Harrisburg telegraph. (Harrisburg, Pa.) 1879-1948, July 01, 1914, Page 10, Image 10

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    10
FOR SALE—S2,2OO
New 2-story brick houses at 1824 and 1828 Boas street, never occupied. 6 rooms, hall and bath.
All improvements. Range, furnace, cement cellar, concrete walk and steps, grass plot, side entrance,
front and back porches and bay window. Lot 20x110 feet. Price, #2200.
Also one at 1822 Boas street, 2-story brick, 7 rooms, hall and bath. Electric and gas lights, all
improvements, open stairways and chestnut finish. Just finished and in up-to-date stvle. Price,
#2400 on easy terms.
CHARLES BARNHART
1821 Whitehall Street, Owner and Builder
TAYLOR HOLDS KEY
TO RIVER FRONT
[Continued From First Page]
for planting and park purposes for
several years to come.
It is the judgment of many con
servative citizens that a few cents
more or less per load for the hauling
of this filling material should not pre
vent its use In this connection. All
■who have been Interested in grading
operations during recent years know
how difficult it is to obtain the neces
sary material and now that the city
Is pushing forward Its improvement
undertakings, failure to make avail
able this subway material is bound to
precipitato a storm of criticism.
George R. Stucker, of the contract
ing firm which Is building the river
■wall and steps, is authority for the
Statement that several gangs of men
■will be put to work within the next
week or two on the construction of
the stets and the laying of the grano
lithic walk. He said further that it
was the expectation of hi; firm to
complete the work this summer unless
something unforeseen occurs. It so
happens that this operation can be
pushed in several sections at the same
time and as labor Is plentiful there is
110 excuse whatever for dragging the
undertakings over another year.
Parking Should Be Pushed
For this reason it is extremely im
portant that the parking of the slope
should go forward with the wall and
walk along the depressed park below.
It is necessary only to grade tho slope
at a proper angle from the top of the
embankment to the depressed park
stretch at the bottom. Many people
have had the Idea that it is necessary
to fill out at the street level to the
granolithic walk. This is not the
l>lan and to do so would spoil the
whole scheme of treatment. By rea
son of this fact very little filling will
l>e necessary between Calder and Ma
clay streets. All that will be required ,
Is to bring the slope between those!
streets to a uniform grade. Not a!
great deal of filling material will be j
necessary until the narrow stretch i
from Macluy street northward is
reached.
Practically all of the work on the
wall and walk between Iron alley and
Paxton street will be completed this
week and headway is now being made
In the construction of the steps along
Harris Park, which will be restored
to usable conditions as soon as the
subway work at Front and Mulberry
streets Is finished. It is expected that
Front street under the Mulberry street
bridge will be open for use within the
next ten days, the excavations at this
point having been practically complet
ed.
To Eliminate Hardscrabble
Another effort to solve the "Hard
scrabble" problem by officially open
ing Front street between Herr and
Calder streets to the low water mark
of the Susquehanna will be made in
the near future, it is understood, by
the introduction in City Council of an
ordinance providing for that improve
ment.
On several occasions efforts have
been made to remove the cluster of
houses on the west side of Front street
between Calder and Herr and gen
erally called "Hardscrabble." The
latest of these was made by Ross A.
Hickok when common councilman
from the Fourth ward.
At that time —1907—an ordinance
was offered which provided for the
opening of the highway to low water
mark. Protests were made at the time
by some residents of the district and
after some discussion councllmen were
prevailed upon to let the whole matter
drop and the ordinance died in com
mittee.
The contemplated action relative to
the removal of "Hardscrabble" is based
on the legislative acts of nearly half
a century. In brief this is the his
tory: ~
The First Step
In 1869 the Legislature passed an
act authorizing the appointment of a
commission to lay out the streets of
llarrisburg, to indicate what new high
ways were to be Included and to show
by red line erasures what streets were
to be vacated. This was to apply to
the then corporate limits and one mile
beyond. Maclay street at that time
was the northern city line.
The commission made its report and
presented it to the Dauphin County
Court, but Judge Pearson at the time
sustained exceptions to it and refused
to act. Two yearr. later another act
was passed by the Legislature ratifying
and approving the commission's sug
gestions. In this report Front street
was laid out as a highway. A line was
fixed as the eastern curb and the street
was authorized to be placed on the
map from this eastern line to low
water mark
Tlie Report Approved
Provision was made that any dwell
ings which had been erected prior to
1569 could be condemned when the
street was opened, benefits and dam
ages assessed and the owner could be
recompensed for house and land. For
any subsequent development only the
cost of the ground was to he allowed
for. Naturally the Front street dis
trict question. Including the "Hard
scrabble" problem, would be included
WEDNESDAY EVENING HARRIBBURG TELEGRAPH JULY 1, 1914.
