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Raftsman's Jmurnnl:
S. B. ROW, Editor and PsopRiETon.
CLEARFIELD, PA., MARCH 26, 1856.
Xemineee cf the Philadelphia Convention.
rOR PRESIDENT,
.' ' MILLARD FILLMOReT
VICE PRESIDENT,
' ANDREW JACKSON DONNELSON.
"FEEEDOM 07 SPEECH."
- In an article under this caption, "oar neigh
bor" of the Republican makes use of the fol
lowing language s
"The great achievement of those 'primitive
days' was the guarantee of 'freedom of speech'
to every citizen. It e won Id maintain that gua
rantee inviolate. Can onr neighbor say as
mnch t Would not he and his party deny to
the naturalized citizen, and to the citizen of a
certain religious belief, tbo right to hold of
fice 7"
It is a singular way, of a verity, that our
down-street "neighbor" has of "maintaining
inviolate" the guarantee of freedom of speech,
when in the very next paragraph to the one in
which be asks the above questions, he would
not have ministers speaking "after the im
pious manner of the tbreo thousand New Eng
land clergymen in their remonstrance against
the passago.of the Kansas Nebraska bill!
Is that "maintaining that guarantee" invio
late T If it is, we acknowledge our inability to
discern in what way.
Americanism has been so much discussed
within the two last years, that it was thought
no misapprehension of tho principles upon
which it is based, conld exist. But, it seems,
there still are some, who, whether wilfully or
not, we will not say, have difficulty in arriving
at a correct understanding of the same. The
evil which would result from an exercise of
foreign influence in our governmental affairs,
attracted the attention of the .statesmen of our
country long ago, and induced them" to utter
tbefr condemnation of it. Washington him
self1 set the example in thi3 respect. The evil
tendencies of foreign influences caused the
great-apostle of modern Democracy, General
Jackson, to declare- that "we must become
more Americanised." "Pennsylvania's favor
ite son," James Buchanan, was in the easier
days of his career, impressed with the same
idea, and eontended, in a speech delivered at
Lancaster on the 4th July, 1815, which wo find
in an exchange, that
"Wo ought to use every honest exertion to
tnm out of power those weak and wicked men
who have abandoned the political path marked
out for this country by Washington, and whoso
wild and visionary theories have been at length
tested by experience and found wanting,
iiore all, tee ought to drive from cur shores for
eign infitnee, and cherish exclusively American
feeling. ' Foreign infutxeehas been in every age
the curse of Republics. .... . Alrea
dy our Infant Republic has felt her withering
influence. Already has she involved us in a
war, which . had nearly cost us our existence.
Let us then learn wisdom from experience, and
forever banish this fiend from our society."
'' There is what James Buchanan, the choice
of the Democracy of this State for President,
said relative to foreign influence. At the time
it was spoken, it was regarded as being ortho
dox. Why is it not now? Why is it that at
the present time, when our elections are being
controlled by foreign votes, the principle is
regarded as erroneous by tho Democracy ? Is
it not for the self-evident reason, that their
political ' success in a great measure depends
upon securing tho foreign vote? That is the
correct solution of tho problem. - It was truly
said that "men change, principles never !"
In the few lines quoted at tho beginning of
this article the question is asked whether tho
American party would not "deny to the natu
rallied citizen, and to the citizen of a certain
religious belief," which means a Roman Cath
lie, "the right to hold office." What "right"
has any foreign catholic to hold our offices?
Where did he acquire it? And by what au
thority was ho invested with it? Does a blind
obedience to a foreign spiritual head, confer it
ripon-him? Docs his adherence to the pecu
ttr dogmas, superstitions and prejudices of
the Church of Rome, or even an abandoning of
his adherence to a temporal prince of Europe
or any other section of the world, bestow up
on him such a "right ?" Has he any right at
all to hold office 1 Certain privileges are gran
ted upon certain conditions j but to talk of the
right of a foreigner to hold office, is an absur
dlty. 'J The constitution forbids a "naturalized
citizen" from holding the office of President
the United States alld, we believe, the same
rule applies to the office of Vice President.
Kow dreadfully proscriptivc the Constitution
and the American party are ! The Catholics,
so Jar m their jeligions privileges aro con
eerned are not persecuted In the United States,
nor does the American party wish to persecute
them.. -They have their priests and churches,
and are allowed the full enjoyment of these
With , their religion no party .wishes to inter
fere. . Politieally they are distrusted, and for
this they have themselves , to blame. Their
anbstrviency to a foreign, priesthood and for
eign spiritual head, superinduced thia distrust.
