," a rew years since, to certain individual
families in this county.
At the time indicated by the notices, we
wended our way to the Court House. The
President or the Club, who, by the by, is our
esteemed down-town "neighbor," remarked
that this was a regular meeting or the "Buck"
club, but as it was expected that Ex-Gov. Big
ler, of South Carolina, the president was con
siderably flustered, but succeeded in correct
ing himself, and said f California, and "our
own Bigler," would address the people then and
there convened, it might be well enough to ap
point some rdditional officers, which was done.
A committee was then selected to wait upon
the distinguished gentlemen, who were soon
brought in and exhibited. Tho California Ex
Gov. was first paraded. He was strongly im
pressed with the importance ot the present
contest, and was wonderfully exercised for the
integrity of tho Union, which he thought was
in danger, and over which he had cogitated in
the silent watches of the night. lie then
struck up that "same old tune" ol Fremont
being a sectional candidate, alter which he
showed just "as clear as mud" that it was not
designed by tho fathers of the Republic that
slavery should be abolished, and that whilst at
that time the South wag favoring the abolition
of the slave trade, Northern men were oppo
sing it. He then gave a very learned disqui
sition on the inferiority of the negro, and the
superiority of the Saxon and Celtic races
that the law degraded no man, but natural pre
judice would not permit us to associate with
them ; and was fearful that slavery would be
abolished, and that 3 millions of northern
freemen would have to give up their homes for
so many liberated slaves ! Wc don't know of
any class of men that wishes to mix up the ra
ces, unless it is the Locofoco politicians who
are desirous of bringing the negroes into our
Northern territories in the capacity of slaves
One thing is certain, the Republican party is
opposed to interfering with slavery they wish
to leave it undisturbed where it exists and the
only men that we know who want to abolish it,
are such as Lloyd Garrison, who now favors
the election of Buchanan, because in it he' sees
a chance of having the Union dissolved. The
speaker next touched on the Kansas question,
and the Toombs' Pacification hll. Though
he admitted that Southern slavery -extension
organizations, a3 well as Northern Aid Socie
ties, were to some extent chargeable with the
difficulties in Kansas, ho afterwards tried to
make it appear that Massachusetts speculators
were responsible for the whole of them. This
is about in keeping with his story that Fre
mont had been "born twice." He referred to
a hair-brained youth committing "a gross out
rage," "a grievous wrong" upon Mr. Sumner,
language that he dare not use in Brooks' State,
notwithstanding he endeavored to create fte
impression that freedom of speech, or the free
expression of opinion, was not restricted
He said Brooks and Keits were not re-nomma.
ted, but be omitted to state that they had been
re-elected since their resignation. He alluded
to the difficulty in the U. S. Senate between
Fremont and Foote, charging the former with
being tho aggressor. Now, if any one will re
fer to the public prints at the time of the oc
currence, we care not if they are Democratic
papers, he will find that Mr. Foote struck Mr.
Fremont, and drew blood, and that the inter
ference of friends arrested matters at that
point,without there being any aggression from
Mr. Fremont. But we have neither time nor
space to follow him in all his tortuosities. Ho
finished by saying that what he bad spoken
could be relied on that it was all true as gos
pel, and no mistake. That is, howevei, a mat
ter that people will form their own opinions
about, and if any should scu fit to differ from
the speaker on this point, we trust he will not
think hard or it we feel sure he won't whon
he ascertains that the honest and respectable
citizens of this county consider it an insult to
their intelligcnco to intimato that they aro
verdant enough to be gulled by the fictions
and absurd stories of an unscrupulous politi
cian !