MAYOR'S BLACK EYE
STILL MUM
His Honor's More or Less Dazed
Over Yesterday's Council
manic Session
Mayor John K. Royal was still more |
or less dazed to-day over the incidents j
of yesterday's meeting of the City,
Council. He vainly imagined that he j
was going to have some fun with the
three Republican rqembers over a I
slight difference of choice regarding
a police officer, but the thing proved
a boomerang. Mayor Royal's black
eye will be some time healing.
When the name of ex-Sergeant Her
man S. Kautz was submitted by Com
missioner Lynch, Mayor Royal
promptly moved to substitute the
name of ex-Sergeant Charles J. O'Don
nel. Then Commissioner Taylor pro
posed the name of John M. Benner
Instead of O'Donnel. Things were
moving fast at this juncture and
Commissioner Gorgas. a Democrat,
and head of the finance department,
seconded Mayor Royal's amendment, j
Commissioner Bowman putting in a I
second for Mr. Taylor's substitute.
First came the vote on Mr. Taylor's)
amendment, which was defeated as j
was also the Mayor's amendment sub- |
stituting O'Donnel. Then followed |
the explosion. Mayor Royal was sit- j
ting right over the mine when It went
up. He put the question on the con-1
firmation of Kautz and as the roll was ;
called and Mr. Gorgas voted in the af- !
firmative, the Mayor indulged in some j
facial contortions Indicating great sur- \
prise and consternation. He was j
flabbergasted and appealed to Com- |
missioner Gorgas in order to be cer-1
tain that his Democratic colleague j
had not voted under a misapprehen- j
sion. Mr. Gorgas smiled benignly and j
assured His Honor that his vote in I
the affirmative was all right.
Then Mayor Royal, still smarting;
under the unmasking of his partisan- I
ship, suggested that there was yet a !
vacancy on his force —that of dog- \
catcher—and that the Council having
seen fit to fill every other place might j
name the collector of surplus canines.
Commissioner Gorgas knows all j
about psychology and he evidently \
concluded that yesterday was his;
psychological day for breaking a j
deadlock J.nd also a proper time for
putting some elixir of life Into the
nonpartisan feature of the city ad- ,
ministration.
As for the other end of it, some J
practical politicians were speculating!
to-day as to what would have hap- j
pended had Commissioner Taylor •
dropped Benner and voted for O'Don- j
nel on Mayor Royal's amendment. j
NEW VICTOR RECORDS FOR
JULY
Are here. Come In and be entertain
i ed. We're glad to play them for you.
J. H. Troup Music House, 15 South
Market Square.—Advertisement.
A KIRW and Frlanger production.
"Classmates." will he shown to-day at
the Photoplay In four reels.—Adver
tisements.
JOHNSON FABIjS TO SIGN
London, July I.—Jack Johnson, the
negro heavyweight pugilist, to-day
failed to keep his appointment at the
offices of a sporting paper here where
he was to sign articles for a light with
Siini 1-angford to take place in Octo
ber. The promoters, however, received
an intimation that he would arrive
here to-morrow.
RING PETER ILL
Vienna, Austria, July I.—Professor
Francis Chvostek, of the medical fac
ulty of the Vienna University, and a
specialist for internal complaints, was
summonded to-day to proceed to Ser
via to attend King Peter.
in this provision. Owners of proper
ties in the district erected prior to
lSti9 would have to be recompensed
for house and land; those built since
then would be compensated for land
only.
Front street between Herr and Cal
der has never been officially opened,
however. This was what was contem
plated by Mr. Hlckok's ordinance—
and what, furthermore, is to be the
aim of the new measure soofa to be
introduced in City Council.
The Method of Procedure
The proceeding will follow any simi
lar action involving the opening of a
street. A board of viewers will be
appointed by the court, benefits and
damages will be assessed and the dif
ference between the amount of the
damages allowed and the amount of
benefits that will accrue to the prop
erties on the eastern side of the street
will have to be paid for by the city.
And realty experts and others who
are familiar with the situation gen
erally agree that the sum Harrlsburg
would be required to pay Would not
J be a particularly large one.
SENATOR PENROSE
REPLIES VIGOROUSLY
[Continued From First Page]
Mr. Roosevelt's Presidency, my rela
tions with him were cordial. I co
operated with him in nearly all of his
policies as a member of the United
States Senate; and when certain po
tential elements in the Republican
party were plotting to defeat Mr.