To airee .use of the ballot-box, after. com
pliance with tho requirements oCthe.ccasiitu
tion and laws, no one presumed to ebject ; tut
when they were -found, as a church, in obedi
, rice to the instructions of their priests, who
.arc bound," by solemn oath, to obey the- Pope
f Rome,' wh.fr isj and has always been opposed
to libers! institutions and a free t el the Bi-
Me bv the neonle at lanra. tnkintr a. united
w 4 o o
stand for one of the great political parties of
this country, and thus controling our elections,
a spirit', of jealousy was engendered that can
never be subdued. It is in their character as
a politico-ecclesiastical body that they aro op
posed. Had they contented themselves with
the privileges extended to other citizens, and
employed no suspicions and insidious means
for gaining an ascendancy, they would have
met no opposition from any party.
Thus it will be seen, that it" is not the reli
gion of Catholics that Americans content! a-
gainst. They war with Rome ; for, as a cotem
porary remarks : "Rome is tho enemy of A
merica, and America is the enemy of Rome.
We., war against the imposition by Rome of a
Priesthood upon us, alien to civil Laws, our
Customs, our Schools, and ever seeking indi
rectly or directly, the subversion of them all.'
We war against a hierarchy, Roman-made, that
robs its own people of their own property, to
concentrate it all (in church form) upon itself,
utterlv subiect to Rome. V e war against a
hierarchy that rushes into our elections, and
turns huge masses of votes in solid bodies into
our American ballot-boxes to create American
demagogues to obey its will. Rome has been,
and is attempting, through her powerful hie
rarchv, to rule the civil power of the United
States. ' For this purpose sho exports here and
imposes upon us, the Irish hierarchy, as the
most subservient tool of its power. For this
purpose, thfs Irish Roman hierarchy turn all
tho Irish Catholic masses one war, into ono
ballot, the better thus to overawe and to con
trol American demagogues and politicians
For this purpose, we have 'Church Property
Bills' to concentrate on the one man power of
Rome, the now immense Roman Catholic es
tates of this country, t or this purpose our
School System lias been attacked, and a por
tion of our School money demanded from us
at the ballot-box and in the State Legislatures
It is upon such Roman Catholicism that Amer
icans war.
To us it seems strange that the Democrat
ic presses, which so much "honor the minister
of the gospel" for manfully expressing his
sentiments, should direct their denunciations
against Protestant clergymen for so doing, but
never sav a word when a Roman Catholic bish
op or priest does the same thing .' no ever
heard of a Democratic newspaper say aught
against a Catholic church dignitary forexpres
sing bis opinions, either in the pulpit, or thro'
the median of the press, on matters pertain
ing to the political condition of our country ?
It would almost seem as if they were the spe
cial guardians- of the "mother church.1' If
they arc, we congratulate them upon the hap
py circumstance. For our part, however, we
do not envy them their occupation, but shall
consider it our duty, so long as tho head o
that church endeavors to exert an influence in
the aflairs of our government, to hold it up in
its true colors, by exposing its insidious policy
and anti-republican tendencies, which, if car
ried into effect, would prove subversive of our
institutions and destructive to our liberties.
The "Algerine Law." We aro indebted
to tho attentive and energetic Senator from
this district, Jlcnry Souther, Esq., for a copy
of the Bill repealing the supplement to tho
act of May 8, 1812, known here as the "Alge
rine Law," which he read in place on the 13th
inst. In order that Mr. Souther may bo en
abled to work effectively in this matter, peti
tions asking for tho passage of the repealing
act should be immediately forwarded, well
signed, from the various townships of this
county whieh aro most directly interested in
it. . The repeal of the supplement is of high
importance to the lumbermen of tho Susqno-
quehanna, and it is to be hoped that they will
make tho necessary exertions to secure it. . A
little activity is all that is required. Petitions
have already been forwarded from our borough,
and other steps have also been taken here.-
But Clearfield borough can't do all the i est
of tho county must lend their assistance.
Naw Hampshire Election. The result of
the recent election in New Hampshire shows
that the Pierce Democracy have been sadly
routid. Tho opposition have carried both
branches of tho Legislature. No choice for
Governor having been made by tho people
that duty devolves upon tho Legislature, and
as the anti-administration party has a decided
majority, their candidate will be elected. This
is a serious loss to the Pierce party, which
made every exertion to carry the State, know
ing that if they lost New Hampshire their case
was desperate. Several prominent speakers
were sent there, and money was used in liber
al profusion, to secure a victory. But it was
all useless they are signally defeated.
