D. A. BUEHLER, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
yot,
FREE SOIL VB. SLAVERY.
conviroli eitEAT spgiati
Against the, comPrenthe Sig
ssussiss is . 'TO . VINITID 'TAM MOUT",
4 ' ' Welfncyr, an. 24, le4B.
Ma. Pitemoriftv! I hnk! o scarcely \un
dertake to , assign to t e Senate a reason
for *prolonging this debate, especially after
the very elaborate and lucid exposition ofl
the bill now before us 'Which has been giv
•en by the :Senator from Vermont I feel'
c.e i mpelled, however, from various consid
eration/4 with which I will not trouble the
Senate, to state, in very few words, if that
'be possible, whet my objections are to the
passager - of the bill hand, limey be, to of-
Sersoine few observations in reply to such
propositions as' have been announced at
various times during this debate, by Sena
tors on the other side of the chamber. I'
have listened with great eagerness, since the
• commencement of this discussion, to every
thing that has been said, with the most sin
cere and unfeigned' desire to make ,myself
acquainted with at least.the primary ele
ments and principles which enter Into the
composition of the bill. And, I think I
.may say, 'without exposing myself to the
charge of egotism, that I feel as little the
inflifences which have been spoken of by
the Senator from Vermont as it is desira
ble that any gentleman, acting in the capac
ity of a legislator, shbuld feel, I do hot
participate, however, I may advertise gen
tlemen, in the belief which has been so
-constantly expressed during this discus
sion, that this is a subject which is likely
to produce that terrible and momentous ex
citement that is spoken of. I believe if
this principle were discussed solemnly,
and, so to speak, abstactedly from those
extraneous circumstances so frequently
adverted to here, that we should be much
more likely to arrive at a satisfactory con
-elusion to ourselves, and at more satisfac
tory results, I hope, to those who are to
come after us. I have tto belief that the
--passage of a law, such_ as is- now . before
the Senate, will produce a disruption of die
bonds that hold this Union together. I
have no belief that the passage of the law
so much deprecated by some,_ gentlemen
on this side, by the name, if you please, of•
the "Wilmot Proviso, could; by any pos
sibility whatever, induce the Southern por
etion of the Union, which; we are told, is
so much excited on the subject, to tear
themselves asunder from the conatitUtional
-compact by which we are held together.—
Sir, if I entertained an opinion of this kind,
IShouldscarcely think a seat on this floor
worth possessing for a single day. I do
• not think the technical term spoken of by
ithe Senator from Vermont, the "Wilmot
Proviso," can of itself exercise that Mlle
- once urein statesmen orexalted intellect of
• the south, which has been intimated by gen
. denten who have participatettin this de
: bate. What is this terrible Wilmot Pro
% vise, that has been erected here and else
% where into such a raw head and bloody
', bones, to use a very expressive phrase of,
, the.mursery 1 What is it 1 Why, sir, l
there are about one Senators who know
, very well to whom the paternity of the ,
• "" Wilma!. Proviso," as it has been recently',
baptized, belonged. They know that the
-same gentleman who drafted the Declara
tion of Independence, which is hung up inl
. our halls and placed in our libraries, and I
regarded with the same reverence as our
Bible—for it has become a Gospel of freed
om all over the world as well as in this
country----drafted that which is called the
- "Wilmot Proviso," composing as it did a
• section of the ordinance of 1787,, and that
the hand that shafted both was Jefferson's.
' There have been some strange misnomers
in regard to -sets, some strange confusion
of nomenclature in this country, as in this
• case, when a part of the ordinance of 1787
has come to bear the appellation of the
" Wilmot Proviso." Sir, much as I res
pect that gentleman for hiaposition on this I
subject, which has connected his very
name with tke Ordinance of 1787, I deny
to him-the-honer of originating it. It is a
piracy of the copy-right. 1 do not see
that there -is any danger that Southern
,gentlemen, after the lapse of so many
,years, and after the founding of a young
empire in the west, by virtue of that Ordi
nance, will so desecrate the memory of
Jefferson and epit on his grave, because we
, merely re-enact that Ordinance over a Ter
, ritory which has tiubsequently come. into
. our Rosoeseion. I have he 4dea that 8101
consequences will follow from the passage
-of such it,la is, aegentleman have predicted.