Roosevelt for the nomination in 1904,
I was, as chairman of the Republican
State committee of Pennsylvania, most
active in having him Indorsed for
nomination and election at our State
convention, Pennsylvania being the
first State to indorse him.
"I co-operated in forcing similar
resolutions on the State convention in
Ohio, which occurred very soon after
wards, against the opposition of M»«
Hanna. As chairman of the Republi
can State committee of Pennsylvania,
in the same year, I was largely in
strumental in giving the splendid ma
jority to which the letter above men
tioned refers; in fact, while Mr. Roose
velt was President, my relations with
him were cordial and 1 always appre
ciated the consideration which he gave
to my recommendations in matters of
Federal patronage.
"It cannot be that his new-found
associations with William Flinn have
altered his conception of my activities
in Pennsylvania. Surely a notorious
political contractor and a former po
litical boss of Pittsburgh, under whose
regime all the franchises in Pittsburgh
were appropriated to the use and profit
of himself and associates, while
money poured into Fllnn's pockets
from municipal contracts could have
been the source of Mr. Roosevelt's
change of attitude regarding my po
litical activities.
"I am further informed that Mr.
Roosevelt refers to the fact 1 opposed
him for nomination at the Republican
national convention in 1912,, and 1
take this as the real reason for his
change of attitude.
"Men are apt to be bosses to their
enemies and leaders to their friends.
"Even Mr. Roosevelt cannot escape
the frailties of human nature.
"I exercise my privilege as a Re
publican, and as a Republican United
States Senator to use my own judg
ment as to what course I should follow
in the presidential contest of that year.
I pursued the course, I took, not from
my personal or selfish reasons, but for
what I considered to be to the ad
vantage of the Republican party and
of the people of Pennsylvania.
"Mr. Roosevelt has assured me in
the most positive terms that his am
bition had been fully satisfied and that
under no circumstances would he ever
be a candidate again for the presi
dency. He assured a great many mem
bers of the United States Senate and
prominent Republicans from all over
the country to the same effect. He
had taken himself, as far as we
informed, entirely out of consideration
in connection with this office.
"It had been the custom of the Re
publican party to renominate a Re
publican President in most cases. Mr.
Taft had Incurred more or less opposi
tion in the Republican party, as is
well known, by reason of his official
acts and policies. It seemed to mc,
however, that on the vital issue In
which Pennsylvania was interested,
namely, the maiiit -nance of the pro
tective principle, it was to the interest
of our State for me to co-operate with
him while he was President.
"Mr. Taft voted for Democratic tar
iff bills which were passed by the
House and the United States Senate,
which, during the last part of Mr.,
Taft's administration, had a nominal
Republican majority only.
"These Democratic bills were passed
in the Senate, notwithstanding this
nominal Republican majority, by the
>'otes of Progressives and so-called
near Progressive Senators.
"These bills were vetoed by Mr.
Taft. In this way the dreadful indus
trial depression which now Inflicts our
State and has brought about an army
of unemployed throughout the Com
monwealth. entailing great misery and
distress, was averted for two years, or
| until the advent of another adminis
tration.
"I certainly could not. as an honor
able man, have abandoned Mr. Taft
because Mr. Roosevelt changed his
mind, even had I had any desire or
had there been any obligation that I
should leave Mr. Taft for Mr. Roose
velt.
"I have, however, all through my
political career been careful of my po
litical word and obligation, and re
gardless of results I adhered stead
fastly to my loyalty to Mr. Taft. based,
as I say. on a policy of the Republi
can party and on my belief that In
that way I was best serving the indus
trial interests in Pennsylvania in sup
porting the man who was vetoing the
bills that were aimed to destroy our
prosperity.
"In the Republican national conven
tion, Mr. Roosevelt, at no time, had
,a majority of the convention. I can-
not. In the limits. of this statement go
Into details, as I would like to do.
As the campaign progresses, should
this discussion be continued, 1 shall
be glad to meet all comers and all
questions.
"It Is sufficient to say that the rules
under which the convention acted re
garding delegates, and all other mat
ters of procedure, precisely, were the
rules which Mr. Roosevelt had insist
ed on in the national convention of
1908.
"It will be recalled that Mr. Roose
velt had absolutely named Mr. Taft
for the presidency. Mr. Taft admits
this, and has said so, and the Amer
ican people generally concede it.
"Whether Mr. Roosevelt considers
this an act of bossism or not I do not
know, but to me. at the time it seemed
like the most offensive act of bossism
that could be perpetrated in Amer
ican politics, namely, for a President
to attempt to force his successors on
his party and later on the people."