Tho Trenton Stato Gazette publishes an ap
peal signed by all tho members of the New
Jersey Legislature opposed to the present Na
tional Administration, calling upon all the vo
ters of the State of similar inclination to as
semble in their respective wards and town
ships and elect delegates to a Stato Conven
tion to be held in Trenton on Wednesday, the
4th of June, whereat a candidate shall be nom
mated for the office of Governor, to be sup
ported at tho ensuing election.
Senators from Kassas. The St. Louis
Democrat has a letter from Topeka, dated the
8th inst., stating that the Free State Legisla
tura of Kansas has in joint convention elected
Hon. A. H. Reeder and Hon. James H. Lane
United States Senators. Mr. Reeder was e
lected on the first, and Mr. Lano on the second
ballot. Each received 88 votes out of 50 mem
bers present.
The Frot Crop of New Jersey. The New
ark Daily Adrertiser states that the prospects
in New Jersey, of a largo yield of fruit, were
never better than at the present time. The
buds are generally nnlnjnred, and the linger
,ing cow weather will prevent tnem swelling
until the season is too far advanced to h a v
tbtm sufftr from high winds or frosts, -
ANOTHER LETTZS FEOM Bev. J. CHAMBERS.
Philadelphia, March 15th, 1856.
Riekardscn L. Wright, Esq., Speaker of
the House of Representatives My Dear Sir :
Your letter addressed to me through tho col
umns of tho Pennsylvanian of to-day, receiv
ed my respectful consideration, as 1 trust this
will secure yours. First, a3 to tho caustic
biting part of it. "Time serving politician"'
'billingsgate notoriety" "moral desperado"
"uncharitable ravings" "statements which
have no foundation in truth," etc. Now, Mr.
Speaker, if you, canajford to employ such ep
ithets, I, can afford to have them heaped upon
me. They do not disturb my equanimity or
ruffle my temper in the slightest degree. It
is always unfortunate for a man to fly: into a
passion, but it is peculiarly so when he is wri
ting for the eye of the public and the scrutiny
of intelligent men. Any body can call hard
names. Our women in tho fish market can
beat you all hollow in multiplying opprobri
ous epithets, so that no honor or capital can
bo gained on that score. You will Mr. Speak
er, please bear this in mind when you write
your next letter for the public papers. Keep
vour temper at any cost. Don't be so anxious
to call hard names that you lose your self con
trol. Secondly, let us look at one or two more
important Matters. You say, "I was constrain
ed by a sense of duty, as a consistent friend of
Temperance, to advocate such measures as I
thought best calculated to remedy existing
evils," &c. "Consistent friends of Temper
ance !" Let us see. You and your Demo
cratic colleagues, pending the election last
October, proclaimed yourselves the "consis
tent friends of Temperance." If. the dear
people would only elect you, you would give
them a better law than the act to "restrain the
sale of intoxicating liquors." And what did
you do ? A bill was introduced to repeal,
unconililionally, the act of last year. Messrs
Morris and Dock objected to that, and insisted
that a "bill should be introduced to take the
place of that act before it was repealed." And
what did you and your Democratic colleagues
do ? Voted for the unconditional repeal of the
act of last year, opening the flood-gates of in
temperance and ruin upon the community
Your names stand upon the record, and you
cannot gainsay it. . Every one of jrou deserved,
at the time, tho indignant rebuke of an injur
ed and insulted constituency.
" But thanks to N. B. Browne and a majority
of tho Senate, the.flagrant wrongs of the DJouso
were checked. A stringent license bill was in
trod need and passed that body. When it was
sent to tho House for concurrence, what did
you then ao t a ou advocated tnoso amena
ments which would have destroyed the yitali
ty and the beneficial effects of Mr. Browne,s
bill, and would have made it a weak, inef
ficient, wishy washy thing, almost worthless
as to all practical purposes. This you did as a
"consistent friend of Temperance!" Do you
not think the Liquor League would give a heap
of money to have just such "friends of Temper
ance" sent every year to the Legislature
Itwill not do, Mr. Speaker, to throw dust
and try to hooda inktho people in this way
I say it openly and publicly, that you and your
Democratic brethern from Philadelphia have
misrepresented the people, and abused the con
fidenco reposed in you. . You arc good repre
sentatives of the Liquor League, and I com
mend you all to their special regard. They
ought to take good care of you for you have
been faithful to their interests. . Do you say
this is a hard allegation ? Look at your recor
ded votes, and judge. It is no use to be mealy
mouthed about this matter. It is true, and ev
ery bouy knows it, that every Democratic
member from this city in the House and the
Senate, (excepting N. B. Browne, Esq., noble
specimen of humanity,) have bowed down and
worshipped at the shrine of the Liquor League.