'There mist have been sinning° revolution
- %trough;
. fill the minds of Southern gentle
melt between 1787 and 184t1f such con
sequences are to folloW. And I could not
- ]telp, obseriitg,. while the ` Senator frem
:Vertriont was expressing " - these noble
stialithents, witicli every :body, even
' theist Who Illb' not feol them, must ad
5411iret Piling !tte wo,ahoold act here inde
pendently of•the excitement without these
, walla,. and -that we should acorn Ade
.. —. ... ~ •,
-.'newipititer.paragraphs in which we 'are
'.11114181s .written by those who know tide
or.ll,,,notivs by which we are influenced,
oaloo careless;, I could not holtiob
serviiig that it list the . Senator admonish
„ad us that theta was an excitement abroad
'..illitiktiS*O . fink - Altar • and to do that, he
,
• (•tibiirlr4 to Ibis bill, `a l th o ugh ' it was some
. ly : aqi,ffreireiit from that which he desired
..v- 4 f, 9,4111 the lion-hearted Senator from
'
.''
Vertimet has agreed to this Compromise,
,tinit'it is ca l l e d, becam- there is an excite
, anent which lie wishes to allay by it. Sir,
'II de sire to see guilt - 41mi act and vote here
.:,as-if there were no excitement on the sub
„ject:, I should be very sorry, ut least, to
.allow any influences to operate upon my
ilelliterate judgement, except those which
belong to the relation of representative and
ottoetituent. .It is the farthest from my
intention of any thing that can he cutlet:iv
, thl of say any thing in regard to this bill
, which may wound the feelings of gentle
men 'who have labored so hard to produce
something that would satisfy us all. The
&hater from Vermont has acted as - he
should have acted, has acted nobly in re
laden to this matter, and I know very well
that ho will be willing to accord to me the
seine rule of action, the 'tame indepetidence
• hat ha has used ; mil I fun., w,tit I come
to speak of the itiU, I shall be under,...she
necessity of availing myself of what the
gentleman has called a "special demurrer ;"
for I do hot think there is such pressing
necessity for the passage of the bill, as to
oblige us to forego the statement of duch
objections as we may entertain. ?Suppose
you enact no law, what will happen ? Or
egon has for many years taken dare of her , .
self, and I believe on one or two occasions
made better laws for herself than she is
likely to get at our hands, the has taken
care of herself ever since she became an
integral portion of the Union, by the Ilettiti
raent of the dispute between us and Great
Britain. How the new provinces may
fare, what may happen to New Mexico
and California in the intermediate hole
which. asilt-elapse,if weithoukl.autbstablo
to act upon this matter at the present ses
sion, is not a matter of much concern or
apprehension with me, because I know
they have been in your custody for a year
or two, and have not complained at all for ,
the want of legal enactments ; they have
only complained that you -have made too
free use of gun powder.
.Rather than not
act in the matter fully and definitively, as I
would if there were no emergency, I would
allow those provinces to take care of them
selves for another twelve months, and come
here at the beginning, of a new session,
ready to act upon these subjects as my
judgment should dictate.
Now, Sir, in the first place, I under
stand we have a message from the Presi
dent, although I believe it has not been ad
verted to by any one, calling upon us to
designate the boundaries of these Territo
ries of New Mexico and California ; and
another branch of the Legislature has been
anxiously looking to the geography of
those countries, and tracing their history ;
and are as yet incapable of determining
where Texas ends and New Mexico be
gins ; and they have been under the neces
sity of applying to the Chief 'Magistrate
to give them a lesson in Geography. - What
the substance of the information they have
received was I do not know, but I have
been informed, upon the floor of the Sen
ate; that Texas extends to the banks of the
Rio Gande.
If this be so, I must be permitted to look
to the gentleman of the Committee for in
formation as to how much is left for New
Mexico, what extent of territory, and what
amount of population 1 Is it worth while
to establish a'Verritorial Government there,
Wit be true that Texas extends to the Rio
Grande ? I think it will be found that
there will be but a fragment of New Mex
ico left, so far as population is concerned.