ROOSEVELT SCORES
WILSON'S POLICIES;
[Continii'M From First Pajje]
attended him constantly. Captain of
Detectives T. C. Johnston rode on
the running board of his machine,
scanning the crowds, following: by an
other load of sleuths.
The Roosevelt Address
Colonel Roosevelt's principal address
was divided into three parts, an attack
on the Wilson administration, an in
dictment of "bosses" and an exposition
of the principles of the Progressive
party.
The administration's tariff laws
Colonel Roosevelt hailed as a colossal
failure, particularly hard upon the
farmer; its anti-trust program he
branded as an economic absurdity. Its
foreign policy he styled as "wretched"
but upon this he did not elaborate.
The Democratic tariff, he insisted,
had brought distress upon the nation,
had not lowered the cost of living and
had chiefly benefited foreign rivals of
American business. The solution rest
ed, he argued, in support of the Pro
gressive movement and the enact
ment of laws providing for tariff re
vision by a nonpartisan commission.
Of the "bosses," Mr. Roosevelt said
what he has heretofore—that they
thwarted the rank and tile of the He
publican party by the nomination of
Taft at Chicago and in so doing "de
liberately put the Democratic organi
zation and Mr. Wilson into power."
Anti-Trust Regulation
In conclusion the Colonel sketched
the Progressive idea of needed anti
trust regulation by properly empow
ered commissions, contrasting such
proposals with legislation now pend
ing at Washington, which he found
woefully inadequate. Such a program
alone, he contended, proved the inad
equacy of the Democratic party. "It
is and always will be," he said, "the
State's Rights Party, the 'Party-afraid
of Power.' "
Yet the Colonel warned those dissat
isfied with the administration not
through their resentment to throw
their support to the leaders he had
attacked. To do so, he said, would
only ensure a continuation of "gov
ernment by convulsion, of a govern
mental see-saw between two sets of
policies."
He spoke a word concerning those
whom the Progressives would welcome
to the party. "We will gladly work,"
he said, "with any men who will
themselves with open sincerity work
for these (Progressive) principles, pro
vided that they are men of such char
acter as to justify confidence in their
good faith. In this spirit we ask all
good citizens to co-operate with us
when, as here in Pennsylvania, we
hold aloft the flag of good citizenship
in the fight to translate these sound
and lofty principles into governmen
tal practice."
Colonel Roosevelt came here to
speak in support of the candidacy of
Mr. Lewis for Governor and of Gifford
Pinchot for United States Senator.
Their qualifications he touched upon
at the opening of his speech. There
after he confined himself to the na
tional issue outlined.
"Prevents Prosperity's" Kxistcnce
"The 'present national administra
tion," he said, "is pursuing a course
that prevents the existence of pros
perity, and that does not offer a sin
gle serious or intelligible plan for
passing prosperity around, should
prosperity in spite of the administra
tion's efforts at some future time re
turn to our people.
"This is true both as regards the
trust question and the tariff question.
As regards both the only wise course
to follow is that set forth in the na
tional Progressive platform.
"The nation should deal with both
by continuing executive action through
administrative commissions of ample
power.
"One commission should shape our
tariff policies so as, with thorough
knowledge disinterestedls - acquired, to
give proper encouragement to our
merchants while also giving proper
protection to our wage-workers, our
farmers and our business men.
"The other commission should exer
cise strict supervision and control over
big business. We should treat it with
entire justice, drawing the fine not on
size, but on misconduct. We should
encourage the big business man who
does well and who regards his great
abilities as a trust to be exercised as
much in the interest of the public as
in his own interests. But we should
check and punish him effectually and
promptly when he exercises those
abilities to the detriment either of
the smaller business man with whom
he competes, of the wage-earners who
should share with him the benefits of
his and other common efforts or of
the general public whom he serves.
Democratic Tariff I'romi.fH
"As regards the tariff, I wish espe
cially to call your attention to the
promises made by President Wilson
and his supporters two years ago.
They asserted that their method of
tariff reduction would reduce the cost
of living and would thus solve the
trust question because, as they said,
the trusts were the creatures of the
tariff. We then answered that their
promises were empty words, that no
such results as they stated could or
would follow from the course they ad
vocated and that only by the method
we propose could either the trust or
the tariff question be delt with so as
to abate the existing evils and at the
same time increase the general well
being.
"Two short years have proved us to
be right. Their promises have not been
kept. Their performance has brought
distress upon the nation. The cost of
living has not been reduced. But the
ability of the average man to earn a
living has been greatly reduced. Not
the slightest progress has been made
toward solving the trust quentlon. But
the business community has been ha
rassed and harried to no purpose; and
the prosperity of the business man has
been checked, exactly as the prosperity
of the farmer and the wage-worker
has been checked.
