6 PRESIDENT URGES BIGGER ARMY AND NA VY; MORE TAXES (Continued from Page One.) necessary to add to the naval and military establishments. Sources of taxation suggested were Incomes, gaso line, naptha, automobiles and Internal explosion engines, fabricated iron and steel and a stamp tax on bank checks. ' Extension of the war revenue bill and continuance of the present tariff on supjar were recommended and the sale of bonds opposed. This message was the longest Mr. Wilson has ever delivered in Congress. He began with y statement that since he last addressed Congress— "The European war has extended its threatening and sinister scope until it has swept into its flame some por tion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemisphere: has altered the whole face of International affairs, and now presents a prospect of reorganization and reconstruction such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before." The United States has remained neu tral. he said, because It had no Interest in the causes and because it was the duty of the nations of the Western Hemisphere to prevent collective eco nomic ruin. The President pointed to the atti- 1 mde of the United States toward Mex- ' ico as proving that this country has no selfish motives in its interest in countries in Central and South Amer ica. There was a time, he said, when 1 the United States looked upon itself as aii sort of guardian of the republics to . the south as against the encroachment or efforts of political control from ' KM rope. 1 The message, in substance, follows: , Gentlemen of the Congress: Since I last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea, which had then only begun to disclose Its portentous proportions, has extend ed its threatening and sinister scope until it has swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemi sphere, has altered the whole face of international affairs, and now presents a prospect of reorganization and re construction such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously neu tral. It was our manifest duty to do 60. Not only did we have no part or interest in the policies which seem to liave brought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a universal catastrophe vas to be avoided, that a limit should b# set to the sweep of destructive war and that some part of the great family of nations should keep the processes of peace alive, if only to prevent col lective economic ruin and the break down throughout the world of the In dustries by which its populations are fed and sustained. It was manifestly the duty of the self-governed nations of this hemisphere to redress, if pos sible, the balance of economic loss and confusion in the other, if they could do nothing more. In the day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they can be of infinite service. American Nations Partners. In this neutrality, to which they Nrere bidden not only by their separate 'life and their habitual detachment from the politics of Europe but also by a clear perception of international duty, the states of America have be come conscious of a new and more vital community interest and moral partnersl ip in affairs, more clearly conscious of the many common sym pathies and interestsund duties which bid them stand together. There was a time in the early days of our own great nation and of the re publics fighting their way to inde pendence in Central ar.d South Amer ica when the government of the Unit ed Stßtes looked upon itself as in some sort the guardian of the republics to ihe south of her as against any en croachments or efforts at political con trol from the other side of the water; felt it its duty to play the part even without invitation from them; and 1 think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and dis interested enthusiasm for the freedom of the American and the unmolested self-government of her independent peoples. But it was always difficult to maintain such a role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose free dom of action wo sought to protect, and without provoking miscon ceptions of our motives, and every thoughtful man of affairs must wel come the altered circumstances of the new day in whose light we now stand,' •when there is no claim of guardian ship or thought of wards but. instead, a full and honorable association as of partners between ourselves and our neighbors, in the interest of all Amer ica. north and south. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America Is not altered. We retain unabated the spirit that has inspired us through out the whole life of our government and which was so frankly put into •words by President Monroe. We still mean always to make a common cause of national independence and of po litical liberty in America. Attitude Toward M6xico. We have been put to the test In the case of Mexico, and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Her fortunes are in her own But we have at least proved that we will not take ad vantage of her in her distress and un dertake to impose upon her an order and government of oar own choosing. I We will aid and befriend Mexico, buti we will not coerce her; and our course with regard to her ought to be suffi cient proof to all America that w* seek no political suzerainty or selfish control. The moral is, that the states of> America are not hostile rivals but co operating friends, and that their grow ing sense of community of interest, alike in matters political and in mat ters economic, is likely to give them a new significance as factors in inter national affairs and in the political history of the world. □rawing the Americas Together. There Is, I venture to point out, an A&pecial significance just now attach ing to this whole matter of drawing the Americas together in bonds of hon orable partnership and mutual advan- TUESDAY EVENING, tage because of the economic readjust ments which the world must inevi tably witness within the next genera tion, when peace shall have at last re oumed its healthful tasks. In the per formance of these tasks 1 believe the Americas to be destined to play their parts together. I am interested to fix your attention on this prospect now because unless you take It within your ▼lew and permit the full significance of it to command your thought I can not find the right light in which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very front of my whole thought as I address you today. I mean na tional defense. No one who really comprehends the spirit of the graat people for whom we are appointed to speak can fail to perceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed in the practice of the arts of peace. Great democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thought is of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life and the uncensored thought that quickens It. Conquest and dominion are not In our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But just because we de mand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from whatever quarter it may come, the ag gression we ourselves will not prac tice. We insist upon security in prose cuting our self-chosen lines of nation al development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others. Question of Preparedness. Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as a means of asserting the rights of a peo ple against aggression. And we are as fiercely jealous of coercive or dic tatorial power within our own nation as of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army ex cept for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war; and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continu ously needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us But we do believe in a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of the govern ments which they have set up to serve them. But war has never been a mere mat ter of men and guns, it is a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how mod ern fighting is done, and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves Immediately available and immediately effective. And the gov ernment must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. It is with these Ideals in mind that the plans of the department of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid be fore you, and which I urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. Larger Army Plan. They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5,023 officers and 102,985 enlisted men of all services to a strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or 141,843, all told, all services, rank and file, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of engi neers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery, and four aero squadrons, besides 750 officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which I shall presently speak, 792 noncommissioned officers for serv ice in drill, recruiting and the like, and the necessary quota of en listed men for the quartermaster corps, the hospital corps, the ord nance department, and other similar auxiliary services. These are the ad ditions necessary to render the army adequate for its present duties, duties which it has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and bor ders and at our interior army posts, but also in the Philippines, in the Hawaiian Islands, at the isthmus, and in Porto Rico. By way of making the country ready to assert some part of Its real power promptly and upon a larger scale, should occasion arise, the plan also contemplates supplementing the army by a force of 400,000 disciplined citi zens, raised in increments of 133,- 000 a year throughout a period of three years. This it is proposed to do by a process of enlistment un der which the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind them selves to serve with the colors for pur pose of t-alning for short periods throughout three years, and to come to the colors at call at any time throughout an additional "furlough" period of three years. This force of 400,000 men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as enlisted and their equipment for the field made ready to be sup plied at any time. They would be assembled for training at stated in tervals at convenient places in asso ciation with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months In the year. At least so much by the way of preparation for defense seems to me to be absolutely Imperative now. We cannot do less. The Naval Program. The program which will be laid be fore you by the secretary of the navy is similarly conceived. It Involves only a shortening of the time withir which plans long matured shall be carried out; but it does make definite and explicit a program which has 1 heretofore been only implicit, held in THE PRESIDENT READING mm. mm mmm Mmmmi.m as^^B t*J2£S/DE.»T W/LSOM /ZEStCHrVtS J~7ESSrtGE TO CCW GteESS fEN//yrz JfSy/Cf This picture gives a good idea of the similar scene enacted in the chamber of the House of Representatives to .»>. »hen President Wilson read his preparedness message to the combined Senate and House. Wilson is the first resident to read his messsiges in person. the minds of the two committees on naval affairs and disclosed in the de bates of the two houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seemE to me very clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehen sive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and effi ciency and to press that plan to com pletion within the next five years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our first aud chief line of defense; we have always seen It to be our manifest course of pru dence to be strong on the seae. Year by year we have been creating a navy •which now ranks very high Indeed ftmong the navies of the maritime na tions. We should now definitely de termine how we shall complete what we have begun, and how soon. The program to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six bat tle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-five coast submarines, four gun boats, one hospital ship, two ammuni tion ships, two fuel oil ships, and one regular repair ship. It is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fiften destroyers, five submarines, twenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year, two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten de stroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, and one fuel oil ship; the third year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, five destroyers, two fleet submarines, and fifteen coast submarines; tho fourth year, two bat tleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet sub marines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition ship, and one fuel oil ship; and the'fifth year, two battle ships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destrcryers, two