I want the people distinctly to understand
that you left the Speaker's chair and earnestly
advocated the granting of licenses to our res
taurants and eating houses, to sell ardent
spirits. You and your Democratic colleagues
from this city voted for this measure, while
you and they know full well that in these pla
ccs, in consequence of the maddening effects
of rum, a vast amount of disorder, wrangling,
riot and fighting, is constantly occurring.
You and they know equally well, that a vast
majority of tho people of Philadelphia are
most decidedly opposed to granting licenses
to these places to sell alcoholic drinks. Why
did you do it ? To gratify tho Liquor League
and the rummies ? That was the reason, and
you cannot deny it. Let the Liquor League
tke caro of you and your Democratic breth
ren, for it is quite certain you have forfeited
tho respect and confidence of sober, virtuous,
intelligent, temperate citizens. After all this
you speak of younself in your letter as a "con
sistent friend of Temperance!" Fudge, Mr.
Speaker, all fudge. . We are not to bo fooled
in this way. Johs Chambers.
ueath of u&. .bond. i he venerable and
talented Dr. T. E. Bond, editor iu chief of the
Christian Advocate and Journal, tho leading
paper of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and
a local preacher of that denomination, died at
his residence in New York city, on Saturday
last. Dr. Bond was a native of narford coun
ty, Maryland; he was a successful practitioner
of medicine in Baltimore city for many years;
and as a clergyman, was eminent for his piety,
self-sacrificing devotion and learning. Belov
ed and lamented by all who knew him, person
ally and by report, he has passed to his fina
account at the advanced ago of 76 years.
-Caving Is. The Pittsburg Union learns by
passengers that on Thursday night last a por
tion of the earth, in that part of the big tun
nel which yet remains unfinished, fell In, and
for a couplo of hours obstructed the passage
of the tram. The rubbish was removed
speedily as a large force of hands, who were
promptly set to work, could do it.
On Monday, Flour was selling in Philadel
phia at from $7 to $8,50 ; wheat $l,65a$l,75
rye is dull at $1 ; corn 68a59e j eloversoe
$9,87sf8;50i timothy $3,50 5 flax $l,90a$2.
THE KAKSAS QUESTION, f
In Senate, March 12, Mr. Collamer, from
the Minority of tb Committee on Territories,
to whom was referred the President's Message
on Affairs in Kansas, made a report, from which
we extract the following paragraphs t ,
A succinct statement of the course and pro
gress of the material events in Kansas is this :
After the passage of this law, establishing the
Territory of Kansas, a large body of settlers
rapidly cnteied into said .territory witn me
view of permanent inhabitancy therein. Most
of these were from the Free States of the West
and North, who probably intended by their
votes and ; influence to establish there a Free
State, agreeably to the law which invited them.
Some part of these from the Northern Emi
crrant Aid .Society, formed in Massachusetts,
which put forth some exertion in this laudable
ing facilities for transportation to alLpeaceatie
citizens who desired to becom permanent
settlers in said Territory, and providing there
in hotels, mills, and so forth f or tho public ac
commodation of that new country. '
The Governor ot Kansas having, in pursu
ance of law, divided the Territory into dis
tricts and procured a census thereof, Issued his
proclamation for tho election of a Legislative
Assembly therein, to take place on the SOth
day of March, 1855, and directed how the same
should be conducted and the returns made to
him, agreeably to the law establishing said
Territory. On the day of election, large bod
ies of armed men from the State of Missouri
appeared at the polls in most of the districts
and bv most violent and tumultuous carriage
and demeanor, overawed the defenseless in
habitants, and by their own vote?, elected a
large majority of the members of both Houses
of said Assembly. On the returns of said elec
tions being made to the Governor, protests and
objections being made to him in relation to a
part of said districts, and, as to them, he set
aside such, and such only, as, by tne returns,
appeared to be bad. In relation to others,
covering a majority of the two Houses, equal
lv vicious in fact, but apparently good by for
mal returns, the inhabitants ttiereof, borne
down by said violence, and intimidated, scat
tered and discouraged, and laboring under ap
prehensions of personal violence, refrained and
desisted from presenting any
protest to tne
governor in reiauon mereio.anu ue, iucu uu-
- 1 . - i 1 J 1 A I
ln
formed in relation thereto, issued certificate
to the members who appeared by said formal
returns to have been elected.