"As for the farmer, the present tar
iff, the administration's tariff, was so
framed as to result in the sacrifice of
his interests, lie had not spokesman,
no friend in high quarters and his
; welfare was contemptuously sacrificed,
i At every point where his interest was
; concerned he was made to suffer.
"As for the wage-earner, the result
| of the tariff was that he suffered even
more than his employer, for he was
! thrown out of employment and lost
I the means to earn his livelihood.
Fate of the Employer
"As for the employer, sometimes he
has been able to struggle on with the
loss of profits, sometimes he has had
to close his shop. Jn businesses in
which any of the big trusts were con
cerned, it was the small competitors of
the trusts who were injured, and in
many cases ruined.
"Tariff reduction as put into prac
tice by the present administration has
chiefly benefited foreign rivals and
competitors. It has done grave injury
to the business community and the
farming community, and has caused
suffering to the wage-workers and the
whole policy of the administration has
been one to cause our people in busi
ness, our people on the farms, our peo
ple with dinner pails, to look toward
the future with grave concern and ap
prehension.
"It is of course essential to rebuke
those leaders who by their action
helped to put the present administra
tion in power, and moreover, it is of
vital consequence to ihe future well
being of our people, to drive from pub
lic life all men whose political activi
ties in State and nation alike, have
been such as those of Senator Pen
rose.
"This is not only a political but a
moral issue. I mention the name of
Senator Penrose, merely because he
typifies a class, 1 am not concerned
with him as an individual; I am con
cerned with him as a type. Mr. Pen
rose stands in Pennsylvania as Mr.
Barnes stands in New York. When we
fight these men and their activities,
we are fighting the battle of all decent
men, and in particular, we are fight
ing the battle of the honest Repub
lican rank and file, whom these men
have misrepresented and betrayed.
Wretched Foreign Policy
"It is well to keep in mind that we
now have Mr. Wilson's administration,
that we now suffer from a wretched
foreign policy and from home policies,
international affairs which have ser
iously impaired the well-being of our
people, primarily because of the ac
tion of Senator Penrose in associating
with men of the same type like Air.
Harnes. Messrs. Penrose, Barnes and
their associates at Chicago taking ad
vantage of the fact that national nom
inating conventions are not protected
by law, followed a course.of conduct
morally every whit as bad as that
which at elections result in wrong
doers of humbled rank being put in
stripes.
"They stole from the rank and file
of the Republican party the right to
govern themselves; to nominate their
own candidates and promulgate their
own platform. They took this action
with the deliberate purpose of elect
ing a Democratic President, because
they infinitely preferred the triumph
of their nominal party foes to seeing
the contol of their own organization
wrested from their hands by the rank
and tile of their own party. They are
foes of decent citizenship. Their po
litical lives depend upon their keeping
politics in such conuition that decent
men cannot succeed them, and that
the ordinary citizens cannot get con
trol of their own government.
"Rather than see this control
broken, Messrs. Penrose, Barnes and
their associates deliberately put the
Democratic organization and Air. Wil
son into power at Washington.
"Of course, our contest must always
be primarily on 6 lor principles. it
must always be a contest to enact into
law and reduce to the domain of ex
ecutive action those principles. But
it is impossible to do this etiectively
until we urive from political leader
snip tne boss whose very existence in
pontics is the negation of tliuse prin
ciples. 'there is no use in endeavor
ing to put into effect our platlorm for
social ana industrial justice if the leg
islative and execuu\e oincers ot gov
ernment are mere subotncers ot a boss,
whether this boss be Mr. i'enrose, Mr.
Barnes or Mr. Murphy.
Mmns oi I'iogrcssives
"Much 01 our efioit is to secure laws
protecting t'ne iuoor of women and
prohibiting me labor of chuuren in
mines ami lactones, proviuing for
worKmen s compensation and tne like.
» » » xhis eilori is bounu to come
to naught it, 111 its actual working,
the torces ol government are admin
istered by men wnose whole theory
ol action is based 011 the alliance of
crookeu politics with crooked wealth.
"Much of our effort is to help the
men who live on farms. * " This
effort will fail it the government of
Slate and nation is controlled by men
who treat with derision the very idea
of seriously studying the conditions
111 the open country that need rem
edying.
"Much of our effort is to help in
dustry. We propose to make the con
ditions such that honest men can
earn a fair living for themselves and
their families without the haunting
fear of being prosecuted, for violations
of law, which they did not and could
not know were such and which were
not violations of sound public policy.
"Much of our effort is to help men
and women workers. Just as we be
lieve in co-operation among the farm
ers and the business men so we believe
in co-operation among the wage-work
ers. And we further believe that the
wage-workers and the business men
must co-operate together and work
closer together for their mutual ad
vantage.
