possible to entirely suppress illicit trade
From the returns received fct the einv.y
Department it appears that more lba °. “ ;
thousand vessels have been ca P lur 't ,
the blockade was institute.!, and t ‘
value of the prizes already sent m
judication amount to over thirteen million
d °Tbe B Naval force of the United States,
consists, at this time, of
Dieted and in the course of completion,
and of these, 75 are Iron clad armored
“"eaters. The events of the war give an
increased interest and importance to the
Navy, which will probably extend beyond
the war itself. The armored vessels in
our Navy, completed and m service or
which are under contract and approaching
completion, are believed to exceed in
number, those of any other Power; but
while there may be relied upon, tor har
bor defence and sea soast survey, others
of greater strength and capacity will be
necessary for cruising purposes and to
maintain our rightful position on the
ocean.
The change that has taken place m no
val vessels and naval warfare, since the
introduction of steam as a motive power
for Bhips of war, demands either correß
ponding change in some of our existing
navy yardß, or the establishment of new
ones for the construction and necessary
repair of modern war vessels. No incon
siderable embarrassment, Qelay and public
injury have been experienced from the
want of such Government establishments.
The necessity of such a navy yard so fur
nished at some suitable place upon the At
lantic seaboard has on repeated occasions
been brought to the attention of Congress
by the Navy Department, and is again pro
senled in the report of the. Secretary which
accompanies this communication. 1 thins
it my duty to invite your special attention
to this subject, ar.d aUo to that of estab
lishing a yard and depot for naval pur
poses upon one of the A
naval foroe has been created on these in
terior waters, and under many disadvan
tages within little more than two years,
exceeding in numbers the whole naval
force of the country at the commencement
of the present Administration. Satisfac
tory and important as has been the per
formances of the heroic men of the navy
at this period they are scarcely more won
dertul than the services of our mechanics
and artizans in the production of war ves
sels, which has created a new form of ua
val power. Our country has advantages
superior to say oilier nation in our re
sources of iron and timber, with inexhaus
table quantities of fuel in the immediate
vicinity of both, and all available and in
close proximity to navigable waters with
out the advantage of public risks, fho
resources of the nation have been devel
oped and its power displayed in the con
struction of a navy of sucn magnitude, |
which has, at the very periodolitscroation,
rendered signal service to the Union.
The iocrease of the number of seamen
in the public Bervice from 7,000 men in the
spring of 1861, to about 24,000 at the pres
ent time has been accomplished without
especial legislation or extraordinary boun
ties to promote that increase. It has been
found, however, that the operations of the
draft, with high • bounties paid for army
recruits is beginning to affect injuriously
the naval service and will if not corrected,
be likely to impair its efficiency by
iog seamen from their proper vocation and
inducing them to enter the army. I there
fore respectfully suggest that Congress
might aid both the army and naval ser
vice by adequate provision on this subject
which would at the same time bo equitable
to the communities more especially in
tended.
I commend to your consideration the
suggestions of the Secretary of the Navy,
in regard to the policy of fostering Bod
rw>in4a<r flflpmwn for naval service. The
in preparing midshipmen lor 1 nimbly rea
ponsible duties, which in alter life they
will be required to perform, in order that
the country shoald not be deprived of the
proper quota of educated officers, lor
which legal provision has been made. At
the NavS Sohool the vacancies caused by
the neglect or omission to make nomina
tions from the States in insurrection, have
been filled by the Secretary of the Navy.
The school is now more full and com
plete thap at any previous period, and
in every respect entitled to the favorable
consideration of Congress.
During the past fiscal year the financial
Condition of the Post Office Department
has been one of increasing prosperity, and
I am gratified in being able to slate that
the.acconnts of postal revenue has nearly
equalled the entire expenditure, the latter
amounting to eleven million three hun
dred and fourteen thousand dollars and
eighty four cents, and the former to eleven
million one hundred and sixty-three tbons
and seven hundred and eigbty-nine dol
lars and fifty nine cents, leaving a
deficiency of but $160,417,26. In
1860, the year immediately preceding the
rebellion, the deficiency amounted to
$666,670,649, the postal receipts of that
year beiog $264,572,219 less thap those of
1868 The decrease since 1860 in the an
nosT|imonnt of transportation has been
only about 26 per cent, but the annual ex
penditares on account of the same has beeu
reduced 36percent. It is manifest, there
fore, that the Postoffice Department, may
become self sustaining in a few years, even
with the restoration of'the whole ser
vice.
The international conference of postal
delegates from tsbe principal countries of
Ehrrope and America, which was called
at the suggestion of the Postmaster -Gen
eral, met at Paris on the 11th of May
last, and concluded j:s deliberations on
the Bth of Jane, The principles estab
lished by the conference, as beet adapted
to facilitate postal mterconrse between
nations, and as the basisof future conven
tions to ioaugnrate a general eystera of
uniform international charges at reduced
rates of postage, cannot fail to produce
beneficial results.