It will be very convenient, perhaps, to at
tach
it to the Government of California. If
you Send your Governors and other ()friars
there without establishing the boundaries,
there will be a conflict of territorial juris
diction. Is it not expedient to settle it
now, when you are founding new Govern.
ments, and placing side by side institutions
which may be very dissimilar. It is per-!
feetly certain that Texas will extend her
laws to the Rio Grande ; and if she does,
she will comprehend within her jurisdic
tion a large proportion of the population of
what was formerly New Mexico. Here,
then, is my special demurrer. Under oth
er circumstances, I am sure the Senator I
from Vermont would agree with me that it
is indispensible to the Governments which
we are about to establish, that the limits of e
their jurisdiction should be defined, al
though I do not know that this would be
an insuperable objection with me, if the
other pqrtions of the bill were such as I
gould give my assent to.
And now I intend, in few words, testate
why I object to tnis Compromise
Sir, there is no one—there can be no one'
—who does not desire that every subject
of legislation which comes before the Sen- I
ate should be settled harmoniously, and, if
it might be so, with the unanimous concur
rence of every Senator. But, sir, in my
judgment, with this subject as it stands be
fore us, it would be arrogant presumption
to undertake to vote upon this bill, with a
question-before us which we undertake to
transfer to the Judtciary department of the
country. How is this I Is it not a new I
thing in your legislation, when a system
of policy is proposed, and-the constitution
al propriety of that policy is questoned, to
pass an act for the purpose of getting a
case before the Supreme Coup, that that
Court may instruct the Semite of the U.
States as to Constitutional duty in the mat
ter I Sir, if we know certainly. what that
law will be, need there be any hesitancy
how we shall vote upon this bill I Calk
any one suppose that the Senator (ham
Georgia,'or the Senator from South Caro-
lina, if they believed that the litigation '
that is proposed by this bill to be brought
Into the Judicial 'Whitings of thin country
would result contrary to their determine•
Lion of what the law should be, 'that they
would be in favor of such a bill as this
Does any one believe that if the Senator
from Vermont could anticipate thitn the Su
pronto Court of the United States might
decide that Cbngtess being , silent upon
the subject, had allowed Slavery to pass,
at he pleasure, into , these newly acquired
territories, and to become parts of the nip
-Mei* instiutions of those territories, and ,
to decide, also, that if Congress had enact
ed a prohibitory law; it ieould not have
gone there, he would vote for this bill 1-
Certainly he would not. Is there any ne
cessity that there Should be a prohibitory
law passed, in order that the question of
Slavery should be resented with the aid
of Congressional legislation to the Supreme
Court of the United States ? I will not en
! dertake to say that I differ with the Senator
from Vermont in a single legal proposition
that he has laid down. 1 regard Slavery
as a local institution. I believe it rests up
! on that basis, as the only one that can give
it a mod Vent's security. 1 believe it can
not be carried, by the power of the master
over his servant, one inch beyond the ter
ritorial limits of the power that makes the
! law. I believe that a slave carried by his
master into the territory about which we
are talking, if Slavery be abolished there,
will be free from the moment he enters the
territory, and any attempt to exercise pow•
or over hint ass slave will bet nugatory.—
That is my judgment, Hut I would guard
against any doubt outing subject. I would
GETTYOBiIiRgi PA. FRIDAY EVESIttGr,,, 4iterlJ,Sr
se act that there should be nothing left Un
done on my part to prevent the admission
of slaves, for I am free to declare, that if
you were to acquire the etnintry thit lies
under the lines, the hottest country to be
found on the globe, Where the white man
is supposed not to,be able to work, I would
not alloy yon to take slaves there, if Sla
very did not exist there, already. More
then that : I would abolish it if I could, if
it did exist. These are my opinions, and
they always have been thesame. I know
that they were the opinions of Washing
ten up to the hour of his death ; and they
were the opinions of Jefferson and of oth
ers who, in the, infancy of the institution,
saw and deplored its evils, and deprecated
its continuance, and would have taxed
themselves. to_the Omar to_ exterminate
it then. I possess no opinion on the sub
ject that I have not derived from these
sources.
I have only to say, that these opinions
have always received , the concurrence of
my otvn understanding, and this, after the
most careful investigation I have been able
to give the subject. I find the institution
of Slavery existing in several States of the
Union—it is a local, a State institution,
existing under the guaranties •of the Con
stitution. I find that, as a legislator of
this National Government, I am forbidden
by the Constitution to act upon this or any
other merely State institution. I cannot,
therefore, interfere with Slavery in the
States as I can in a Territory, where as
yet no State sovereignty exists. and as I
will there, and would everywhere else on
theface of the earth, where I ain notforbid
den, and were my power might extend.
