10
HUGHES CHARGES WILSON WITH SERIES OF MEXICAN BLUNDERS;
HIS CONSTRUCTIVE POLICIES INCLUDE SUFFRAGE AND NATIONAL BUDGET
President Precipitated Vera Cruz Trouble, Attempted to
Control Mexican Politics, Patronized Villa and Left
Country to Ravages of Revolution, Candidate Asserts
[Continued From First Page]
expeditions into Mexico as "the
height of folly."
Mr. Hftghes' reference to the sinking
of the Lusitania and his direct charge
that it resulted from the failure of
this government to convince foreign
nations that the words "strict account
ability" meant what they said brought
the most prolonged applause of the
evening. The only rival to this demon
stration came when he declared that
he favored woman's suffrage and be
lieved that the granting of universal
suffrage should not be delayed because
It would intensify a feminist move
ment which would subvert normal is
sues.
Mr. Hughes assailed the administra
tion for the course it has pursued with
reference to Mexico, maintained of
American rights during the European
war, preparedness and other great
questions of the day. He decided for
a new policy of "firmness and consis
tency" toward Mexico, for "the un
flinching maintenance of all American
rights on land and sea." and for "ade
quate national defense; adequate pro
tection on both our western and east
ern coasts."
The nominee assailed the adminis
tration for its "direction of diplomatic
intercourse" for the beginning, declar
ing that where there should have been
conspicuous strength and expertness
there had been weakness and inexpert
ness. He cited San Domingo as an in
stance where appointments had gone
to "deserving Democrats" and to the
failure to continue Ambassador Her
rick at his post in Paris after the war
had started as "a lamentable sacrifice
of international repute."
"I indorse the declaration in the
platform in favor of woman suff
rage," Mr. Hughes declared. And he
added: "Opposition mav delay, biit.
In my judgment, cannot defeat this
movement. * * * I favor the vote
for wwmen."
Long Reference to >lOllOO
One-fourth of the speech was de
voted to Mexico. Step after step taken
by the administration with reference
to Mexico was assailed, from tlu day*
•©f Huerta to the note sent the de facto
government by the State Department
June 20 last, part of which was quoted
In the speech. The seizure of Vera
Cruz, the nominee said, "was war, of
course."
Brave Words in Notes
Safeguarding American rights
ebroad had not been accomplished. Mr.
Hughes said, by the administration.
TThere had been "brave words in a se
ries of notes," but "what does it avail
.to use some of the strongest words
known to diplomacy if ambassadors
can receive the impression that the
words are not to be taken seriously?"
The nominee reiterated his declara
tion that had this government left 110
doubt that it meant to hold Germany
to "strict accountability" there would
have been no loss of life on the Lusl
tania.
Discussing preparedness, Mr.Hughes
said it was apparent that the United
States was "shockingly unprepared."
Of the present prosperity Mr.
Hughes said: "We are living in a
fool's paradise." It Is, he said, a pros
perity brought about by the abnormal
conditions of war. For the protection
of the industries and workingmen of
the United States, against the competi
tion of "an energized Europe." Mr.
Hughes said it was plain that "we
must have protective, upbuilding poli
cies." Other measures, too. should be
applied, he said, notably the upbuild
ing of a merchant marine.
"To make peace lasting and effec
tive when the present war shall end,"
Mr. Hughest advocated the formation
of an international tribunal to dispose
of controversies of a justifiable sort,
hacked by the co-operation of the na
tions to prevent war before peaceful
methods of adjustment end.
Mr. Hughes also declared for the
"conservation of the just interests of
labor," for conservation of national
resources and for a national budget.
"Our opponents promised economy,
but they have shown a reckless extrav
agance. It is time we had fiscal re
form."
Mr. Hughes closed with an indorse
ment of the Republican platform
adopted by the National convention
and a formal acceptance of the nomi
nation.
Cheered Several Minutes
The large audience which crowded
Carnegie Hall to capacity cheered for
several minutes when Mr. Hughes ap
peared, shortly after 8 o'clock.
The nominee, recognizing Theodore
Roosevelt in one of the boxes waved to
him and Colonel Roosevelt clapped his
hands in acknowledgment.
Senator Harding, of Ohio, chairman
of the Notification Committee, was
cheered at every reference to the name
of the nominee and a Republican vic
tory in November. When he had fin,
lshed the band played and the crowd
arose and cheered again.
Mr. Hughes was frequently Inter
rupted by laughter and applause.
After delivering his speech, he was
host at a reception to the Notification
Committee and the invited guests to
the notification ceremony.