fleet sub marines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair ship. More Men for the Navy. The secretary of the navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of 7,500 sail ors, 1,200 apprentice seamen, and 1,500 marines. This Increase would be sufficient to care for the ships which are to be completed with in the fiscal, year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in training to man the ships which will be completed early in 1918. It is also necessary that the number of midship men at the Naval academy at Annap olis should be increased by at least three hundred If this full program should be car ried out we should have built or build ing In 1921, according to the estimates of survival and standards of classifi cation followed by the general board of the department, an effective navy consisting of 27 battleships, of the first line, 6 battle cruisers, 25 battleships of the second line. 10 armored cruis ers, 13 scout cruisers, 5 first-class cruisers, 3 second-class cruisers, 10 third-class cruisers, 108 destroyers, 18 fleet submarines. 157 coast submarines. 6 monitors ,20 gunboats, 4 supply ships, 15 fuel ships. 4 transports, 3 tenders to torpedo vessels, 8 ves sels of special types, and 2 ammuni tion ships. This would be a navy fit ted to pur needs and worthy of our traditions. But armies and instruments of war are only part of what has to be con sidered if we are to consider the su preme matter ef national self-sufficien cy and security in all its aspects. There are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention whether we will or not. There is, for example, a very pressing question of trade and shipping involved In this great problem of national adequacy. It Is necessary for many '-eighty rea- HARRISBURG TELEGRAPH sons of national efficiency and devel opment that we should have a great merchant marine. It is high time we repaired our mis take and resumed our commercial inde pendence on the seas. Need of Merchant Marine. For it is a question of independ ence. If other nations go to war or seek to hamper each other's com merce, our merchants, it seems, ai*e at their mercy, to do with as they please. We must use their ships, and use them as they determine. We have not ships enough of our own. We cannot handle our own commerce on the seas. Our independence Is provin cial, and is only on land and within our own borders. We are not likely to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations !n rivalry of their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital import ance not only that the United States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant ma rine would give it, but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, If it is not to be drawn Into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independence the whole question of our political unity and self-determination is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our own—not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more; creating friend ships and rendering indispensable services to all Interests on this side the water. Must Provide Ships, With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present un paralleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of mu tual interest and service, an oppor tunity which may never return again if we miss it now, proposals will be made to the present congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the govern ment similar to those made to the last congress, but modif\ed in some essen tial particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt ac ceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for, such action more and more manifestly imperative. That noed was then foreseen; it is now acutely felt and everywhere real ized by those for whom trade is wait ing but who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much in terested in the particulars of the pro gram as I am in taking immediate ad vantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in thiß emergency. The plaus for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for the genera! policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and de fense, involve of course very large ad ditional expenditures of money—ex penditures which will considerably ex ceed the estimated revenues of the government. It is made my duty by law, whenever the estimates of ex penditure exceed the estimates of revenue, to call the attention of the congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that it may be wise or possible for me to suggest. I am ready to be'.leve that it would be my duty to do so In any case; and I feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the congress of meas ures which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly of the present state of the treasury and of the ÜBcal prob'.emß which the next year will probably disclose. State of the Finances. On the thirtieth of June last there was an available balance in the gen eral fund of the treasury of $104,170,- 105.78. The total estimated receipts for the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last congress will not be extended beyond its present limit, the thirty-first of December, 1915, and that the present duty of one cent per pouii-4 on sugar will be discontinued afte? the first of May, 1916, will be $670,365,500. The balance of June last and these estimated revenues come, therefore, to a grand total of $774,- 436,605.78. The total estimated dis bursements for the present fiscal year, Including $25,000,000 for the Panama canal, $12,000,000 for probable de ficiency appropriations, and $50,- 000 for miscellaneous debt redemp tions, will be $753,891,000; and the balance in the general fund of the treasury will be reduced to $20,644,- 605.78. The emergency revenue act. If continued beyond its present time lim itation. would produce, during the half year then remaining, about $41,000,- 000. The duty of one cent per pound on sugar, if continued, would produce during the two months of the fiscal year remaining after the first of May, about $15,000 000. These two sums, amounting together to $56,000,000, If added to the revenues of the second half of the fiscal year, would yield the treasury at the end of the year an available balance of $76,644,605.78. The additional revenues required to carry out the program of military and naval preparation of which I have spoken, would, as at present