And here, sir, I ask, what has been your
practice as a Government on this subject ?
If at any time in your progress since 1789,
you have acquired territory where Slavery
existed in such form and consistency as to
make it now difficult to overthrow it, it has
been permitted, only permitted, to remain
where by law it did exist: as in the North
western Territory before 1789, but had
not taken deep root, it was expelled and
mein the Missouri compromise, excluding
it in all territory north of latitude 311 deg.
30 min. after 1789.
When Louisiana was acquired, such
was the tone Of public opinion then against
Slavery, that I am sure the men of that
day would have abolished it there, but for
the supposed evil of displacing a system
long established, on which, and by which
the social and political systems of the
country were necessarily formed. Per
haps, also, the terms of the treaty were
with some an obstacle. The same men
who directed public opinion in 1787 in a
great measure controlled it in 1804. Jef
ferson, who was the author of the Ordi
nance of 1787, was President in 1804,
when Louisiana was acquired: By his
influence, the Ordinance of 1787 made five
free States in the Northwest, and I doubt
net Lduisiana would have been also freed
from Slavery too, but for the reasons I
have assigned. Such were the views of
men who directed public opinion then ;
would to God they, or such as they, had
mere•to do with public opinion now.
.When the ample patrimony_ of Virginia
was transferred to the Confederacy, Jef
ferson, and those of his school, who made
this noble donation, at once declared that
Slavery should not pollute the soil of five
rich and powerful new States. Such was
Virginia, such was American opinion then.
I cannot suppose the opinions of these
men were so changed between 1787 and
1804 that Slavery at the latter period
would be spared by them, except for the
reasons I hays assigned already. Liberty,
perfect freedom to all men, of all colors
and nations, was the doctrine of Jefferson
then, and I am told he is now the author
itative expounder of free principles to the
school calling itself " Virginian' as well
as " Democratic."
Whys, thenris scarcely a Virginian who
ventures to have an opinion contrary to
the lightest thought that he ever express
ed. And is it so, that we are now to lie
required, for the sake of some imaginary
balance of power, to carry Slavery into a
country where it does not now exist!—
That, sir, is the question propounded by
this bill. The Senator from Vermont is
satisfied that Slayery cannot be extended
to these territories. I believe; if his con
fidence' in the judicial tribunals of the coun
try were well founded, that Slavery could
not possibly go into these Territories, pro
vided the Senate is right both as to law
and the facts. I ask every member of the
Senate- - z-verhaps I may be less informed
than any—whether Slavery does not ex..
jet by some Mexican law, at thie hour, in
California
Mr. lIANNSOAN t
(in his seat.l uods
exist: Peon Slavery exists there.
Mr. Comm. I would thank the Sena
tor from Indiana if he will inform me what
Peon Slavery is; and really I ask the
question for the purpose of obtaining in
formation. I desire to know its condi
tions. Is it transmissable by inheritance!
Does the marvellous doctrine of which the
Hon. Senator from Virginia spoke as be
ing part and parcel of the law adopted in
virginis.---partua .sequitur venirent---pre
vail 1 Is that holy ordinance. ihat tbe off
spring of the womb of her who is a OM
Must necessarily be slaves also. there 're
cegnizdd.
Mr. Al I understand.
Slavery exists in California and New Mex
ico,'as it does throUghaUt the Republic of
Mexico, and is termed Peon Slavery.—.
Slavery for debt, by which the creditor
has a right to hold the debtor through all
time in a far more absolute bondage than
that by which any Southern planter holds
his slaves here.
Mr. Cowin,. So it has been described
to me. I have not seen the Mexican laws
upon the subject, but the statement just
made agrees with that of many gentlemen
who profess to know something on the
subject, and therefore I am inclined to think
that it is so, and that these people are the
subjects of that infernal law. The Senator
from Delaware, the other day; informed us
that the Committee have Pot given to the
people of California and New Mexico the
right of sufrrage, because they were inca
pable of exercising it--because a large por
tion of them . were of lite colored races.--
.FllAliti4ES AND rm."