Text of.Speech
Senator Harding, members of the
notification committee and fellow-citi-
Eens
This occasion is more than a mere
ceremony of notification. We are not
here to indulge in formal expression.
We come to state in a plain and direct
manner our faith, our purpose and our
pledge. This representative gathering
is a happy augury. It means the
strength of reunion. It means that
the party of Lincoln is restored, alert,
effective. It means the unity of a com
mon perception of paramount national
needs. It means that we are neither
deceived nor benumbed by abnormal
conditions.
We know that we are in a critical
period, perhaps more critical than any
period since the civil war. We need a
dominant sense of national unity; the
exercise of our best constructive pow
ers; the vigor and resourcefulness of
% quickened America. We Gestre that
the Republican party as a great liberal
party shall be the agency of national
achievement, the organ of tne effective
expression of dominant Americanism.
What do I mean by that? I mean
America conscious of power, awake to
obligation, erect In self-respect, pre
pared for every emergency, aevoted to
the ideals of peace. Instinct with the
spirit of human brotherhood, safe
guarding both individual opportunity
and the public interest, maintaining
a well-ordered constitutional system
adapted to local self-government with
out the sacrifice of essential national
authority, appreciating the necessity
of stability, expert knowledge and
thorough organization as the indis
pensable conditions of security and
progress: a country loved by its citi
lens with a patriotic fervor permitting
Bo division In their allegiance and no
rivals in their aftectlon—l mean Am
erica first and America efficient. It Is
In this spirit that I respons to your
summons.
Foreign Rotations in Weak Hands
Our foreign relations have assumed
grave importance in the Tast three
fears. The conduct of diplomatic in
tercourse is in the keeping of tne ex-
TUESDAY E\ r ETN T TKG,
1 ecutive. It rests chiefly with him
whether we shall show competence or
whether the national
: honor shall be maintained; whether
' I our prestige and influence shall be
> lowered or advanced.
What is the record of the adminis
tration? The first duty or trie execu
tive was to commend the respect of
: the world by the personnel of our State
' Department and our representation
abroad. No party exigency could ex
cuse the nonperformance of this ob
vious obligation. Still, after making
I every alowance for certain commena
>, able appointments, it is apparent that
this obligation was not performed.
I At the very beginning of tlge present
administration, where in tne direction
of diplomatic intercourse there should
have been conspicuous strength and
expertness we had weakness and lnex
pertness. Instead of assuring respect
we invited distrust of our competence
and speculation a? to our capacity for
firmness and decision, thus entailing
many difficulties which otherwise
easily could have been escaped.
Then. in numerous instances,
notably in Latin-America, where such
a course was particularly reprehen
| sible. and where we desire to encour
age the most friendly relations, men
of long diplomatic training were of
especial value to the country, were
retired from the service, apparently
I for no other reason than to meet
partisan demands in the appointment
! of inexperienced persons.
Where, as in Santo Domingo, we had
assumed an important special trust'in
the interest of its people, that trust
was shockingly betrayed in order to
satisfy "deserving Democrats."
Hcrrick's Removal a Sample
The record showing the administra
tion's disregard of its responsibilities
I with respect to our representation in
! diplomacy is an open book and the
specifications may easily be had. It ts
a record revealing professions belied.
It is a dismal record to those who be
i lieve in Americanism.
Take, for example, the withdrawal
of Ambassador Herrick from France.
There he stood, in the midst of alarms,
the very embodiment of courage, of
i poise, of executive capacity, univer
| sally trusted and beloved. No diplomat
| ever won more completely the affec
: tions of a foreign people, and there
was no better fortune for this country
j than to have at the capital of any one
i of the belligerent nations a representa-'
j tive thus esteemed. Vet the adminis
tration permitted itself to supersede
him.
The point is not that the man was
Ambassador Herrick. or that the na
tion was France, but that we invited
the attention of the world to the inex
cusable yielding of national interest
to partisan expediency. It was a la
mentable sacrifice of international re
pute.
If we would have the esteem of
foreign nations we must deserve it.
We must show our regard for special
knowledge and experience. I propose
that we shall make the agencies of
our diplomatic intercourse in every
nation worthy of the American name.
Promoted Anarchy in Mexico
The dealing of the administration
with Mexico constitute a confused
chapter of blunders. We have not
helped Mexico. She lies prostrate,
Impoverished, famine-stricken, over
whelmed wth the woes and outrages
of internecine strife, the helpless vic
tim of a condition of anarchy which
the course of the administration only
served to promote.