I refei votf to the report of the Secreta
ry of the'Yfiterior, which is horewith laid
before you, f6r the useful and varied in
formation in relation to pablic lands,
Indian affairs, patents, pensions, and
oth£t matters ot pnbtic concern pertain
ing to bis Department. The Quantity of
lands disposed ot duriug the' last and the
first quarter of the present fiscal years,
was three rfiiltibn eight hundred and forty
one thousand and five hundred and forty
nine acres, tff' which‘"one hundred and
sixty-one thousand nine hundred and
eleven acr?B were sold for cash ; one mil
lion fcur hundred and fifty six thousand
five hundred and fourteen acres were takeu
up under the homestead law, and the resi
due disnosed of under laws granting lands
for military bounties, for railroads, aud
other purposes. It also appears that the
sale of the public lands is largely on the
increase. It has loDg been a cherished
opinion of some of our wisest statesmen,
that the people of the United States had a
higher and more enduring interest in the
early settlement and substantial cultivation
of the public lauds, than in the amount of
direct revenue to be derived from the sale
of them. This opinion has had a control
ling influence, shaping legislation upon
the subject of our national domain. I may
cite as an instance ot this the liberal mens
ares adopted in reference to active settlers
the grant to the Sta U-s of the overflowed
lands within their limns in order to their
being reclaimed r.od Tendered fit for cuki
vation. The grant to railroad companies
ot alternate sections ot land upon the con
templated lines of their road, when com
plr.ted, will largely multiply the facilities
of reaching our aieiant possessions. This
policy has received its most signal and be*
luficent illustration in recent enactment,
granting homesteads 10 actaal ffettlere
since the first day of January last, the
before mentioned quantity of one million
fonr hundred and fifty-six thousand five
hundred and fourteen acres of land has
been taken up under its provisions. This
fact, and the amount of sales, furnish grati
ying evidenceof the increasing settlement
THE PITTSBURGH POST: THURSDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 10, 1863.
upon the public lands, notwithstanding
the great struggle in which the energies of
the nation have jbeen engaged, and which
has required bo large b wittid raw b! ot out
citiisns from their accustomed pursuits. I
cordially concur in the recommendation
of the Secretary of the Intejciot.Buggesting
a modification of the act in favor of those
engaged in the anilitary and navaliervice
ot the United States. I doubt notthat Con
gteeswill cheerfully adopt such measures
a? will, without essentially changing the
general features of the system, secnr ? t 0
the greatest practicable extent its benent to
those who have left their homes tn the de
fence of the country in this arduous crisis.
I invite yonr attention to the views of
the Secretary of War as to the propriety
of raising, by appropriation ot legislation,
a revenue from the mineral landß ot the
United States. The measures provided
at yonr last session for the removal ot per
tain Indian tribes have been earned into
effect. Sundry treaties have been negotia
ted, which will, in due time, be Bubmited
for the constitutional action of the Senate.
They contain stipulations for extinguishing
the possessors’ rights ot the Indians to
large and valuable tracts of land. It is
probable that the effects of those treaties
will result in the establishment ot perms
nent friendly relations with such of those
tribeß as have been brought into frequent
and bloody collisions with our onllying
settlements and emigrants. The sound
policy and our imperative duty to these
wards of government demand our anxious
and constant attention to their material
well being, to their progress in the arts
of civil zation, and, above all, to that
moral training which urder blessings ot
Divine Providence will confer upon
them the elevated and sanctifying in
fluence of the hopes and consolations ot
the chrißliau faith.
I suggested in my laßt annual me Bage
the propriety of remediating our IndißD
system. Subsequent events satisfied me ot
its necessity. The details set forth in life
report of the Secretary, will evince the
urgent need for immediate legislative ac
tion. I commend the benevolence of the
institutions established or patronized by
the Government in this district to your
geuerous and fostering care.
Internal Improvement*.
The attention of Congress, during the
last session, was engaged to some extent
with a proposition for enlarging the water
communication between the Mississippi
river and the Northeastern seahoard, which
proposition, however, failed lor the time
Since then, upon a call of the greatest re
spectability, a convention has been called
at Chicago upon the same subject, a sum
mary of whose views is contained in a
morial addressed to the President and
Congress, and which I now have the honor
to lay before you.' That this interest is
one which ere long will force its own way,
I do not entertain a doubt, while it is sub
mitted entirely to your wisdom as to what
can be done now. Augmented interest is
given to this subject by the actual coni
mencement of work upon the Pacific Kail
road under auspices go favorable to its ra
pid progress and completion. Kolarg l *'!
navigation becomes a palpable need to this
great road.
I transmit the secoud annual report ot
the Commissioner of the department of
Agriculture, asking your attention to the
developments in that vital interest of the
nation. When Congress assembled a year
ago, the war had already lasted nearly
twenty months, and there had been many
conflicts on both land and sea with varying
resnlts. The rebellion had been pressed
back into reduced limits, yet, ihe tone of
public feeling and opinion at home and
abroad was not satisfactory. With other
signs, the popular elections then just past,
indicated uneasiness among ourselves,
while amid much that was cool and mena
ring, the kindest words coming from Eng
~we were too blind 1 16 SlfiTUlASeiOf -tPA? JfltAt
merce was suffering greatly by a few armed
vessels, bnilt upon and furnished from for
eign Bhores, and we were threatened with
such additions from the same quarter as
would sweep our trade from the aea, and
raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit
from European governments anything
hopeful upon this subject.
The Emancipation Proclamation,
The Emancipation Proclamation, which
was issued in September, was running its
assigned period to the beginning of the
new year. A month later the final proc
lamation came, including the announce
ment that colored men ol suitable con
dition would be received into the war
service. Tbe policy o! emancipation and
of the employment of black soldiers gaTe
to the -future a pew aspect, about-which
hope and fear aiid 'doubt contended in
uncertain conflict. According to our
political syßteni, as a matter of civil ad
ministration, the General Government had
no lawful power to effect emancipation
in any Slate, and for a long time it hed
been hoped that the rebellion conld be
suppressed without resorting to it as a
military measure. It was alt the while
deemed possible that necessity for it
might come, and that if it should, the
crisis of the contest wonld then be pre
sented. It came, and, as was intended,
it was followed by dark and donbtfnl days.