In relation to those districts which the Gov
ernor so set aside, orders were by him isied
for new ; elections. In one of these districts
the same proceedings were repeated by men
from Missouri, and in others not, and certifi
cates were issued to tho persons elected.
This Legislative Assembly so elected assem
bled at Pawnee on the 2d day of July, 1855,
that being the time and place for holding said
meeting, as fixed by the Governor by authori
ty jof law. On assembling, the said houses
proceeded to set aside and reject those mem
bers so elected on said second election, except
in the districts where the men from Missouri
had, at said election, chosen the same persons
they had elected at the said first election, and
admitted all of the said first-elected members.
A Legislative Assembly, so created by mili
tary force, by a foreign invasion, in violation
of the organic law, was but a usurpation. No
act of its own no act or neglect of the Gov
ernor, could legalize or sanctify it. Its own
decisions as to its own legality are, like its
hws, but the fruits of its own usurpation,
which no Governor could legitimate.
They passed an Act altering the place of tho
temporary seat of Government to the Shawnee
Mission on the border, and in near proximity
to Missouri. This Act the Government regard
ed as a violation of the organic law establish
ing the Territory, which fixed tho temporary
seat of Government and prohibited the Legis
lative Assembly from doing anything inconsis
tent with said Act. He therefore, and for that
cause, vetoed said bill, but said Assembly re
passed the same by two-third majority, not
withstanding said veto, and removed to said
Shawnee Mission. They then proceeded to
pass laws, and the Governor in writing, declin
ed further to recogniz? them as a legitimate
Assembly sitting at that place. They contin
ued passing laws tbcre from the 10th day of
July to the 31st day of August, 1855.
On the 15th day of August last the Gover
nor of said Territory was dismissed from office,
and the duties devolved upon the Secretary of
the Territory ; and how many of the laws pas.
sed with his official approbation does not ap
pear the laws, as now presented, being with
out date or authenticated.
As by the law of Congress organising said
Territory it was expressly provided that tho
people of the Territory were to be "left per
" fectly free to form and regulate their domes
" tic institutions in their own way," and a
mong theso institutions Slavery is included,
it was of course implied that that subject was
to be open and free to public and private dis
cussion in all its bearings, rights and relation
ships. Among these must, of course, be the
questions of what was the state of the existing
laws, and the modifications that might bo re
quired on that subject. . The law had declared
that its "true intent and meaning was not to
" legislate Slavery into tho Territory or ex
" elude it therefrom." This would, of course,
leave to that people the inquiry. What then,
are the existing rights under the Constitution ?
Can slaves be holden in the absence of any
law on the subject t This question, about which
so much difference of opinion exists, and which
Congress and the Courts have never settled,
was thus turned over to the people there to
discuss and settlo for themselves. '
This Territorial Legislature, so created, by
force from Missouri, utterly refused to permit
discussion on the subject, but assuming that
Slavery already existed there, and that neither
Congress nor the people in the Territory un
der the authority of Congress, had or could
prohibit it, passed a law which, if enforced,
utterly prohibits oii discussion of the question.
The 11th and 12th sections of that act are as
follows :
Sec. 11. If any person print, write, intro
duce into, publish or circulate, or causa to bo
brought into, printed, written, published or
circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in
bringing into, printing, publishing or circula
ting within this Territory, any book, magazine,
handbill or circular, containing any statements,
arguments, opinions, sentiments, doctrine, ad
vice or inuendo, calculated to promote a dis
orderly, dangerous or rebellious disaffection
among the slaves in this Territory, or to in
duce such slaves to escape from the service of
their masters, or to resist their authority, bo
shall bo guilty of a felony, and be punished
by imprisonment and hard labor for a term of
not less than five years.