For ourselves, we have witnessed
the murder of our citizens and the
destruction of their property. We
have made enemies, not friends. In
stead of commanding respect and de
serving good will by sincerity, firm
ness and consistency, we provoked
misapprehension and deep resent
ment.
In the light of the conduct of the
administration no one could under
stand its professions. Decrying inter
ference, we interfered most exasper
atingly. We have not even kept out
of actual conflict and the soil of
Mexico is stained with the blood of
our soldiers. We have resorted to
physical Invasion, only to retire with
out gaining the professed object. It
is a record which cannot be examined
without a profound sense of humilia
tion.
When the administration came into
power Huerta was exercisine authority
as provisional president of Mexico. He
was certainly in fact the »iea<l of the
government of Mexico. Whether or
not he should be recognized was a
question to be determined in the exer
cise of a sound discretion, but accord
in? to correct principles.
The president was entitled to be as
sured that there was at least a de facto
sovernment; that international obliga
tions would be performed: that the
lives and property of American citizens
would have proper protection. To at
tempt, however, to control the domes
tic concerns of Mexico, was simply in
tervention, not less so because dis
claimed. The height of folly was to
have a vacillating and ineffective in
tervention, which could only evoke
bitterness and contempt, wmch would
fail to pacify the country and to as
sure peace and prosperity under a
stable government.
Banned Huerta, Patronized Villa
If crimes were committed, we do
not palliate them. We make no de
fense of Huerta. But the administra
tion had nothing to do with the moral
character of Huerta. if in fact he rep
resented the government of Mexico.
We shall never worthily prosecute our
unselfish aims or serve humanity by
wrong-headedness.
So far as the character of Huerta Is
concerned; the hollowness of the pre
tensions on this score is revealed by
the administration's subsequent pat
ronage of Villa (whose qualifications
as an assassin are indisputable), whom
apparently the administration was ready
to recognize had he achieved his end
and fulfilled what then seemed to be
its hope.
The question is not as to the non
recognition of Huerta. The adminis
tration did not content itself with re
fusing to recognize Huerta, who was
recognized by Great Britain, Germany,
France. Russia, Spain and Japan. The
ad ministration undertook to destroy
Huerta. to control Mexican politics,
even to deny Huerta the right to be a
candidate for the office of president at
the election the administration de
manded.
With what bewilderment must the
Mexicans have regarded our assertion
of their right to manager their
own affairs: In the summer of 1913
John Lind was dispatched to the City
of Mexico as the president's "personal
spokesman and representative" to the
unrecognized Huerta in order to de
mand that the latter eliminate himself
It was an unjustifiable mission, most
offensive to a sensitive people. John
Lind lingered irritatingly. The admin
istration continued to direct its efforts
at the destruction of the only govern
ment Mexico had.
Seizing Vera Cruz Was War
In the Spring of 1914 occurred the
capture of Vera Cruz. Men from one
of the ships had been arrested at Tam
pico and had been discharged with an
apology. But our admiral demanded
,a salute, which was refused. There-
• u. §few 'HffifiwffirfflWffnßM j||a
CHARLES E. HUGHES
upon the President went to Congress,
asking authority to use the armed
forces of the United States.
Without waiting for the passage of
the resolution. Vera Cruz was seized.
It appeared that a shipload of ammu
nition for Huerta was about to enter
that port. There was a natural op
position to this invasion and a battle
occurred, in which nineteen Americans
and more than 100 Mexicans were
killed. This, of course, was war. Our
dead soldiers were praised for dying
like heroes in a war of service.
Later we retired from Vera Cruz,
giving up this noble warfare. We had
not obtained the salute which was de
manded. We had not obtained repar
ation for affronts. The ship with am
munition which could not land at Vera
Cruz had soon landed at another port,
and its cargo was delivered to Huerta
without interference. Recently the
naked truth was admitted by a cabinet
officer. We are now informed that
"we did not go to Vera Cruz to force
Huerta to salute the flag." We are
told that we went there "to show Mex
ico that we were in earnest in our de
mand that Huerta must go." That is.
we seized Vera Cruz to depose Huerta.
The question of the salute was a mere
pretext.
Failed to Protect Citizens
to secure protection for the etaointa
Meanwhile, the administration ut
terly failed to perform its obvious duty
to secure protection for the lives and
property of our < itizens.. It is most
unworthy tcr*lur those who have in
vestments in Mexico in order to escape
a condemnation for the nonperform
ance of this duty. There can be no
such escape, for we have no debate,
and there can be 110 debate, as to the
existence of this duty on the part of
our government.