Eleven months having been passed, we
are permitted to take another review.
The rebel borders are pressed still farther
back, and by the complete opening of the
Mississippi river, the conntry dominated
over by the rebellion is divided into dis
tant parts.
Practical communication between them
and Tennessee and Arkansas, has been - o
substantially cleared of insurgents’ control
and influence, and the citizens in each,
and owners of slaves and advocates of
slavery at the beginning of the rebellion,
now declare openly for emancipation, in
their respective Sfates. Of those States
not included in the emancipation procla
mation, Maryland and Missonri, neither
of which years ago would tolerate any
restraint upon the extension of slavery
into their territories, only dispute now as
to the best mode of removing it from
within our limits.
Of those who were slaveß at the begin
ning ot the rebellion, fnlly one hundred
thousand are now in the United States
military service, about one-half of which
number actually bear armß in the ranks,
thus giving the doable advantage of taking
too much labor from the insurgent cause
and supplying the places which otherwise
must, be filled with so many while men.
So far as tested it is difficult to say that
they are not as good soldiers as any. No
Bervile insurrection or tendency to vio
lence or cruelty, has marked the meas
ures of emancipation and arming the
blacks. These measures have been much i
discussed in foreign countries and con
temporary with snch discussion, the tone
of public sentiment there is mnch im
proved. At home, the same measures
have been fully discussed, supported,
criticised and denounced, and the annual
elections following are highly enconrag-1
ing to those whose special duty it is to
bear the country through this great trial.
Thus we have the reckoning : the crisis
which threatened to divide the friends of
the Union is past.
A Reconstruction Proclamation.
Looking now to the present and future
and with reference to a resumption of the
national authority within the States where
in that authority has been suspended, I
have thought fit to lßsne a proclamation,
a copy of which is herewith transmitted.
On examination of this proclamation, it
will appear, as iB believed, amply justified
by the Constitution. True, the form of
an oath is given, bat no man is coerced to
take it. A man is only promised a pardon
in case be voluntarily lakes the bath. The
Constitution authorizes the Executive to
grant’it oh terms as is fully established bv
judicial and other authorities. It is also
proffered that if many of the Btates named
a Seat of Government, it shall be in the
mode prescribed set up.- - Bncb govern
ment shall be recognized and guaranteed
by the United States, and that under it the
Slate bliall, on subscribing to the cousti
tutional conditions, be protected against
invasions and domestic viatenCß.
The constitutional obligation ot the
United Btat.es to guarantee to every State
in the Union a republican form Gov*
eminent, and to protect the State in the
case as stated, is explicit and full, bnt why
tender the beuefita of this provisions only
to a Suite Government set np in this par
ticular way ? This section of the Consti
tution contemplates a case wherein the ele
ment within a State favorable to a repub
lican Government in theUnionmay be too
I feeble for an opposite and hostile element
I external to ana even within the State ;
and such are precisely the cases with
which we are now dealing. An attempt
to guarantee and protect a revised state of
Government constructed in whole or in
preponderating part from the very element
against whose hostility and violence it is
to be protected \b Bimply absurd. There
must be a test by which to Beparsfte op
posing elements so as to build only from
ihe sound, and that test is a sufficient and
liberal one, which accepts aB sound who
ever will make a sworn recantation of his
former unsoundnesa.
Bat if it be proper to require a teat of
admission to the political body an oath of
allegiance to the Constitution of the
United States and to the Union under it,
why not also to the laws and proclamation
in regard to slavery. Those laws and
proclamations were enacted and put ferth
for the purpose of aiding in the suppres
sion of the rebellion. To give them the
I fullest effect there had to be a pledge for
'their maintenance. In my judgement
. they have aided and will further aid the
cause for which they were enlisted. To
givo up this principle would be not ouly
to relinquish a lever of power, but would
also be a cruel and astounding breach of
faith. ,
1 may add, at this point, that while 1
remain in my present position, 1 shall
not attempt to retract or modify the
Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I
return to slavery any person who is made
free by the term* ot the Proclamation, or j
iby any act of Uougreßa. Kor these and
I other reason? it. is thought best that the
support ot these persons shall be included
in the oath, and it is believed the Execu
tive may lawfully claim it in return for
pardon and restoration of projected rights,
which he has clear constitutional power to
withhold altogether, or grants upon the |
terms which he shall deem wisest tor the
public interest.
It should be observed also that this
part of the oath is subject to the modify
ing and abrogating power of legislation
and Kapreme Judicial decision. The pro
posed acquiescence of the National Ex
ecutive, in any honorable temporary
State arrangement tor the Ireed people,
is made witu the xiew of possibly modi
fying the confusion and distressed desti
tution which must at best attend all clues
I ea by a total revolution of labor through
|out the whole Stales. It is hoped that
the already deeply attiicled people ir
those States may be somewhat more
ready to give up the cause of their affliction;
and io this extent this vital matter is left
to themselves ; while no power of the
Natioual Executive to prevent an abuhe
is abridged by tins proposition.
The Flan of < on»tracUon.
The suggestion in the proilamation ns
to maintaining the political framework of
the Slates, on what is called reconstruction,
is made in the hope that it may uo good
without harm. it will favor labor nud
avoid great confusion. Hat why any pi oc
lamation now upon this eubiectV 'ibis
question is beset with the conflicting views
that the step might be delayed too long or
betaken too soon. In some states elements
for resumption have been ready for action,
but rrmun inactive apparently for want of
rallying point, or plan of action. Why
shall A adopt the plan of B. rather than
how can they ’know
government here will respect their plun
By the proclamation, a plan is presented
which may be accepted by them as a
rallying point, and which they are assured
in advance, will not be rejected here. Ibis
may briag them to act sooner than they
otherwise would.