"It has been the cut-throat competi
tion of the past—the competition that
Mr. Wilson is determined to preserve
by law—which has not only hurt busi
ness and prevented the business man
from working most effectively for the
commongood, but which has forced
the workingnian to work for ruinously
small wages. •
"We propose to substitute the era
of co-operation for the era of compe
tition among the business men and
farmers and wage-workers; and as a
necessary corollary we believe that the
governmont must In thorough-going
fashion supervise and regulate this
movement toward co-operation.
Colonel Issues » Warning:
"But this effort will come to naught
if honest business men support sinis
ter politicians whose interested en
deavor is chl' fiy to help the crooked
business man whose success is
achieved by swindling his fellows. In
their resentment at the national ad
ministration because of its part in
bringing them to sore need, many
business men and working men and
farmers threaten to vote even for such
politicians as Mr. Penrose in hope of
securing relief.
"Those who do will invite a worse
disaster than that from which they
now suffer. It was the politicians like
Mr. Penrose who are responsible for
the existence of the present national
administration. To put them In power
would merely ensure in a short time
another violent swing of the pendulum
against them, and a continuation of
government by convulsion, of a gov
ernmental see-saw between two sets
of policies, both inimical to the gen
eral welfare, and two sets of poli
ticians, neither of them responsive to
the public needs."
To meet such a situation Colonel
Roosevelt argued that the voters of
Pennsylvania should repudiate Pen
'rose and his nominees and followers j«
and further should oppose the sup
porters of the present administration, j
Concluding his indictment of "the' ,
bosses," he outlined what he styled
the "specific performances" of the Pro
gressive party, in the matter of State '
and national legislation, and again;!
took up the tariff question.
"We Progressives advocate the im-1 1
mediate reation of a nonpartisan com- • '
mission," he said, "with power to pro- j 1
pose revision of the tarifT rates, ached- '
ule by schedule, treating each case on i'
an intelligent consideration of its mer- J'
its, divorced from favoritism and the |
fostering of special interests. The |'
program would not be attended by | j
the reckless haste, the Improper in- j
fluences, the sectional party politics j!
which characterize our present meth- j
ods of tariff legislation by. general law;
and remember that exactly the same ,
methods were pursued in making the
i Payne-Aldrich law, which it super
i seded.
"Our proposed method would never
disorganize business by a complete
change in all the tariff schedules at
one time. This Is the Progressive tar
iff program,
i "I ask all honest believers in a pro
i tective tariff, and especially all work
ingmen, to onslder the fact that this
' is the only program offering hope of
permanent well being; whereas the
alternative program is one of violent |
oscillation between such tariffs as the
s Payne-Aldrich bill made by Senator
■ Penrose and his associates and the
present tariff bill, made by President
L Wilson and his followers, such as the
f gentleman now running for the Sen
* ate in Pennsylvania on the Democratic
I ticket.
His Anti-Trust Program
"Of all the Progressive anti-trust
" program," he said. "We believe in co
operation among business men, among
farmers and among wage-workers.
"It is evident that the problem of all
_ anti-trust legislation Is effectively to
j determine, one the one hand, what
trade-practices are unfair, and on the
other, to prevent the exclusive con-
B trol of any factor essential to produc
tion by any person or corporation or
j group operated as a unit. It is pri
! marily an administrative problem. To
' meet It we must have adequate ad
r ministrative machinery.
"The Progressives, therefore, advo
? rate the creation of a strong Inter
. state Trade Commission and would
j give such commission, primarily, three
powers:
"First, the power of investigation,
j The commission should be able to as
t certain on complaint or on its own
t motion, whether a monopoly In fact
. exists, and if it does exist, the basis of
its monopolistic power.
"Second, the power l directly to pro
e hibit all unfair tra*le practices within
0 its jurisdiction. This power would
r enable the commission to stop all
r monopolies based on unfair and op
n pressive trade practices. Whenever
_ monopoly is based on such practices,
e what is needed is not the right to rec
ommend that suits be brought by the
s Attorney General, or by anyone else.
„ What is needed is the direct power in
the commission itself to stop the
e wrong.
"Third, the power to end the exclu
g sive control of a factor necessary to
t production by an order adapted to the
t circumstances of the particular case.
. The order may involve changes in or
ganization, in management, or in the
,1 conduct of the business. Where ex
j elusive possession of a natural re
e source is the basis of the monopoly,
_ it may be necessary to subject its pos
session to the obligation of public
„ service, that Is, the obligation to sell
t to others a reasonable amount at rea
-0 sonable rates.