Let me quote the word of the Demo
cratic platform of 1912: "The consti
tutional rights of American citizens
should protect them on our borders,
and go with them throughout the
world, and every American citizen re
siding or having property in any for
eign country is entitled to and must be
given the full protection of the United
States government, both for himself
and his property."
The bitter hatred aroused by the
course of the administration multiplied
outrages, while our failure to afford
protection to our citizens evoked the
scorn and contempt of Mexicans. Con
sider the ignominious incident at Tam
pico in connection with the capture of
Vera Cruz.
in the midst of the greatest danger
to hundreds of Americans congregated
at Tampico our ships, which were in
the harbor, were withdrawn and our
citizens were saved only by the inter
vention of German officers and were
taken away by British and German
ships.
The official excuse of the secretary
of the navy is an extraordinary com
mentary. Our ships, it - seems, had
been ordered to Vera Cruz; but, as it
appeared that they were not needed,
the order was rescinded. Then, we are
told, our admiral was faced with this
remarkable dilemma; 'lf he attempt
ed to go up the river at Tampico and
take our citizens on board, the word
of "aggressive action," as the secre
tary called it. "would have spread to
the surrounding country," and is as
"almost certain that reprisals on
American citizens would have followed
and lives would have been lost."
Had to Rely on Other Nations
We had so incensed the Mexicans
that we could not rescue our own citi
zens at Tampico. save at the risk of
the murder of others. We must take
Vera Cruz to get Huerta out of office
and trust to other nations to get our
own citizens out of peril. What a tra
vesty of international policy:
Destroying the government of Huer
ta, we left Mexico to the ravages of
revolution. I shall not attempt to nar
rate the sickening story of the barbari
ties committed, of the carnival of mur
der and lust. We. were then told that
Mexico was entitled to spill as much
blood as she pleased to settle her af
fairs. The administration vacillated
with respect to the embargo on the ex
port of arms and munitions to Mexico.
Under the resolution of 1912, Presi
rent Taft had laid such an embargo.
In August, 1913, President Wilson
stated that he deemed it his duty to
see that neither side to the struggle in
Mexico should receive any assistance
from this side of the border( and that
the export of all arms and munitions
to Mexico would be forbidden. But in
February, 1914, the embargo was
lifted. In April, 1914, the embargo
was restored.
In May, 1914, it was explained that
the embargo did not apply to Ameri
can shipments through Mexican ports,
and ammunition for Carranza was sub
sequently landed at Tampico. In Sep
tember. 1914, the embargo was lifted
on exports across the border; there
upon mlltiary supplies reached both
Villa and Carranza. In October, 1915,
HARRISBURG TELEGRAPH
'an embargo was declared on all ex
ports of arms except to the adherents
iof Carranza. There was an utter ab-
I sence of consistent policy.
r. S. Note Confesses Failure
! For a time we bestowed friendship
!on Villa. Ultimately we recognized
Carranza, not on the ground that he
' had a constitutional government, but
that it was a de facto government. The
1 complete failure to secure protection
!to American cititzens is shown con
; clusively in the note of the Secretary
| of State of June 20, 1916, in which he
ithus described the conditions that have
| obtained during the last three years:
"For three years the Mexican repub
] lie has been torn with civil strife: the
lives of Americans and other aliens
I have been sacrificed; vast properties
i developed by American capital and en
; terprise have been destroyed or ren
dered nonproductive; bandits have
been permitted to roam at will
through the territory contiguous to the
United States and to seize, without
punishment or without effective at
tempt at punishment, the property of
Americans, while the lives of citizens
of the United States who ventured to
remain in Mexican territory or to re
turn there to protect their interests
have been taken, in some cases bar
barously taken,and the murderers have
I neither been apprehended nor brought
Ito justice. • * * It would be te
dious to recount insta: ce after in
stance, outrage after outrage, atrocity
after atrocity, to illustrate the true na
ture and extent of the widespread con
ditions of lawlessness and violence
which have prevailed."
No One Punished for Massacres
The Santa Ysabel massacre, the raid
at Columbus, the bloodshed at Carri
zal are fresh in your minds. After the
Columbus raid we started a "punitive
expedition." We sent a thin line of
troops hundreds of miles into Mexico,
between two lines of railway, neither
of which we were allowed to use and
which we did not feel at liberty to
seize. We were refused permission to
enter the towns.
Though thus restricted, the enter
prise was still regarded by the Mex
icans as a menace. Our troops faced
hostile forces, and it is not remark
able that our men felt at Carrizal.
What other result could be expected?