The objection lo a premature presenta
tion of a plan by the National Hxecut>ve
consists in the danger <A com no Hunt* in
points which could be more sab-ly h-ft to
farther developments. Care has been
taken to so «hap« the document as to
avoid embarrassment from this source.
In snyiug that on certain terms, certain
classes will be pardoned with their rights
restored, it is not said that other classes
on other terms, will never be included. In
saying 1 1 at a reconstruction will be accept
ed it presented in a specified way, it is not
►.aid that it will never he accepted in any
other way. The movements by State ac
tious tor emancipation in several of the
States not included in the emancipation
proclamation, are matters of profound
gratnlation, and while I do not repeat m
detail what I have heretofore so earnestly
urged upon this Bubject, my general views
and feelings remain unchanged, and I
rust that Congress will omit no fair oppor
uni’y of aiding these important steps to
he great consummation.
The War Power—Onr Hellacice.
In the midst of other cares, however
important, we must not lose sight of the
fact that the war power is still '.■nr main
reliance. To that power alone can wo
look yet for a lime to give coutidunci- io
the people in contested regions that the
insurgent power will not again oveiTuu
them. Until that confidence shall he
established little can be done anywhere for
what is called reconstruction, Hence our
chiefest care mast still be directed to our
army and navy who have thus far borne
their harder part so nobly and so well,
and it rnay bo esteemed fortunate that in
giving the greatest efficiency to their indin
pensable arms we do also honorably en
courage gallant men, from commander to
sentinel, who compose them, and to whom
more thau to all others the world must
stand indebted for the home of freedom
disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged and
perpetuated.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
December 8, 1863.
Proclamation Accompany lug the Mea
The following proclamation is append
ed to the message: Proclamation. —
Whereas, on and by the Constitution of
the United States, it is provided that the
President shall have power to grant re
prieves aud pardons for offences against
the United States, except iu cases of im
peachmeni ; -and whereas, a rebellion now
exists whereby the loyal Stateß and gov
ernments of several States have for a long
time been subverted, aod many persona
have committed and are now guilty of
treason against the United Sta'ea. Aud
whereas, with reference to said rebellion
and treason, laws have beeu enacted by
Congress declaring the forfeiture and con
fiscation of property, and liberation of
slaves, all upon terms and conditions
therein stated, and also declaring that the
President was thereby authorized, at any
time thereafter, by proclamation, to ex
tend to persons who may have participa
ted in the existing rebellion—in any State
or part thereof —pardon and amnesty,
with such exceptions, and at such terms
and on such conditions as he may deem
expedient for the public welfare.
And whereas the congressional declara
tion for limited and conditional pardon
accords with well established judicial ex
positions of the pardoning power, and
whereas with reference to said rebellion
the President of the United States has is
sued several proclamations, with pro vis
ions in regard to the liberation ot slaves,
and whereas, it is now desired by some
persons heretofore engaged in said rebel
lion to resume, their allegiance to the
United g&tesi. 'and, rd inaugurate. loyal
State governments within ana for their re
epective- States.
Therefore.l, Abraham Lincoln, Presi
dent of the United States, do proclaim,
on »’< : ii.f ii:!w s ; known to till perrons
win) haw mi *fc*Lly, or by implication, } ar*
ticipated in the-existiog rebellion, except
as hereinafter excepted, that a fall pardon
is granted to them and each of them, with
I restoration ot all rights, if third parties
| Bhall have intervened,end upon the condi
tion that every such persons shall take
and subscribe an oath, and thenceforward
keep and maintain said oath inviolate, and
which oath shall be registered for perma
nen* preservation, and shall be of the
tenor and effect following, to wit:
I do solemnly swear in the presence of
, Almighty God, that I will henceforth faith-
I folly sapport, protect and defend the Con
stitution of the United States, and the
Union of States thereunder, and that I
will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully
support all acts of Congress during the
existing rebellion with leference to slaves,
so long and fo far as uot repealed,
modified or held void by Congress or by
decision of the Sopreme Court, and that I
will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully
snpportall proclamations ofthe President,
made during tue existing rebellion,
having reference to slaves so long and so
far as not modified or declared void by
f decision of the Supremo Court, so help
me God.
The persons excepted from the benefits
of the’doregoiug provisions, are all who are
or shall have been civil or diplomatic offi
cers or agents of the so called Confederate
Goeernment ; all who have left judicial
stations under the United States to aid the
rebellion ; all who are or shall have been
military or naval officers of the rank ol
Colonel in the army, or Lieuteuant in the
navy ; all who left seats in the United
States Congress to aid in the rebellion ;
all who resigned their commissions in the
army and navy ot the United States and
afterwards aided the rebellion, and all
who have engaged in any way in treating
colored persons or white persons iu charge
of such, otherwise than lawfully as
prisoners of war, and which persoas may
be found in the United States service as
soldiers, seamen, or in any other capacity.