Constructive Program
lt "Our constructive program of anti
y trust legislation has no quarrel with
■_ | large business organizations as such, i
n I On the contrary, we recognize that
_ I business efficiency in production ca.i
■ _ j be attained only through business or
,r i ganization. But we demand that the
i. government must be clothed with all
| the necessary power to crush nionop-
Bi oly with all its attendant evils.
,/ "Contrasted with this program we
I have the Democratic anti-trust pro-,
j gram now under discussion in the
s | Senate of the United States. That
program proves the inadequacy of the
n Demoratic party for the present and
r the future of the nation. It is. and al
e ways will be, the States Rights Party,
the party opposed to strong Federal
atclon, the 'Party-afraid-of-Power.'
"We cannot control our great na
tional business without power, na
(l, tional power. But the Democrats dare
n not use power themselves, nor let any-
P one else have it. Their trust program.
[a as it stands to-day, is made futile by
- this fear. Their official administration
bills propose a weak Federal Trade
Commission with no power except to
( investigate and report. They fear to
give the government the strength to
cope with corporate abuses. They
fear to give the commission power to
prevent unfair trade pactices. Indeed,
~ their measure would hardly give the
. commission power really to investi
gate, much less to destroy by proper
8 administrative order, monopolies based
on the exclusive possession of a factor
essential to production.
u Docs Not Go Far Enough
y- "To the powers of investigation and
n recommendation which the bill pro
poses to give to the commission, so far
as they go, we have no objection. It
e is the Inadequacy of the commission's
t_ power to destroy monopoly which we
le condemn. Progressive Congressmen
" voted for the bill, not because lt rep
* resents an adequate attempt to deal
with a great problem, but in the hope
that a day will arrive when the so
called Trade Commission will be given
sufficient power to make it a real
' e Trade Commission, such as our na
tional platform promises and such as
n the bills which we have introduced
lo would provide.
d "The House of Representatives has
'y also passed a bill supplemental to the
Sherman anti-trust act. Many of the
" a provisions of this bill deverse com
s" mendatlon, especially those which pro
'd hibit certain forms of unfair trade
a competition which the courts have
le not as yet clearly condemned, hut
which upright business men every
>s where recognize as wrong and tend
ing to monopoly. Similar provisions
will be found in the Progressive antl
it trust bills.
"But the Clayton bill goes hopeless
ly wrong in that it forbids specifically
any combination or agreement or In
Interstate commerce between two or
more corporations, firms or even in
dividuals, which In any way lessens
or restricts the competition between
them. This is the hub of their whole
position. They propose that two
farmers selling milk across a State
line cannot co-operate and that two
men doing any business across a State
line cannot form a partnership or a
corporation. They Insist that there
must be no big business power, con
centrated power, 'or 14rge enterprise
anywhere, and that our business must
go back to the period of not merely
1850, but 1650; to the cobbler's bench,
the grls' mill and the blacksmith's
forge.
"This is economic absurdity. • • •
Unlimited competition has proved one
of the greatest curses of modern civil
ization. It was unlimited competition
which operated the great trusts, ex
actly as it created the sweat-shop and
Is chiefly responsible for child labor.
The New Freedom Is merely the ex
ceedingly old freedom which permits
each man to cut his neighbor's throat.
The Progressive.Plan
"The Progressive plan, on the other
hand," said Colonel Roosevelt, "will
allow business concentration In so
far as such concentration gives social
and economic efficiency and good serv
ice. But it will also give the govern
ment full power to see that business
concentration does serve these neces
sary ends, and that it is not used for
unfair competition or for monopoly,
j or for the unfair treatment of labor
or for any other anti-social end.
"This is the only tenable position
on the trust problem, for it faces
the facts, and does not try to turn
| back the hands of the clock. By long
j and disappointing experience we have
I had several cardinal facts hammered
j into us.
"First, we cannot, and do not want
to destroy all corporations; we must
have large units to do our work.
"Second, we cannot make every man
compete with every other man; we
cannot go back to 1850, still less to
1650.
"Third, we cannot destroy monopoly
by attacking all forms of concentra
tion, whether monopolistic or not.
"Fourth, we cannot destroy real
monopoly by attacking its legal form.
We must .id out and take away the
real economic basis of monopoly,
which is a very different thing.
"Fifth, we can get no effective re
sults through the courts, with their
slow and restricted procedure.
"Sixth, we must encourage honest
business, and allow that business con
centration which will give the power
necessary to serve us. This policy of
the enouragement of decent business
Is as important to the welfare of our
people as is our other policy o& effec
tive warfare against corrupt and un
fair business.