We were virtually ordered to with
draw, and without accomptlsning our
purpose we have been withdrawing
and we are now endeavoring to safe
guard our own territory. The entire
national guard has been ordered out,
and many thousands or our citizens
have been taken from their peaceful
employment and hurried to the Mex
ican border.
The administration was to seize and
punish Villa for his outrage on our
soil. It has not punished any one; we
went in only to retire, and future
movements are apparently to be de
termined by a joint commission.
The nation has no policy of aggres
sion toward Mexico. We nave no de
sire for any part of her territory. We
wish her to have peace, stability and
prosperity. We should be ready to aid
her in binding up her wounds, in re
lieving her from starvation and dis
tress. and in giving her in every prac
ticable way the benefits of our disin
terested friendship.
Must Develop Xew Policy
The conduct of this administration
has created difficulties which we shall
have to surmount. We shall have to
overcome the antipathy needlessly cre
ated by that conduct an«l to develop
genuine respect and < onfidence. We
shall have to adopt a new policy, a
policy of tirnines-, and consistency,
through which alone we can promote
an enduring: friendship. Wc demand
from Mexico the protection of the
lives and the property of our citizens
and the security of our border from
depredations. Much will be gained if
Mexico is convinced that we contem
plate no meddlesome interference with
what does not concern us, but that
we propose to insist in a firm and can
did manner upon the performance of
international obligations. To a stable
government, appropriately discharging
Its international duties, we should
give ungrudging support. A short
period of firm, consistent and friendly
dealing will accomplish more than
many years of vacillation.
U. S. Neutral Rights Sacrificed
In thts lajid of composite population
drawing its strength from every race,
the national security demands that
there shall be no paltering with Amer
ican rights. The greater the danger
of divisive influences, the greater is
the necessity for the unifying force of
a Just, strong and patriotic position.
We countenance no covert policies,
no intrigues, no secret schemes. We are
unreservedly, devotedly, whole-heart
edly, for the United States. That is
the rallying point for all Americans.
That is my position. I stand for the
unflinching maintenance of all Amer
ican rights on land and sea.
We have had a clear and definite
r
Emphatic Passages
From Hughes' Speech
MEXICO_
Decrying intervention (in
Mexico) we interfered most
exasperatinglv. We have not
even kept out of actual con
flict, and the soil of Mexico is
stained with the blood of our
soldiers.
FOREIGN POLICY
I stand for the unflinching
maintenance of all American
rights on land and sea.
AMERICANISM
We denounce all plots and
conspiracies in the interest of
any foreign nation.
PREPAREDNESS
It is apparent we are shock
ingly unprepared. We demand
adequate national defense.
INDUSTRY
When we contemplate indus
trial and commercial conditions
we see that we are living in a
fool's paradise.
TARIFF
Our opponents promised to
reduce the cost of living. This
they have failed to do; but
they did reduce the oppor
tunities of making a living.
SUFFRAGE
The granting of suffrage to
women is inevitable. The con
test should be ended promptly.
mission as a great neutral nation. It
was for us to maintain the integrity
of international law; to vindicate our
rights as neutrals; to protect the lives
of our citizens, their property and
trade from wrongful acts.
Putting aside any question as to the
highest possibilities of moral leader
ship in the maintenance and vindica
tion of the law of nations in connec
tion with the European war, at least
we were entitled to the safeguarding
of American rights. But tills has not
been secured. AVe have had brave
words in a series of notes, but despite
our protests the lives of Americans
have been destroyed.
What does it avail to use some of
the strongest words known to diplo
macy if ambassadors can receive the
impression that the words are not to
be taken sexiously? It is not words,
but the strength and resolution behind
the words that count.
W here U. S. Diplomacy Failed
The chief function of diplomacy is
prevention; but in this our diplomacy
tailed, doubtless because of its im
paired credit and the manirest lack of
disposition to back words wun action.
Had this government by tne use of
both informal and formal diplomatic
opportunities left no doubt that when
we said "strict accountability" we
meant precisely what we said, and
that we should unhesitatingly vindi
cate that position, I am confident that
there would have been no destruction
of American lives by the sinking of the
Lusitania.
There, we had ample notice; in fact,
published notice. Furthermore, we
knew the situation and we did not re
quire specific notice. Instead of whit
tling away our formal statements by
equivocal conversations, we needed the
straight, direct and decisive represen
tations which every diplomat and for
eign office would understand. 1 believe
that in this way we should have been
spared the repeated assaults on Amer
ican policy would have been strongly
supported by our people and the op
portunities for the development of
bitter feeling would have been vastly
reduced.