And I do further proclaim, declare and
I make known, thai whenever in any of the
States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Geor
gia, Florida, South Carolina and North
Carolina, a number of persons, not less
than one tenth of the number of the votes
cast iu such State at the Presidential elec
tiou ot the year of our Lord IHuU, each
baviug takeu the oath aforesaid, and uot
having since violated it, and being a qual
ified voter by the election laws ot the
Slate, existing immediately before the so
called act of secession, and excluding all
others, shall be established a Slate Gov
ernment, which shall be Republican, and.
in no wise contravening said oath. Such
shall be recognized as the true govern ,
ment of the State, and the State shall re ,
c.eive thereunder the benefits of ihe Con 1
Btitutional provision which declares that ;
the United States shall guarantee to every
State iu this Union a republican form of
government, and shall protect each ot
them against invasion, and on application
of the Legislature, or the Executive when
the Legislature cannot be convened,
against domestic violence.
Aud 1 do turiher proclaim, declare and
make known that any provision which may
be adopted by snch State Government iu
relation to the freed people of such State
which shall recognize and declare thtir
permanent freedom and provide for iheir
education, and which may yet be consis
tent as a temporary arrangement with their
ipreaeut condition as a laboring, landless
and homeless class, will cot be c»jbooted to
by the National Executive
And it is suggested as not improper that
in constructing a loyal State government
ia any Slate, the name of the boundary,
the subdivision, the Constitution, and the l
Federal code ot laws, as belore the rebel
lion, be maintained, subject only to mod
ifications made necess&ry by the condition*
• • ■■ • -»' J _. V. -, l , <
any, uot contravening taid
which may be deemed expedient by those
framing the new State government.
To avoid misunderstanding it maybe
proper to say that this proclamation, so
far as it relates to State governments, has
no reference to Slates wherein loyal State
governments have all the while been
maintained. And for the same reason it
may be proper to further say that wheth
er members sent to Congress from any
Slate Khali be admitted to seals, constilu
tionally rests exclusiuely with the respect
: ive LI oust'd, and not to any extent with
the Executive. And still further, that this
proclamation ia inleuded to preseul to the
people ot the Slates wherein the ua
lior.al authority has been suspended
ar»d loyal Slate governments have been
subvened, u mode by which the na
national authority over every loyal State
government may be established wuhin
said Stales or any ol them. And while
the mode presented is the best the Execu
tive can suggest with his present impres
sions, it must not be understood that an
other possible mode would not bo accept
able.
Given under my hand, at the City of
Washington, the Bth day of December, A
D , one thousand eight hundred and sixty
three, and of the independence o! the
United Slates of America, the eighty
t-1 gh i h.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
By the President :
W m. H. Seward, Secretary of State.
OLAtUIK—At Ureensburg, Ha., on Tuesday,
Doccernbor. Hth at 2 < ’clock p. m , Isakki.l* A.
wife oi JaiurHt'. Clarke, esq., ax«i 33 3 oars. 5
meinha nod 7 dajs.
Funeral this afternoon, at 2 o’clock.
ZUU—Un Wednesday morning, Dooember yth,
at Oakland, Eliza, wife of Christopher Zug in
tbe v.d year ot barege.
Notice of funeral in Friday morning papers.
BLOOtt-SEAHCHER.
18. MYSIK'g L\mm BLOOD SKABCBEB
For sa'e by
KIM ON JO.HNKTON,
Corner of Sinithfield and Fourth streets,
4&~one “ J. M Fulton,” by his advertisement
seems.to consider himielf. or it may be rather
wishes to create the impression that he is "whole
sale and retail agent” tor this medicine, To
those wt>o know him it is unnecessary to say a
wind, but to others I wish to say that / hold “Dr ”
Lindsey's oxulunve appointment, having yet over
eight years olunexpired time to run.—still tbe
publication may boot lens importance to me than
to the newspaper owners. 8. J.
deB
j^-HAtiANg
Magnolia Balm.
This is the most delightful ard extraordinary
articl* ev*r discovered. It ohanges tbe NUN
bUBNT FACE AND HANDS to a PEARLY
SATIN TEXTURE of ravishing beauty, impart
ing the marble purity or youth and the dirt%npue
appearance so inviting in the city belie of fashion.
It removes
TAN, FRECKLES, PIMPLES,
ROUOHNESB FROM THJ3 BKIN,
Leaving the complexion Fresh, Transparent aid
Smooth. It c ontains no material mjui ions to the
skin. Patronized by Accesses and Opera Singers.
It is what ovory lady should have.
At Joseph Fleming’s Drug Store.
At Joseph Fleming’s Drug Store,
At Joseph Fleming’s Drug Store,
Corner of tho Diamond and Market street.
Corner ol the Diamond and Market street.
Corner of the Diamond and Market street.
J. M. 00 RN WELL.
<t KERB.
CARRIAGE MANUFACTURERS,
SILVER A BRASS PLATERB,
And manufacturers of
Saddlery A Carriage Hardware,
No. 1 St Clair street ani DoquMno Way.
(near tbe Bridie.)
DAIiT dost.
PITTSBURGH s
THURSDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1863
THE PRESIDENT’S HEBBAGE,
vVe publish this document entire, in this
dny’fl paper ; it arrived so late that we had
no opportunity to carefully consider Rb
contents ; its principle points, however,
have become familiar to our readers. The
inevitable negro looms upabove everything
GENERAL NEWS,
Jons C. Breckinridge is not dead,
Southern Italy grew 80,000 bales of cot
>n this year.
The railroad Irack from Acquia Creek
to Falmouth is iu perfect order.
Maj. Gen. Grant has captured since the
war tour hundred and seventy- two cannon
and ninety thonsand prisoners.
rebels have crossed the Rapidan,
and taken possession of their old stations
on the north bank of .hat river.
Lee is preparing to go into winter quar
ters on the south bank of the Rapidan,
The rebels have two regiments of infantry
at Fredericksburg.