The California Bigler's speech was long ;
but notwithstanding the lateness of the hour,
"our oxn Btgler" was called out. After set
tling to his own entire satisfaction a contested
point between his brother and himself about
Dunn's Kansas bill, he remarked that the for
mer had left him nothing to work upon tluit
he had gone over tho whole question. He
could not understand how a politician liko hi.
brother should refer to but two or the candi
dates that he had not named "Sam," an in
dividual, ho jocularly remarked, from whom
they had both heard so effectually, lie then
drifted out and wandered over the agitated
waves of the slavery question, taking about
the same track that the former speaker did
contending thai there was no danger that Kan
sas would be a Slave State, and became quite
eloquent over his own adherence to tho L'nion.
He did not believe Fillmore would get a sin
gle electoral vote that it was expected to
elect Fremont by a plurality vote and then
made some calculations that sounded very
nice. Iudeed, we at one time thought ho
would make out the returns, and thus save tho
nation the trouble of holding an election at all.
We were near forgetting to mention that at
an early hour ot the exhibition a delegation
from Curwcnsville was announced, and was
very ceremoniously received. They carried a
transparency which, besides tho raottos, had
a picture which puzzled every one who at
tempted to guess what it was. One wag tho't
it was a type of some nondescript species that
wonld mystify any naturalist. It was ascer
tained finally, however, that it was intended
for an eagle. The delegation, we believe, was
under the command of our friend, "Corporal
Rote," who boro a queer-looking flag, such
an one as would havo been denounced by the
Locofocos as an evidence that they wished to
dissolve tho Union, if it had been carried by
tho Opposition. The meeting was kept up
till "the witching hour of night," when it ad
journed, aud now is numbered among the
"wonderful" things that were.
The last Clearfield Republican uses the fol
lowing language in speaking of the Union can
didate for Surveyor General :
Laporte is a pet of Dave Wilmot, and Is as
full of niggerism as his master."
Any one would snppose from this languago
that the Democratic leaders had always enter
tained a strong aversion to "Dave Wilmot"
and his "niggerism." A reference to the rec
ord may, therefore, be refreshing, and will
serve to brighten up "our neighbor's" memo
ry. By turning to the public journals, it will
be seen that on the 13th day of January, 1847,
resolutions were introduced into our State
Legislature, instructing the U. S. Senator
from Pennsylvania to rote in favor of the Wil
ttot Proviso, the author of which is tho same
"Dave Wilmot" to whom the Republican re
fers, and among those who supported the reso
lutions will be found tho names of Senator
Bigler, Timothy Ives, and other prominent
Locofocos! And yet this same "proviso" is
about the amount of tho "niggerism," of Mr.
Wilmot, of whom the editor of the Republican
now speaks so contemptuously, and at whom
he turns up his nose so snecringly ! Isn't it
queer that "men change, principles never V
West Ovek. On Sunday, Mr. Jas. Wat
son, of Grahamton, returning from Camp
meeting in a buggy with Miss M. J. Irwin, of
Lawrence township, and whilst descending tho
hill on this side ol GoodfeHow's bridge, was
precipitated down tho embankment, it being
very dark at the time. The buggy fell on both
the occupants, and it was w ith much difficulty
that Miss Irwin was extricated. She was
brought to town, and a physician immediately
called in. On examination it was found that
no bones were broken, though she had receiv
ed some severe bruises. Mr. Watson, we be
lieve, was but slightly bruised. The borso
was not injured, though the embankment over
which they went was at least 10 or 12 feet,and
altogether perpendicular.
Kansas. St. Louis, Sept. 5. Advices from
Kansas, believed here to be reliable, state that
a battle was fought at Ossawatomie on tho
morning of the 30th ult., between a party of
800 Pro-slavery men under Capt. Reed, and
about the same number of Frec-soilers under
Capt. Brown. The fight continued for an hour,
when the Free-soilets were routed with a loss
of twenty killed and several wounded. Capt.
Brown and his son are both reported among
the killed. Five Pro-slavery men were also
wounded. All the provisions and ammunition
wcro carried away and tho town burned. Gov
ernor Geary has arrived here and proceeds im
mediately to Kansas.
TTTT