It is a great mistake to say that
resoluteness ia protecting American
rights would have led to war. Rather,
in that course lay the best assurance
of peace. Weakness and indecision in
the maintenance of known rights are
always sources of grave danger; they
forfeit respect and invite serious
wrongs, which in turn create an an
controllable popular resentment. That
is not the path of national security.
Mere Words Won't Promote l'euie
Not only have we a nost of re
sources short of war by which to en
force our just demands, but we shall
never promote our peace by being
stronger in words than in deeds. We
should not have found it difficult to
maintain peace, but we should have
maintained peace with honor. During
this critical period the only danger of
war has lain in the weak course of the
administration.
I do not put life and property on
the same footing, but the administra
tion has not only been remiss with
respect to the protection of American
lives; it has been remiss with respect
to the protection of American property
and American commerce. It has been
too much disposed to be content with
leisurely discrssion.
I canno tnow undertake to review
the course of events, but it is entirely
clear that we failed to use the re
sources at our command to prevent
injurious action, and that we suffered
in consequence. We have no ulterior
purposes, and the administration
should have known how to secure the
entire protection of every legitimate
American interest and the prompt
recognition of our Just demands as a
neutral nation.
We denounce all plots and con
spiracies in the interest of any foreign
nation. Utterly intolerable is the use
of our soil for alien Intrigues. Every
American must unreservedly condemn
them, and support every effort ror
their suppression.
Slow to Suppress Plotters
But here, also, prompt, vigorous and
adequate measures on the part of the
administration were needed. There
should have been no hesitation; no
notion that it was wise and polite to
delay. Such an abuse of our territory
demanded immediate and thorougn
going action. As soon as the admin
istration had notice of plots and con--
spiracies. It was its duty to stop them.
It was not lacking in resources. Its
responsibility for their continuance
cannot be escaped by the condemna
tion of others.
We are a peace-loving people. r>ut
we live in a world of arms. We have
no thought of aggression, and we de
sire to pursue our democratic ideals
without the wastes of strtre. So de
voted are we to these ideals, so intent
upon our normal development, that I
do not believe that there is the slight
est danger of militarism m tnis conn-
AUGHQST 1,1916.
Firmness That Meant Something Should Have Been Used
in European Questions; American Rights Not Safe
guarded in World Cataclysm; Preparedness Measures
Inadequate
try. Adequate preparedness is not
j militarism. It is the essential assur
ance of security; it is a necessary
safeguard of peace.
It is apparent that we are shockingly
| unprepared. There is no room for
! controversy on this point since the ob
ject lesson on the Mexican border. All
our available regular troops (less, 1
believe, than 40,000> are there or tn
Mexico, and as these have been deemed
insufficient the entire national guard
has been ordered out; that is, we are
I summoning practically all our movable
military forces in order to prevent
bandit incursions.
Viipreparedness Inexcusable
: In view of the warnings of the last
three years, it is inexcusable that we
should find ourselves in this plight.
For our faithful guardsmen, who with
; a fine patriotism responded to this call
and are bearing this burden, I have
nothing but praise. But 1 think it
little short of absurd that we should
• be compelled to call men from their
; shops, their factories, their offices and
: their professions for such a purpose.
| This, however, is not all. The units
of the national guard were at peace
strength, which was only about one
! half the required strength. It was nec
i cssary to bring >n recruits, for the most
j part raw and untrained. Only a small
percentage of the regiments recruited
; up to war strength will have had even
a i ear E trainln s in the national guard,
| which at the maximum means 100
hours of military drill, and, on the
average, means much less,
i . Take the eastern department as an
illustration. The states in this de
i partment contain about 72 per cent, of
! the entire organized militia, of the
country. lam informed by competent
authority that the quota of militia
from this department recently sum
moned, with the units raised to war
i strength as required, would amount to
about 131,000 men: that in response to
this call there are now en route to or
on the border about 54,000 men and in
i camp in their respective states about
j 25.000 men;' and thus, after what has
already been accomplished, there still
\ remain to be supplied in recruits about
48.000 men.
Mer. fresh from their peaceful em
ployments and physically unprepared
have been hurried to the border for
actual service. They were without
proper equipment; without necessary
supplies: suitable conditions of trans
portation were not provided. Men with
dependent families were sent, and con
ditions which should have been well
known were discovered after the event.
Coulil All Ha\ e Been Foreseen
And yet the exigency, comparatively
speaking:, was not a very grave one.
It involved nothing that could not
readily have been foreseen during the
last three years of disturbance, and re
quired only a modest talent for organ
ization. That this administration while
pursuing its course in Mexico should
have permitted such conditions to exist
is almost incredible.