Now, suppoetnethat to be the cage, and
supposing the proeositien to be submitted
to the Suwetne Court of the United States
—was Slavery r an instution of New Mex
ico t--ivhat would be the answer t If the
Senator from Indhini 'siert there to make
response, he would reply in the affirma
tive; he would say that the institution of
Slavery was there- - that to be ante it had
its modifications and its peculiarities. but
that it Half still Slavery, though there, might
not have existed .a law, as strong as, that
glorious principle of free Government spo
ken of by the Senatorfrom Virginiaar
hi. sequitur ventrpn 7 If, sir, thes three
Latin words can condemn to everlasting
slavery the posterity of a woman whq is a
slave, may not that muhicipal regulation of
which _we aro littW.BMtkiNT. in.Ptgifortiin
and New' Mexico, with equal propriet y,
be denominated Slavery ? I find, thin,
Slavery, as it is called,. existing here 4tia
degree, and" to till practical purposes as
lasting and inexorable as in the State of
Virginia; and therefore the whole of the
hypothesis of the gentleman from Ver.
mont falls to the ground as a matter of Let,
inasmuch as the Supreme Court will decide
that Slavery existed there. and that there
fore she whole slave population of the Uni
ted States may be transferred to that coun
ry.
Mr. PHELPS. the gentleman will ex-.
cube me, hkapoke of African Slavery. .
Mr. Collins/. ' Of that I am aware. ,I
speak new of the general proposition.—
Now, this ts a 'very burious spectable pre
sented this day end 'for weeks past in the
American Congress; "and one cannot help
pausing at this point, and reflecting upon
the events of the last few years. On look=
ing back at what has 'happened to that pe
riod, I am sure that the magnanimous seir
it of the Senator from South Carolina him
self will be obliged toconcedeto the North--
ern States at least some apology for the
slight degree of ellicitement on thte subject.
His hypothelie is, that to every portion
of this newly acquired territory—Califor- '
nia not excepted—every slaveholder in
the 'United States' has a right to migrate
to-morrow. tiictsarry with him his eaves
—holding them there forever, subject only
to the AbOlition of Slavery when these
Territories shall be made into States, and
come into the Union. What, thei, would
be those few chapters in our history t , We
find ourselves now in the possession of
Territories with a population of one hen.,
dred and fifty thousand souls, if I am cor
rectly it.formed, in California and New
Mexico. The best authenticated history
of the social institutions of that population
informs us that there exists there at this
moment a species of slavery as absolute
and inexorable as exists anywhere on the
lice of ,the 2 earth 4 and that about.five in
six of the population of that country are
subjected to the iron rule of this abomina
ble institution there.
Now, I do not expect that any man will
rise up and say, that because an individual
happens to be the debtor of another, he
shall have his own person sold into Slave
ry ; and not only that, but that the curse
shall extend—worse than that of the' Re
brew, not to the third and.fourth genera
tion, but to the remotest posterity of that
unfortunate man. Nobody will pretend
to rise up in defence of such a prapositidn
as that. Now, then, I will give over the
criticism. Suppose there is a law in New
Mexico. :which obliges a marCio work all
the days of his life for another, because he
happens to owe.him five dollars, by time
means contrived by the creditor to keep
him always his debtor. Do you intend
that that law shall exist there for .au hour. I
-Well, you have Made a law here, that your
law-makers who are to go to New Mexico
and California, shall not touch the subject
of Slavery; and if that which is designa
ted in the popular language of that.country
Slavery, exists there, do you, indeed, send
abroad, as you promised to do, your mitt ,
sionary of liberty t You went there with
tho sword, and made it red in the blood of
these people I 'What did you tell them
!.We come to give you freedom 1" In
stied of that, you enact your code here— ,
bloody as that of Draco—that there shall
be judges and law-givers over them, but
that they shall make no law touching that
Slavery to which five out of six of them
are subjected.
Mr: President, this chapter in your
ry furnishes instructive minter for your.
considerationi It is a - strange act in the
great drama of what we call progress. I
have looked upon it with 'Dome concern.