Sec. 12. If any free person, by speaking or
by writing, asstrt or maintain that persons
have not the right to hold slaves in this Terri
tory, or shall introduce into this Territory,
print, publish, write, circulate, or causo to be
introduced into this Territoiy, written, print
ed, published or circulated in this Territory,
any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet or circu
lar containing any denial of tho right of per
sons to hold slaves in this Territory, such per
son shall be deemed guilty of felony, and pun
ished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term
not less than two years.
This act further provides that no person
conscientiously opposed to holding slaves"
shall s't as a juror in the trial of any casa tfJTfn
ded on a breach of tbt foregoing raw. Tb
act further prorided "that all officers and at-
toruies shall bo sworn not only to suppwi the
Constitution of the United States, but also" to
support and sustain tho organic law of the Ter
ritory and the Fugitive Slave law ; and that
any person offering to vote shall be presumed
to be entitled to vote until tho contrary is
shown ; and it any one, when required, shall
refuse to take the oath to sustain the Fugitive
Slave law, he shall not be permitted to vote."
Although they passed a law that "none but an
inhabitant, who had paid a tax, should vote,"
3et they required no time cf residence necessa
ry, and provided for the "immediate" payment
of a poll-tax, so providing in effect, that on the
eve of an election the people of a neighboring
State could come in in unlimited numbers, and
by taking up a residence of a day or an hour,
pay a poll-tax, and thus become legal voters,
and then, after voting, return to their own
State. They thus, in practical effect, provi
ded for the people of Missouri to control elec
tions at their pleasure, and permitted such on
ly of the real inhabitants of tho Territory to
vote as are friendly to the holding of slaves. .
Tbey permitted no election of any of the
officers in the Territory to be made by the peo
ple thereof, but created the offices and filled
them, or appointed officers to fill them for lung
periods, and provided that the next annual e
Iection should be holdcn in October, 1853, and
the Assembly to meet in January, 1857, so
that none of these laws could be changed un
til the lower House might be changed in 185G;
but the Council, which is elected for 2 years,
could not be changed, so as to allow a change
of the laws or officers until the session of 1858,
however much the inhabitants of the Territo
ry might desire it.
" These laws, made by an Assembly created
by a foreign force, are but a manifestation of
the spirit of oppression which was the parent
of the whole transaction. No excuse can be
found for it in the pretense that the inhabi
tants bad carried with them into said Territory
a quantity of Sharp's rifles. First : Because
that, if true, formed no excuse. Secondly :
It is untrue, as their Sharp's rifles were only
obtained afterward and entirely for the pur
pose of self-defense, the necessity for which
this invasion and other acts of violence and
threats clearly demonstrated.
These laws were obviously made to oppress
and drive out all who were inclined to the ex
clusion of Slavery, and, if they remained, to
thpm nn thu.nhwt ml mi,wt thm
th(j m and control of thg of
souri. 1 hese are the laws which the Fresi-
dent say 8 must be enforced by tho laws and
whole power of this nation.
The people ot Kansas thus invaded, sub
dued, oppressed and insulted, seeing their Ter
ritorial Government (such only in form) per
verted into an engine to crush them in the
dust, and to defeat and destroy the professed
object of their organic law by depriving them
of tho "perfect freedom" therein provided, and
finding no ground to hope for rights in that or
ganization, they proceeded, under the guaran
ty of the United States Constitution, "peace-
ably to assemble to petition the Govern
" raent for the redress of their grievances."
Tbey saw no earthly source of relief but in the
formation of a Stato Government by the peo
ple, and the acceptance and ratification there
of bv Congress.
In this view of the subject, in the first part
of Auirust, 1855, a call was pubhbhed m the
public papers for a meeting of the citizens of
Kansas, irrespective of party, to meet at Law
rence, in said Territory, on tho 15th of said
Ausust, to take into consideration the propri
ety of calling a Convention of th people of
the whole Territory to consider tue subject.
That meeting wos holden on the 15th day of
August last, and proceeded to call such Coa-
r vention of Delegates, to be elected and to as
semble at Topeka, in said Territory, on the
19lh day of September, 1855, not to form a
Constitution, but to consider tho propriety of
calling formally a Convention for that purpose.
The proceedings of this meeting of the 15th
of August were as follows : llere is inserted
the official report of proceedings as published
at the time.
Agreeably to these proceedings, the people
of the different districts did, as therein recom
mended, proceed to appoint Delegates to this
meeting at Topeka, to be holden on the said
19th day of September, 1855. Tho Delegates
so appointed did assemble at Topeka, on said
day, and proceeded to consider the subject,
and they took the following proceedings.