In the demand for reasonable pre
paredness the administration has fol
lowed, not led. Those who demanded
more adequate forces were first de
scribed as "nervous and excited." Only
about a year and a half ago we were
told that the question of preparedness
was not a pressing one; that the coun
try had been misinformed..
Later, under the pressure of other
leadership, this attitude was changed.
The administration, it was said, had
"learned something," and it made a
belated demand for an increased army.
Even then the demand was not prose
cuted consistently, and the pressure
exerted on Congress with respect to
other administrative measures was
notably absent.
The President addressed Congress
but little over six months ago, present
ing the plans of the War Department,
and Congress was formally urged to
sanction these plans as "the essential
first steps." They contemplated an in
crease of the standing: force of the
regular army from its then strength of
5,023 officers ami 102,955 enlisted men
to a strength of 7,136 officers and
134,707 enlisted men, or 141,843 all
told. It was said that these additions
were "necessary to render the army
adequate for its present duties."
Further, it was proposed that the
army should be supplemented by a
force of 400,000 disciplined citizens
raised in increments of 133,000 a year,
through a period of three years. At
least so much "by way of preparation
tor defense" seemed to the President
to be "absolutely imperative now." He
said: "We cannot do less."
Army Defects Xot Rectified
But within two months this program
was abandoned, and the able Secretary
of War, who had devoted himself per
sistently to this important question,
felt r.o keenly the change in policy that
he resigned from the Cabinet. Now,
the army organization bill provides for
an army on paper of 178,000 men, but
in fact it provides for only 105,000
enlisted men for the line of the regular
army for the fiscal year ending; June
30, 1917, and I am informed that for
the next fiscal year there will be an in
crease of only 15,000. The plan for
the supplemental Federal army com
pletely under Federal control was
given up.
told that the defects revealed
by the present mobilisation are due to
the "system." But it was precisely
such plain defects that under the con
stant warnings of recent years, with
the whole world intent on military
concerns, should have been studied and
rectified. The administration lias failed
to discharge its responsibilities. Ap
parently. it is now seeking to meet po
litical exigencies by its naval program.
But It has imposed upon the country
an incompetent liaval administration.
Wo demand adeo.uate national de
fense: adequate protection on both our
western and eastern coasts. We de
mand thoroughness and efficiency in
both arms of the service. It seems to
be plain that our regular army is too
small. We are too great a country to
require of our citizens who are engaged
in peaceful vocations the sort of mili
tary service to which they are now
called. As well Insist that our citizens
in this metropolis be summoned to put
out fires and police the streets.
Demands Fp-to-Dato Preparedness
We do not count it inconsistent with
cur liberties, or with our democratic
ideals, to have an adequate police
force.
With a population of nearly
100.000'.000, ve need to be surer of
ourselves than to become alarmed at
the prospect of having a regular army
which can reasonably protect our bor
der. and perform such other military
service as may be required, in the ab
sence of a grave emergency.
I believe, further, that there should
be not only u reasonable increase in
the regular army, but that the first
citizen reserve subject to call should
be enlisted as a Federal army and
trained under Federal authority.
The country demands that our mili
tary and naval programs shall be car- I
ried out in a businesslike manner un
der the most competent administrative
heads; that wo thall have an up-to- |
date preparation, that the moneys ap- |
propriated shdll be properly expended.
We should also have careful plans
for mobilizing our industrial resources: ;
for piomoting research and utilizing
the investigations of science. And a
policy of adequate preparedness must I
constantly ixava in viaw t_h« nnraasityj
of conserving our fundamental human
interests; of promoting the physical
well-being of our population, as well aa
education and training; of developing
to the utmost our economic strength
and independence.
It must be based upon a profound
sense of our unity and democratic obli
gation. It must not mean the aban
donment of other essential govern
mental work, but that we shall have,
in both, efficiency, and. in neither,
waste or extravagance.
Xo Militarism, He Insists
We should also be solicitous, by wise
provision and conference, to remove so
far as possible the causes of irritation
which may in any degree threaten
friendly rejations. In our proposals
there is, I repeat, no militarism. There
is simple insistence upon common
sense in providing reasonable meas
ures of security and avoiding the perils
of neglect. We must have the strength
of self-respect; a strength which con
tains no threat, but assures our de
fense, safeguards our rights and con
serves our peace.
We are deeply interested in what I
may term the organization of peace.