I was one of those who predicted that this,
or something like this, would, be the result
of your Mexican war. 1 always belieired,
notwithstanding your denials here,
,that
you made war upon Mexipo foram pur
pose and with the intention of conquest.
ventured .• to predict just what we now
see, that acquisition of territory would fol
low the war as its cOulequence, and its ob
ject was. that, and nothing else ; and .that
this very queation would arise, .and.arise
hate, to
_distract your cOnocils, disunite
your.people, and threaten, as we are now
told it does, that peace which you (bought
of so lightly when war was so wantonly
waged *met Mexico. It now seems
your, pretensions were all hypocritical
from the beginning. You said your armed
' men went forth to her'in the spirit of love.
You pretended then-mission was not con
quest, btit to set free the captive, to raise
up the prostrate Peon df that country—and
now what follows? As soon as your arms
have subdued the country, the gentle note
of the dove is changed to the lion's roar.
Instead of the proper blessing of peace to
your conquered subjects, you propose to
leave the chains of the Peon untouched,
and now gravely contend that negro slave
ry shall be superadded to slavery for debt,
This is your improvement, your progress
in Mexico. To exalt the miserable Pcon,
you give him the enslaved negro for asso
ciation and example. Sir, this is indeed
a 'spectacle worth noting, in this bright
noon of the nineteenth century.
We proelaimed to the world we would
take nothing by conqueru. This was our
eolemo hypocritical declaration for two
dark years, while our progress was mar
ked by blood, while the march of our
power was like another people of old, by
clouds of smoke in the day, and the by
night. ' 04:after city s* fell bed' the as
sanits of yete n 'ollant army, awd still you
,ceased not to dec4ret you take n o thing by
conquest. you sal this tet.rttory
was conqeered, was acquired by the coin- ,
Ilion blood of bur coninidd tdunlry: Yciu
trace back the uonaidehttlint which" you
have paid"for this country to'the'blood and
the bones of the gallant teed that yea dent
there to be sacrificed ; and pointing to the
unburied corposi: of her sens_who have hi&
len there, the South exclaims.-•&•Theidt
these txtnatitnte my title to earsymy saves
to that land. I It was purchased by the
blood of my sons." The egad:parent; kfe- I
refs of his children, and the widow, with
the family that remains, desire to go there
to better their .forames,,i6 it may be, aria
2.9ia14 1 11 to AP 1.11114Y.9t.i 9r 11 .3 1 0194. sad . , c_hi. La"
ren t exclaim. t h e r e 19e-Pcicit.
paid for our prepettion of this tepltery!
Is that trued If that Could be made on—if
you dare to. Pat that' upon yolk reeord-if
you can assert that you hum fitoCiouniry
-by the Strong hand, then you hive a right
to go there With your If we of
the North have-united 'with you of the
Soda in an espedidoli of frotivel;lipi
bark, and murder, that ,oldest law' khowtt
among men—" Honesty among thieves"-u
-requires us to divide it with you Olean,.
[Laughter.] • • - • - t•
If, indeed, Mrs President, We have no,
other right than Mit. which. force gives us
.to these new. possemionett if,• indeed, we
have slaughtered fifty thousand of God's!
creature* only to subject toourpower one
hundred sad fifty thoussod of, an alien, en-
,slaved, and barbarous , people ) it, to het a
fitting finile to all this to rive} yet closer 1
the chain of god; Personel slavery , ikon. Ais d
'Mexican peon, and , people your peewee
'Aims thus acquired by Stereo, I repeat,
that this right of conquest applied tekelirl
tiory,'is the same—no either add lio'befter
than that by:whichiiitiiitry eriefiried - edard
_claim to hold another in Avery.- Ills but
the right, Ifright it may be militia, of the
strOngesi—the'law in both ousels 'imply
thelaw, of force. You • march .over ,, a
country, wrest by .war from its ownee.rindl
eity..tn.Jher. vantntiohid. possessor; thiaris 1
now,mine. I have seized your.propsrty;
I hold it by the, law. of force. And 4 , 0 0-
rigitodly the slave dealer spirted the aggro
in hie African home, illiaYlekreo by 9° 9?...
i
.af , part Of 'his family ,; betted AIM , rest A .
chains, brought them bete, an , i! liailihe .