The official report of proceedings at the Con
vention is here set forth.
Delegates were elected agreeably to the proc
lamation so issued, and they met at Topeka
on the fourth Tuesday in October. 1-55, and
formed a Constitution, v;!.;ch was surrattf-rd to
the people, and wai ratified by ihem by vote
in the districts. An election of ot.ito oILcfjr?
and members of tbo State Legislature had
been had, and a Representative to Congress
elected, and it is -intepded to proceed to the
election of Senators, with the view to present
the same, with the Constitution, to Congress,
for admission into tho Union.
Whatever view individuals may at times, or
in meetings, have expressed, and whatever ul
timate determination may have been enter
tained, in the result of being spurned by Con
gress and refused redress, is now entirely im
material. That cannot condemn or give char
acter to the proceedings thus far pursued.
Many may have honestly believed that usur- ,
pation could make no law, and that if Con
gress made no further provisions, they were
well justified in forming a law for themselves ;
but it Is not now necessary to consider that
matter, as it is to be hoped that Congress will
not leave them to such a necessity.
Thus far, this effort of the people for redress
is peaceful, constitutional and right. Whether
it will succeed, rests with Congress to deter
mine; but clear it is, that it should not be met
and denounced as revolutionary, rebellious,
insurrectionary, or unlawful nor does it call
for or justify the exercise of any force, by
any department of this Government, to check
or control it.
It now became proper to inquire what should
be done by Congress. For it is asserted by the
President, in substance that he has the power
to correct usurpations, and that tho laws even
though made by usurped authority, must be,
by him, enforced and executed, even with mil
itary force. Tho measures of redress should
lo applied to tho truo cause of the difficulty.
This obviously lies in the repeal of the clause
for Freedom in the act ot 1820, and therefor
tho trne remedy lies in the entire repeal of the
act of 1854, which effected it. Let this be
done with frankness and magnanimity, and
Kansas be organized anew as a Free Territory,
and all will be put right. But if Congress in
sists on proceeding with the experiment, then
declare all the actions by this spurious foreign
legislative assembly utterly inoperative and
void, and direct a re-organization providing
safeguards for legal voting and against foreign
force. There Is another way, however, to put
away all this trouble there and in the nation,
without retracing steps or committing vio
lence, or bv force compelling obedience to ty
rannical laws, made by foreign force, and that
is, by admitting that Territory as a State with
her Freo Constitution.. Then, indeed, her
numbers are not such as gives her a right to
demand admission, being, as the President in
forms us, probably only about twenty-five thou
sand. The Constitution fixes no number as
necessary, and the importance of never sifting
this question will justify Congress in admit
ting this as a State at this time, especially, as
wt bate a great rasoa to bliete, if admitted
as State, and controversy en'led, It will im
mediately fill np with a numerous and success
ful population. At any rate, it seems impos
sible to believe fhat Congress is to Jeare that
people without redress, to have es forced upen
then), by the Army of-the n.iticn, tliose inaa
snres and laws of violence and oppression.
Aro they to be degrade I iTvt6iii,;isc;03
Is that a pleasant experiment to execute on
our own free people ? The true character ct
this transaction is matter of extensive notorie
ty. Its essential features arc ic? ol-Tir? ;
allow cf any successful disguise or palliaiien.
however complicated or ingenious air bo tio
itafemeni, or however special tie plea2?rr:
for that purpose. TL; case requires some qvi
eting, kind and prudent treatment by the bc3
of Congress to- do justice and satisfy th ca
tion. The people of this country are peacefcllr -
relying on Congress to provide for competcat
Jneasures of redress which they have the es-
aonoiea power to adminrster. The Attoraej
General, in the case of Arkansas, says : "Con- '
press may, at pleasure, repeal or modify
the laws passed by the Territorial Legisla
" ture, and may at any time abrogate ami t-
model the Legislature itself, and all the oth-
er departments of tho Territorial Govera
" ment."
Treating this grievance in Kansas with in-
genious excuses, with, neglect or contempt, or
riding over the oppressed with an army end
dragooning them into submission, will mako
no satisfactory termination.
Party success may at times be outwardly se
cured, by adroit devices, plausiblo pretenses,
and partisan address ; but the permanent pre
servation of this Union can be maintained on
ly by frankness and integrity.