"Seventh, there must be co-opera
tion among business men, among
wage-workers, and among farmers.
"We have had now twenty-four
years' experience with tying to regu
late business by destruction," the
Colonel concluded. "The result has
been nearly flat failure. The admin
istration proposes a policy of further
destruction, even more unintelligent
in conception, and certain to he more
futile in performance, than the ex
isting policy which it amends.
"The only alternative Is the Progres
sive plan. From all of this it follows
that we have a right to ask good citi
zens to join against the present ad
ministration. The policies of the ad
ministration should he rebuked by
the people, and Senators and Con
gressmen returned to Washington
who will strive to end these policies."
Government by Convulsion"
Colonel Roosevelt publicly recog
nized the difficulties under which he
was laboring. A man in the crowd
called out something which he could
not hear.
"I didn't quite hear you," the Colo
nel said, "and yet you have a good
voice."
Colonel Roosevelt coined a new
phrase In last night's speech. It was
what he called "government by con
vulsion." By this he said he meant
the passing back and forth of power
between the Republican and Demo
cratic parties.
After he had finished his speech,
Colonel Roosevelt was told that a,
crowd at an overflow meeting in Ex
hibition Hall was awaiting him. He
did not feel like making another ex
tended speech, and stopped merely
long enough for a word of greeting.
He did not forget, however, to pay
his respects to the "bosses."
"They hope," he said, "that while
your hearts won't harden, your heads
will become soft."
"This is the year," said Mr. Pinchot,
"when the curtain rings down on the
Penrose play."
Mr. Lewis said that "Penroseism"
was the main issue in the State cam
paign.
At the dinner Henry Allen, Progres
sive candidate for Governor of Kansas
delivered an address. Later Colonel
Roosevelt talked for five minutes and
said he wished to send buck to Kan
sas, through Mr. Allen, to Victor Mur
dock and his associates his thanks for
"their gallant tight."
From Exhibition Hall Colonel
Roosevelt went to a hotel, to rest un
til departing for New York.
Business Locals
BETTER CUT THE SHOE
than pinch the foot, is not modern
logic. Send the shoes to us and we'll
put on a new sole and expand the
vamp so as to permit greater comfort.
The shoe will then be as good as new.
The Goodyear way is our way. While
you wait, If ''{•sired. City Shoe Re
pairing Co., 317 Strawberry street.
BREEZY THINGS
for hot days. When the thermometer
registers near the'hundred mark just
get in out of the sun and send for us
to inrtall one of our oscillating electric
fans. It will send a breeze into any
corner you desire when you fail to find
one any other place. Dauphin Elec
trical Supplies Co., 434 Market street.
COTTAGE OR SKY-SCRAPER
We will cover either one with a
coat of paint. Inside or outside; the
smallest tenement or the finest resi
dence will receive our attention. Es
tablished in 1881, we've weilded the
brushes eve/ - since, and the Mechanics
Bank and the Telegraph buildings
bear testimony to our ability and
facility. Gohl & Bruaw. 110 Straw
berry street.
HANDY TO HAVE AROUND
Paint is a money saver and handy
to ha - around the house, barn or
shop. It's a great preserver as well
as keeping wagons, fences and the
house looking fresh and bright. But
the H. B. Davis palnls are the best
for all purposes. Phone us and we'll
tell you why. Shaffer Sales Company,
80 South Cameron street.
A LITTLE STREAM
May quench thirst as well as a great
river. Our soda fountain Is closer to
the Square than the Susquehanna and
more effective as a thirst quencher.
Individual sanitary cups and all the
popular flavors and crushed fruits.
Two doors west of Market Square.
Gross' Drug Store. 119 Market street.
ALWAYS APPROPRIATE
You will never be at a loss as to
what to select for a pretty gift once
you step in our store and see the
many suitable articles of jewelry. Alio
watches of leading makes, clocks,
table silver, and various other useful
and ornamental articles. W. R. At
kinson. 14 23% North Third street.
FRESH, FRAGRANT FLOWERS
Corsage bouquets or gorgeous show
ers, cut flowers and blooming plants;
baskets of beautiful flowers that sim
ply captivate can be arranged on short
order. The freshness of the flowers
and their beauty is seen in the high
est degree in the flowers and does
credit to our reputation e: leaders.
Schmidt, Florist, 313 Market street
WE DON'T HAVE TO
be told as much as we have to be re
minded. Everyone knows that Bill
Jones is in business, hut If he fails
to remind them of what he hns to sell
I they will naturally think of his com
| petitor who tells them his story. Let
us show you our multigraph facsimile
letters. Weaver Typewriting company.
25 North Third street