estimated. be for the fiscal year 1917, $93,800,000. j Those figures, taken with the figures for the present fiscal year which I have already given, disclose our finan cial problem for thfe year 1917. As suming that the taxes Imposed by the emergency revenue act and the pres ent duty on sugar are to be discontin ued, and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year will be only $20,644,605.78, that the disbursements for the Panama canal will again be about twenty-five millions, and that the additional expenditures for the army and navy are authorized by the congress, the deficit in the general fund of the treasury on the thirtieth of June, 1917, will be nearly two hun dred and thirty-five millions To this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent a safe working bal ance for the treasury, and twelve mil lions to include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917; end these additions would make a total deficit of some two hundred and ninety-seven millions. If the present taxes should bo continued throughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance in the treasury of some seventy-six and a half millions at the end of the pres ent fiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some fifty millions, or, reckoning in sixty-two millions for deficiency appropriations and a safe treasury belance at the end of. the year, a total deficit of some one hundred and twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures is that it Is a plain counsel of prudence to con tinue all of the preesnt taxes or their equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing $112,000,000 of new revenue rather than »297,000,- 000. New Sources of Revenue. How shall we obtain the new reve nue? It seems to m'e a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that In what we are now, I hope, to undertake, we should pay as we go. The people of the country are entitled to know Just what burdens of taxation they are to carry, and to know from the outset, now. The new bills should be paid by internal taxation. To what sources, then, shall we turn? This Is so peculiarly a question [ which the gentlemen of the house of ! j:%PfMcnUtivea sn ejtutmttql under i DECEMBER 7, 1915. the Constitution to propose an answer j to that you will hardly expect me to , do more than discuss it in very gen- j eral terms. We should bo following j an almost universal example of mod ern government if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the in come taxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin \, to be imposed, and by increasing, step by step throughout the present gradu ation, the surtax itself, the Income taxes as at present apportioned would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without any where making the burden unreason ably or oppressively heavy. The pre cise reckonings are fully and accurate ly set out in the report of the secre tary of the treasury which will be im mediately laid before you. And there are many additional sources of revenue which can justly be resorted to without hampering the in dustries of the country or putting any too great charge upon Individual ex- , penditure. A one per cent tax per I gallon on gasoline and naptha would yield, at the present estimated pro duction, $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines, $16,000,- 000; a stamp tax on bank checks, probably $18,000,000; a tax of 25 cents per ton on pig iron, $10,000,000; a tax of 60 cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10,000,000. In a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the bur dens of taxation without making them anywhere bear too heavily or too ex clusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What Is clear is, that the industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation. I have spoken to you today, gentle men, upon a single theme, the thor ough preparation of the nation to care for Its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to It. 1 have had in my mind no thought of any immediatey or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there la reason to hope that no question In controversy between this and other governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations, grave as some differences of attitude and policy have been and may yet turn out to be. I am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I blush to admit, born under other flags but welcomed under our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and oppor tunity of America, who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national ife; who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our government into contempt, to destroy our industries wherever they thought it effective for their vindictive purposes to strike at them, aud to debase our politics to the uses of intrigue. Their number is not great as compared with the whole number of those sturdy hosts by which our natiou has been enriched in recent generations out of virile foreign stocks; but it is great enough to have brought deep disgrace upon us and to have made it neces sary that we should promptly make use of processes of law by which w# may be purged of their corrupt dis tempers. America never witnessed anything like this before. It never dreamed it possible ttiat men sworn into its own citizenship, men drawn 1 out of great free stocks such as sup plied some of the best and strongest elements of that little, but how heroic, nation that in a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here —that men of such origins and such free choices of allegiance would ever turn in malign reaction against the govern ment and people who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud country once more a hot bed of European passion. A little while -ago such a thing would have seemed incredible. Because it was incredible we made 110 preparation for it. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it, as if we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! But the ugly and incredible tiling has actual ly come about and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it. I urge you to enact such laws at the earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging you to do nothing less than cave the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such crea tures of passion, rfisloyalty, and an archy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are inlinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered fiito conspiracies against the neutrality of the govern ment, they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the government In order to Ferve interests alien to our own. It is possible to deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest tue terms in which they may be deslt with. \ Ar* Disgrace to the Nation. I wish that it could be iaid that only a few men. m'?led by Inistaken sentiments of allegiance to thl govern ment* under which they wire born, had been guilty of disturbing?the self possession and misrepresenting the temper and pjint.iples of thetcountry during these days of terrible war, when it would seeci that evrry man who was truly an would instinctively make It his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own. But It cannot. There are some men among us, and many resident abroad who, though ftOU •JUL brad Ig SUles. and calling themselves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side In the great European con flict above their regard for the peace and dignity of the United States. They also preach and practice disloyalty. No laws. I suppose, can reach cor ruptions of the mind and heart; but I should not speak of others without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel when he thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing upon us. While we speak of the preparation of the nation to make sure of her security and her effective power w» must not fall into the patent en'or of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safe guards of written law. What is more important is, that th» Industries and resources of the coun try should be available and ready for mobilization. The transportation problem la an exceedingly serious and pressing one In thlß country. There has from time to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with it successfully, as at present equipped and co-ordained. I suggest that It would be wise to provide for * com mission of inquiry to ascertain by fc thorough canvass of the whole ques tion whether our laws as at present framed and administered are as serv iceable as they might be in the solu tion of the problem. It is obviously a, problem that lies at the very founda tion of our efficiency as a people. Such, an inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth con sidering and we need to know all slde» of the matter if we mean to do any thine in the field of federal legislation. Regulation of Railroads. No one, I am sure, would wish to take any backward step. The regula tion of the railways of the country by commission has had admirable results and has fully justified the hopes and expectations of those by whom the policy of regulation was originally proposed. The question is not what should we undo? It Is, whether there is anything else we can do that would supply us with effective means, In the very process of regula tion, for bettering the conditions un der which the railroads are operated and for making them more useful serv ants of the country as a whole. It seems to me that It might be the part of wisdom, therefore, before further legislation in this field is attempted, to look at the whole problem of co-ordina tion and efficiency in the full light of a. fresh assessment of circumstance and | opinion, as a guide to dealing with th» several parts of it. For what we are seeking now, what in my mind is the single thought of this message, is national efficiency security. We serve a great nation. We should serve it in the spirit of Its peculiar genius. It is the genius of common men for self-government, in dustry, justice, liberty and peace. Wa should see to It that it lacks no instru ment, no facility or vigor of law, to make it sufficient to play its part with energy, safety and assured success. In this we are no partisans but heralds and prophets of a new age. | Household Economy ? 2 How to nave the Beat Coach 5 5 Remedy and Save 93 by Making It at Home Cough medicines, as a rule contain i large quantity of plain syrup. A pint o! granulated sugar with % pint of warm water, stirred for 2 minutes, gives yon as good syrup as money can buy. Then get from Tour druggist 2 , / £ ouncei Pinex (50 cents worth), pour into a pinl bottle and fill the bottle with sugai syrup. This gives you, at a cost of onlf 04 cents, a full pint of really better conga syrup than you could buy ready made toi $2.50 —a clear saving of nearly $2. Full directions with Pinex. It keeps perfectlj and tastes good. It takes hold of the usual cough oi chest cold at once and conquers it in 24 hours. Splendid for whooping cough, bronchitis and winter coughs. It's truly astonishing how quickly il loosens the dry, hoarse or tight cough and heals and soothes the inflamed mem branes ir. the case of a painful cough, It also stops the formation of phlegm in the throat and bronchial tubes, thus end ing the persistent loose cough. rinex is a highly concentrated com* pound of genuine Norway pine extract combined with guaiacol, and has been used for generations to heal inflamed membranes of the throat and chest. To avoid disappointment, ask youi druggist for "2V4 ounces of Pinex," and don't accept anything else. A guarantee of absolute satisfaction, or money prompt ly refunded, goes with this preparation The Pinex Co., l«'t. Wayne, Ind. If Troubled With Bad Cough Try Parmint Syrup and Mustard Foot Bath Sn»iJ Thene uio Knalunafil Remedies Will Stop Worst Cou^li We are tolil the old time remedies are best anil invariably contain leas harmful yet better medicine than those that are commonly used to-day. Tills being so. undoubtedly this old fashion ed recipe will be welcomed by many as there seems to be a aegular epidemic of coughs at the preseht time. Secure from your druggist one ounce of Par mint (Double Strength) take this home and add to It a quarter pint of hot water and I ounces of granulated sugar, stir until dissolved. Take on*- 1 times a day. In addi tion take for three nights in succession a hot foot bath to which has been added two tablespoonfuls of mustard. Parmint is soothing to the throat, has a slight tonic action and should stop even the worst cough when used In con junction with the mustard foot bath. It Is also pleasant to take, costs little and makes an ideal remedy for the home. This should be made up anil kept In every household during tlio winter months. There Is nothing bct tei,—JUlv ia: UeemenL
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