Trouble witbHhe Indians on thebaokßof
the Yellowstone River is expected. They
I are determined that the whites shall not
explore or occupy it.
Longstrket raised the siege of Knox
ville on the 4th. Sherman arrived there
ion the 3d. Foster’s cavalry ■ followed
I him.
The emigrants who have arrived at New
York since .January Ist number 146,619.
The number last year to the correspond
ing date was 69,499,
! Gen. W. D. Whipple has succeeded
Major General Betnoi.ds as Grant's chief
of staff. Gen. Reynolds takes command
I of the troops at New Orleans,
j On the arrival athia borne in Providencej
lof Senator Sprague and his bride, on
I Wednesday, they were welcomed with a
I salvo of artillery.
I New York city is thinking of establish-
I ing zoological gardens, like the European
I cities—Pariß, London, Hamburg, and
I others.
General Thomas Francis Meagher baa
been captured by the rebels while on a vi-
sit to the army at Mine Run daring the late
engagement. He wa3 in citixen a clothes
at the time.
A bHt has been introduced into the Mis
souri Legislature to Bell out tbe Pacific
Railroad to John C. Fremont and others
for seven million dollars, payable in Btate
I bonds.
The miners at Broad Top, Pa., who
have been on a strike for the last two
months, have resumed work at all the col
leries bat two or three on the terms offer
ed by the operators.
Navigation on the Mississippi and llli*
noisrivers, north of gaincy and Meredo
gia, has been closed. The Illinois river
is completely frozen over at the latter
place.
Thirty slave-holder of Tennessee it is
said, have sent resolutions up to Washing
ton expressing themselves in favor of
emancipation in that State without com—
,pensatTOu.
Gov. Seymour and the Secretary of \Var
have agreed upon a commission to ascer
tain into the disappropriate enrollment in
the several Congressional districts of the
State.
It is believed that it an attack hud been
made by the Potomac Army upon tho reb
els at M>ne Run. it would have been crown
ed with huccess. It ie reported that char
<jt .j will 1m made against one or two corps
commanders iu this connection
Following is the vote fir Speaker ot the
House of Representatives •
Mr. Colfax 401 j Mr. Slebbin*
Mr Cox. -• 42 I Mr. King..--. ••
Mr. Uawtion 12 j Mr K, P. Blair
Mr Mallory lu 1 Mr. istiles
Number of votes oast lbl
Necessary to a choice
General Bragg telegraphs from DaltOD
Ga., that the Federal a have fallen back
across the Chickamauga, destroying every
thing on thr-ir route, including railroad
t r ..; k j.nd bridges. Bkagu claims that the
; LViir-iui loss was heavy iu attack on
thi Confederate rear guard.
Fi huds to the extent of a million of dol
lars have been discovered in furnishing
supplies to the Army of the Potomac.
Several officers charged with being enga
ged in it have been arrested by order of the
Secretary of War. Other vast frauds are
hinted at m which high officers are impli
cated. The Government was cheated out
of twenty ceuts a bushel on oata and corn.
Great frauds m the purchase of lumber
have been brought to light.
Most have Stamps Attached. — Land
warrants &re constantly received at the
General Land Office, tor the issue of
patents, without the necessary revenue
stamps having been attached, causing
vexatious delays and annoyance. The
interual revenue law requires, to give
validity to uti assignment of a land war
rant, that a live cent stamp shall be ap
pended to the assignment, and the same
to each certificate of a magistrate.
The Catholic Archbishop of Toam, Ire
land, writing to the chancellor of the En
glish exchequer on the subject of the
Irish exodus to America, a.iys: “It is
in vaiu, then, that landlords, now chang
ing their tone, beseech their tenantry to
stay , it is in vain that the obsequious
scribes of a government which so long
treated them with cruelty implore them
not to go. Their resolve appears deter
mined as long as their jnst claims are so
mercilessly unheeded. And hence the
cool and stern indifference with which
they leave a land that has lost for them
the endearing character of a parent, and
with it all the sacred attractions and
security of home. ’ —
THE FUTURE OF Si AVERY
In our issue of the 26th ultimo, we pub
lished an editorial upon the future of Bla
very in the United States, of which the
following is the opening paragraph, and
which is also indicative of the entire ar
ticle:
.gAM’L. kerb
“Independent of the moral of the exis
tence of slavery, it would have been a
blessing to our people had the institution
never existed among us ; and it will be a
day of thanksgiving and rejoicing when
we hear of its final extinction in the
United States. We are not prompted to
these reflections, because of the horrible,
pictures painted of the enormities of sift*,
very, by the frenzied imaginations of Abo
Htionists ; bad as slavery unquestionably
is—in its mildest form— rita.'woisl phases
have never reached the depths of aegrar
dation and guilt attributed to them by our
PITTSBURGH.
Northern fanatical declairoers.
eutire slave the fitantuphtted
tor emancipation, weiffiotlld balgtod to see
them all free to morrowt-iAs
to see some Bcheme of gradual emSJHJiph'
tion adopted, by which {lie wili
speedily die oat and be Oar
principal reason for this is, that.it will re*
move a question of agitation and Conten
tion, which will never be allowed to test,
so- long as there is a slave within onr
country for canting political hypocrites
and hollow-hearted pretenders to whine
about.”