We cherish no illusions. We Know that
the recurrence of war is not to be pre
vented by pious wishes. If the conflict
of national interests is not to be
brought to the final test of force, there
must be the development of inter
national organization in order to pro
vide international justice and to safe
guard so far as practicable the peaca
of the world.
Arbitration treaties are useful within
their proper sphere, but it is worse
than folly to ignore the limitations of
this remedy or to regard such treaties
as an adequate means of preventing
war. There should be an international
tribunal to decide controversies sus
ceptible of judicial determination, thus
affording the advantage of judicial
standards in the settlement of par
ticular disputes and of the gradual
growth of a body of judicial precedents.
In emphasizing the desirability of
such a tribunal for the disposition of
controversies of a justiciable sort it
must not be overlooked that there are
also legislative needs. We need confer
ences of the nations to formulate inter
national rules, to establish principles,
to modify and extend international
law so as to adapt it to new conditions,
to remove causes of international dif
ferences.
Xced International Organization
We need to develop the instru
mentalities of conciliation. And be
hind this international organization,
if it is to be effective, must be tha
co-operation of the nations to prevent
resort to hostilities before the appro
priate agencies of peaceful settlement
nave been utilized.
If the peace of the world is to be
maintained, it must be through the
preventive power of a common pur
pose. Without this it will still remain
not only possible, but practicable, to
disregard international obligations, to
override the rights of States, particu
larly of small States, to ignore prin
ciples, to violate rules.
And it is only through internation
al co-operation giving a reasonable
assurance of peace that we may hope
for the limitation of armaments. It
is to be expected that nations will con
tinue to arm in defense of their re
spective interests, as they are con
ceived. and nothing will avail to dim
inish this burden, save some practical
guaranty of international order.
We in this country can, and should,
maintain our fortunate freedom from
entanglements with Interests and pol
icies which do not concern us. But
there is no national isolation in the
world of the twentieth century. If
at the close of the present war the
nations are ready to undertake prac
ticable measures in the common inter
est, in order to secure international
justice, we cannot fall to recognize our
international duty.
The peace of the world is our inter
est, as well as the interest of others,
and in developing the necessary agen
cies for the prevention of war we shall
be glad to have an appropriate share.
All our preparedness will have proper
relation to this end, as well as to our
own immediate security.
A Fool's Paradise of Prosperity
When we contemplate industrial
and commercial conditions, we see
that we are living in a fool's para
dise. Tije temporary prosperity to
which our opponents point lias been
created by the abnormal conditions
incident to the war.
With the end of the war there will
be the new conditions determined by
a new Europe. Millions of men in the
trenches will then return to work. The
energies of each of the now belliger
ent nations, highly trained, will then
be turned to production.
These are days of terrible discipline
for the nations at war, but it must
not be forgotten that each is develop
ing a national solidarity, a knowledge
of method, a realization, a knowledge
hitherto unapproached. In each the
lessons of co-operation now being
learned will never be forgotten. Fric
tion and waste have been reduced to
a minimum: labor and capital have a
better understanding, business or
ganization is more nighly developed
and more intelligently directed than
ever before. We see in each oj these
nations a marvelous national effic
iency. Let it not be supposed that
this efficiency will not count when
Europe, once more at peace, pushes
its productive powers to the utmost
limit.
On the other hand, in this country,
with the stoppage of the manufac
ture of munitions, a host of men will
be turned out of employment. Wa
must meet the most severe competi
tion in industry. We are undiscip
lined, defective in organization, loose
ly knit, industrially unprepared.
Failed to Reduce Living Cost
Our opponents promised to reduce
the cost of living;, xiiiv tliej have
failed to do; but tlicy did reduce the
opportunities of making a living. Let
us not forget the conditions that ex
isted in this country under the new
tariff prior to the outbreak of the war.
Production had decreased, business
was anguishing, new enterprises were
not undertaken, instead of expansion
there was curtailment and our streets
were filled with the unemployed. It
was estimated that in the city of New
York over 300,000 were out of work.
Throughout the country the jobless
demanded relief. The labor commis
sioners of many States and our mu
nicipal administration devoted them
selves to the problem of unemploy
ment, while the resources of our vol
untary charitable organizations were
most severely taxed.
What ground is there for expecting
better conditions when the unhealthy
stimulus of the war has spent its force
and our industries and working men
are exposed to the competition of an
energized Europe?
It is plain that we must have pro
tective, upbuilding policies It is Idle
to look for relief to the Democratic
party, which as late es 1912 declared
in itt> platform that it was "a funda
mental principle of the Democratic
party that the ' federal government,
under the constitution, had no right or
IConlinued on l'age 14J