Justice may be denied where it ought to be
granted ; power may perpetuate that vassalag
which violence and usurpation have produced ;
the subjugation of white Freemen may be ne
cessary, that African Slavery may succeed ;
but such a course must not be expected to
produce peace and satisfaction in onrccontry,
so long as the people retain any proper senti
ment cf Justice, Liberty, and Law."
Republican Landmarks.; or the Hew and
Opinions of .American Statesmen on Foreign Im
migration. By John P. Sanderson, Phila
delphia . J. B. Lippencott & Co., No. 20, N
Fourth St. Price $1,50.
The above work is largely commended by
the leading Journals of the country, and should
be found in the hands ot very man. " It is &
review of the views and opinions of American
Statesmen on Foreign Immigration, the Nat
uralization of Aliens, their tendencies and In
fluences, and the legislative action thereoa,
with a critical examination into the character
of the United States Government, and its poli
cy on these subjects. It contains forty-one
chapters, embracing one on the White and
Free Colored Population of the country tw
on Foreign Immigration and its advantages
ono on Pauperism Crime Intemperance
Juvenile Vagrancy Education two on Pau
per an! Convict Immigrtion Internal Fo
lico Power of Congress Colonial Naturaliza
tion Laws six on the United States Natcralf
zation Laws, and tho efforts to amend tbera,
one on Naturalization Frauds in the Cities
Qualifications of Electors in TerritoriesPre
Emption Rights to Fublic Lands llomcsteal
Bill Causes of Opposition to Foreigners
Mistaken Views of tho United States Govern
ment three on the Executive and Lcgislativa
branches of Government ono on the condi
tions of Eligibility to Office Term and Ten
ure of Office Qualifications of Elector Bas s
of Representation Negative Power of th
Executive Mode of Amending Constitutions
Other Safe guards Nonintervention A
merica for American Nationality Cultivation
of American Feelirgs and Se-?m;nt. The
scope ol the work i& very comprehensive, cud
it embodies a vast mas of practical dissusjion,
on all tho subjects which are discussed. It
will prove an inval juLie text book which will
become a nccc-ssity to every public man, :rd
which, we predict, will have a v,:.I-sj,rc.-Kt
circulation. A vvc'.'i lilic H baa t-cn
necue
Tho rt-li-itiormed corrcsoost
YvV!-: '::.-: ton f'-yb-s-s : "The '
-r;:o:i f-ctn
sell cflt.e
- iuec3
election in New IUrapcr.iro is by
acceptable in the Court circles. This ia-a-piciou3
bsginning damages prospects which
were cheered by a diij'crvr.t rritlclpaticn.
There is now practically demonstrated, what
w.fs Bomcwhat doubtful before, that the pres
ence and exortations of Mr. Orr and M. Cobb,
did not materially help to enlighten Nortuam
opinion, or to recall the errant Democracy,
who, in the former contest, deserted their old
allegiance. Such an indication from that
quarter is ominous, and gives some sanction
to the singular belief, so often verified, that
the political complexion of the Speakership
preceding a Presidential election, was but tho
certain precursor of An equally certain results
This is a saw of tbo Washington soolhsayerj,
who, surpassing the Roman divines, draw
their auguries without the flight of birds." :
The World Surrounded et the Stars as
Stripes. The American tonnage of this coun
try now figures up 5,400,000 tons, and will
mako up the very respectable fleet of 5,400.
ships of 1,000 tons each. And if the tonnaga
of the fleet bo figured out in Yankee clipper
or 200 tons each, and placed on the equatorial
lino around this globe, each skipper may speak
the next In line, by raising his voice a little
above th ordinary pitch on ship board, round,
the whole circumferance of the globe. .War.
would bo a terrible calamity to this immensa
fleet, and England would not fare better with,
her commercial marine ot 5,200,000 tons ; bat
little less than cur own.
The English Language. There are in the
English language 20,500 nouns, 40 pronouns,
9,200 adjectives, 8,000 verbs, 2,600 adverbs,
G9 prepositions, 19 conjunctions, 63 interjec
tions, and 2 articles in all above 40,000 words.
According to Webster's Dictionary there ar
100,000 words. .
Throttled. Although tho Democracy of
the lower Housa of our Stato Legislature did
so far yield to tho demands of tho i Jesuits as
to pass the bill for the incorporation of tho
"Franciscan Brothers" in Cambria county, tho
project Is likely to be defeated in the Senate,
the committee to which it was referred havirj
, report'! it with a negative reewnmeBdatioD.'
ll n
Si