Oq Thursday we penned the following,
in relation to the late letter of Smith
O'Brien to Gen. Meagher:
1 ‘ The bloody teachings of Abolitionisne
produced our present National troubles,
and their continuance is likely to prevent
these troubles from coming to a speedy
termination. Abolitionism declares that
slavery was the cause of the war , and thatti
consequently, we can nave no peace until
slavery is destroyed .. This is now their
programme, a fact that appears quite in
comprehensible to Mr. Smith O’Brien*”
The Pittsbnrgh Gazette copies the arti
cles in question, and appears to detect
wonderful inconsistency in their senti
ments j our neighbor will pardon us when
we declare onr inability to perceive its!
sharpness. We again repeat the sentimental
ot both onr articles. It would nnqu6ationa-!
bly have been a blessing to the people of
onr country, had there never been a slave
amongst ns ; but the institution being here,
not b y the action of the present or the past
generation, OHr business is to deal with it
sen sibly and not like fanatics. We should
like to see the Southern States adopt some
system of gradual emancipation, snch as
Pennsylvania did, and in this we should
like to Bee them consult their own and
the Blares’ interest, without the interfer
ence of n orthern, cutting hypocritical
pretenders. We Bhoold like to see them
let their young bondmen free, at a certain
age, and be compelled to snpport their j
old ones when they became nnable to help I
themselves. This was the idea of many
leading statesmen, in the Southern States,
long after the formation of onr govern
pient, and we firmly believe that had it not
been for the in temperate aßd impertinent
interference of New England with
Booth, after Bhe had Bold her own Blaves,
Virginia thirty years ago would have pass
ed an act of gradual emancipation.
This brings us to the consideration of I
our second article. The blood f and bru-1
ial teachings of Abolitionism, against sla
very, unquestionably did bring about onr
present civil war. That slavery was in
one sense the cause of onr troubles is un
doubtedly true ; but so is the fact of a
man’s having money in his pocket, the]
cause why he is sometimes robbed of it.
On the same principle we can account for
many outrages. The Catholic religion
was the cause of many of its churches be
ing destroyed in 1844 ; and bo was the ac
cident of men's nativity the cause of mid
night, oath bound political -associations,
ten years after.
As to the question of slavery in the fu
ture we leave it with those who are res
ponsible for it, and who are blessed or
cnrsed by its existence amongst them.
Our philanthropy can find sufficient scope,
for its exercise right here, at home, and
in a practical way, without crazy, passion
ate and unavailing whining over oppression
at a distance. Should the Southern States
take steps to get rid of slavery, we should
rejoice at it ; and one of onr principal
reasons (or rejoicing would he, because it
would remove'a question which has been
nßed by heartless demagogues, until itsag-'
itation has resulted in a devastating civil
The Abolition War Policy.
In IX6(.', fsayg the New York World,)
Southern States alleged that their sister
tree SLates, having a numerical majority!
had determined to govern them npon a
subject they had not agreed to be governed
upou—slavery, and therefore seceded from
the Union. The evidence of this deler
mination they found in the eleotion of Mr.
Lincoln. The free States were at that time
divided into two classes of thinkers, one
of which held that a numerical majority
had a right to govern on any subject
They were the Republicans. The other
class held that the subjects of Government
were few andjwell defined, and that slavery
was not one of them. They were the De
mocracy. But while the Democracy agreed
with the South upon the objects of the gen
eral Government, they denied that the
election of Mr. Lincoln was evidence of an
attempt or determination of the free States
t o usurp a power not given to them by the
bargain, from which only any rights over
some States accrued to other States. They
differed from the Republicans aB to the
low, and from the Southern States as to
the fact.
The war broke out. It was ostensibly
and could bo honestly for no other purpose
than to compel obedience to the Con
stitulion ; in other words, to compel adhe
sion to a contract. As such, its condnat
was the most simple, plain, and natural
thing in the world. It was just as plain aB
the course of a sheriff 1 s officer to arreßt an
offender. Now, if a sheriff's oMcer with
his warrant, in pursuit, on entering prem
ises, commenced by killing cows, pocket
ing the spoons, threatening the women,
breaking the plows, firing the barns, would
the offender be as likely to submit without
a fight as if he did nothing of the sort ?
Probably not; and yet that is just pre
cisely the theory upon which this admin
istration has acted. Its admirers and ad
herents say to the Democrats: “Do yon
believe in killing the cows?” “No.”
"You are a Southern symynthirer.” “Do
you believe in pocketing the spoons?”
“No.” “You are a secessionist.” “Do
you believe in breaking the plows and fir
ing the barns ?” “No,” you are a Cop
perhead.” “Do you agree that the Pres
ident in time of war is supreme dictator
North and South?” “No.” “You are
a traitor. ’ ’ This war is alleged to be for
the Constitution —so the pepole believed
and still believe —and if it had been only
for the Constitution it would have been
triumphantly ended long ago. Bnt the
administration supplied to the Southern
disunionists the proof which was wanting
to their case. There was a powerful mi
nority in the South who stood upon the
same platform as the Democracy of the
North. Mr. A. H. Stephens may betak
en as the representative man of that class.
He insisted, like the Democracy, open the
want of proof. Thatp oof the adminigtra
tion has furnished to his heart’s content.
It hue changed the whole character of the
war. The Republicans would uo longer
fight for tiie Constitution of the United
Statiijfifor%|y do not wish the North to
have a Cdijstitution. They fight no*
only to frefiiaves, who never asked the
boon of irejiidom. They go for fighting
now to oompel the adoption by South
Carolina of Massachusetts notions. The
Democracy adhered to its first and only
proper object,the restoration of the Union.
( The Baltimore Kyilah,
Itiappears tiiaj some geutlemen-of till
timore have been sent Sontii because they
refused to take the” oath of allegiance.
1 homes Jefferson, if alive, would folio*'
them. The usual oath which every officer
took was to support the Constitution. That
however, did not seem sufficient to the
wisdom of the last Congress and to the
heaven-born intelligence of the Republican
party. A new oath was devised, which
the Tribune thinks no loyal naan in the is
times can object to take. If this is a gov-
ernment of principles, time and place have
no effect. If it is not, then we have been
wasting a great deal of blood and a great
deal of money.
“The Constitution, and all lawß of the
“United States which shall be made in
"pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme
“law of the land.”
That is the extent of authority in the ru
lers, and of the duty of obedience in the
individual. That forms the limit of any
oath which Congress, or any other Jmwer
may lawinliy impose. What bursare in
parensnce of (be Constitnlion, is manifest
ly a question for conrls. As to the judi
eiary is part of the government, an appeal
to it is simply an appeal from one branch
oi the government to another.
The notion that Congress can prescribe
something to be done by a voter before he
can exercise the functions of the citizen
of a State at an election is something, s'o
monstrous that it seems difficnlt to imag
ine an Ameriean seriously justifying it >
but that a man should be punished for not
exercising the functions of a citizen at an
election, upon those conditiors, is ah in
terference with individual freedom hardly
dreamed of in Russia. A man in some
countries may be punished for wearing a
cockade of some peculiar color ; but to be
punished for not wearing one of some other
color, is beyond the severities of the Aus
trian police. When Mr. Lincoln wrote of
the “treason of silence’’ it was laughed at
as a blunder, or kindly regarded as a bold
:fignre of speech. But it really means
something, as the Baltimore exiles know.
We are not at all surprised at these things.
The theory of the Republican parly leads
directly to them, and cannot lead else
where. It must, by an inevitable logic,
end in despotism. Its starting point is,
the denial of law as the balance-wheel of
| Government Its theory is, that passion
has the right to rule supreme. Whet can
its possession of power lead to but farther
disorganization and total rnin?
If the reasoning faculties of the Amer
ican people were not held in abeyance du
ring the war, the consciousness of the fatal
necessity we have indicated would come to
all; but so long as passion rages, the rule
of passion seems not unwise, nor unnatu
ral. The chastening of adversity has not
yet been felt; but it is approaching with
rapid steps, and its projecting shadow is
even now visible. World.
Borina Sentiments,
There is a healthy tone in the subjoined
article from the Louisville (Ky.) Jour
nal :
“It is a consoling and even cheering re
flection that the radicals of the country
would not bo großßly calumniate the con
servatives but for dread of conservatism.
Between radicalism and conservatism on
the naked issue of their respective claims,
radicalism would Btand no eartbly chance
before the people. This the radicals well
knew. Hence they deem it necessary to
obscure the issue, which they endeavor
to accomplish through immeasurable ca
lumny. ‘Hypocrisy,’ says Rocheloucanld,
is a sort of homage that vice pays to
virtue.' We may fitly adapt this Baying
to the subject in hand.' Calumny is a sort
of homage that radicalism pays to con
servatism.
‘ ‘lt is indeed hard to conceive how any
rational and patriotic man can give his
voice and influence to swell the deadly
power of radicalism. Can any such man
doubt that the only salvation of oar coun
try is by the union of the American peo
ple around the conservative standard ? It
is universally conceded, as a contempo
rary says, that nnion at the North is ne
cessary to success. What is success ? W e
answer : Peace and the restored power ot
the Constitution and Union. This is
complete success. ’'Why is there a divis
ion at the North ? Becanße the radical
party boldly proclaim their intentioh to
oppose the restoration of peace under the
old Union, or any nnion with slavehold
ing States. They assert that there can
be no peace with slavery.
“On the other hand, the Conservative
party believe that a simple, steadfast ad
herence to the Constitution will give ns
peace, and, what we want, the Union.
On which platform is it easier to unite ?
On which is success more likely to ha
achieved ? The radical platform requires
os to abandon the Constitntion, abandon
the principles of concession ahd'com
promisa, on which onr very Government
rests, and go into a crusade for the esti b
lishment of a new Union, a new Govern
ment, an unknown etmetnee existing c Iv
in the dreams of enthusiasts, to be foupded
on the ruins of the best and noblest strnc
tnre which was ever erected by human
hands. The other platform, the conserv
ative idea, proposes to save the old struc
ture in all its glory, marred somewhat by
this terrible experience through which it
will have passed, but substantially the
same Union of which Washington and hU
companions wete the founders. On this
platform every patriotic American can
stand, onghtto stand, must stand, if wo
would win that success for which we
strive.
‘ ‘The wild folly which for more than a
year was permitted to cry ‘treason.trea
son,’ at every voice raised tor the Consti
tntion, has been hushed. The accusation
of disloyalty hurled at the men who stood
firm for the old Union has recoiled on.
those who were insidiously plotting to
destroy it. The eyes of the whole country
are now fixed on conservative men for
help, advice, guidance. Ail confidence
in radical men and radical measures is
gone. They are known to be otter failures.
They have sacrificed too. much of blood
and treasnr? The people are becoming
pf one mind What an intense relief would
the whole country feel to-day if H were
known that Borne trusty conservative were
to be President of the United States by
constitutional succession to-morrow 1
Acting under the advice Of such men, the
people will preserve the present Adminis
tration in power, patiently bearing with
its infirmities, protesting firmly against its
errors, and rn the .right time wifi restore
the Constitntion to conservative protec
tion. 1 ‘ Then 'will begin again the story of
American greatness,”,.
MMBaaay
«> ftfals vowderM* Grin. u&CttiM.
Jut weired and for nUeby
ace