'lt is eldiplY poker,'and not Ittglei, id kici
cases, that make the` Claim. I" rekai, it
seems indeed 'fitting in charieteri that the,
two should' accompany each other. - ''"
As in the ease of Midi' thus aennited,
long possession and continued acquiescence
(in the judgemen 'of men )` ripen the claim
legal right, soiathe case of legal tr/lave
ry, the captive originally held only by
force, in time, .by the law of melt, oddly'
the judgment of teen, becomes propertyl , l
And we are told by the Senator from Yir
-1 ginia [Mr. Mason] that the posterity, of
1 such become property ouly through the
magical influence of these word, Raman
words ; ..Portus sequitur ventrem"—
"The child follows the condition, of its
mother," Adinirable—philosophical—ra
honal—Christian maxim I!- ! litho moth
er be captured in war, it secants thetilhe
will of a just God, "whose tender mercies
are over all his works," that 'her offspring
to the remotest time shall be tioorhed to
Slavery, What sublime morality i Whit
lovely pooled combine to sanctify this ar
ticie in that, new, dettalogue 'of freedom
which we say, it is our destiny to Ole to
the world "Parkes; sequitur ventrem 1"
Why, it said to be •"conttnon law," Alas,
1 Mr. Predident, it is but to "common," as
we see, This right of land
is the seine as that by. which. a man may
hold another in bondage. You may make
it into a law if you please ; you may en
act that it may be sot it may be convenient
1 to do so, r after perriqtrating the original
sin, it may he well to do se. But the case
is not altered !Ihb imuree of the right re.
Maine tinchanged: •Whtit is the meaning
of the Roman Word Serviari.' r 'profess
no skill in philological leurning, but I Mtn'
very well conceive bow somebody, !edit
ing into this thing, might understand what
was the law in those days. The mates
life was saved when his enemy conquered
him in battle. . He became. servus-..-the
man preserved by his magnanimous foe , ;;
and perpetual Slavery was thou thought, to
be a boon preferable. to death.. That.woe
the way in which `Slavery began. , Has
anybody fatted on the face of the earth a
man fool enough to /Live hitnselteri to ri-'
neither, and beg him' to, make lom his
slave? Ido not kndw of oneotueh instance
under Heaven. Yet it mayberm. !mill I
think that nut one maw of out complexion
of the ' Caucasion race , could be .found
quite willing to do that,[.
Thus far we have been brought after
having fought for this country end conquer
ed it. The solemn: appeal is made to ns
—,. Have we not Mingled our blood with
yours in acquiring this country ?" But
did we mingle our. blood' with ,yours for
ehe•purpose of wresting thus country[ by
force front this, people t' . 'net is the mice
,lion. You did not say so six Months ago.
You dare not say so now ! You may
Say that it was purchased, as Louisiana or
as Florida was, with ihe coirnmon treasure
of the country ; and then tve coins to the dis
cussion of another proposition : IV hat right
do you acquire to establish Slavery there t
But I was about to ask of some gentleman,
'the Senator from Smith Carolina, for in
stance—whose` eye at a glom .° has com
prehended the history of the world, what
he supposes will he the impression abroad
of our Mexican war, and these, our Mex
icali aequisitions 4 if we should give to thorn
the direction which Int desires f Idu not
speak - of the propriety. of slave labor being
curried anywhere. I will waive the ques
tion entirety. What is it of which the
Senator from Vermont has told its this
morning, and of which we have, heard bo
much during the last three weeks ? And
how will our history road by the
side of that 1 Every gilu that floats a
cross the Athlone comes freighted with
the dealt-groans of a Ring ; every vessel
that touches your shores, hears with her
sidings that the 'captives of the Old World
are at last becoming free—that they are
booking, through blood sod slaughter—
,;,#,H.r' '
bliadljl eqd madly ; it may be—but never
thele'W teaelniely-4elivernitce from the
fetters that have held them in bondage.—:
Who are they 1 Almost the *hole Of Eu
rope. And it is only about a year ago, I
believe, thftt the officer of the Turkish Em
pire who holds sway in Tunis; one of the
old slave markets of the world, whose
prisone formally received those of our'
people taken upon the high seas and made
elm* to theircaptors—anuolinced to the
World that all should there be free. And,
if I am not mistaken, it will be found that
this magic line Which the Senator from
South Carolina believes has been drawn
around the globe which we inhabit, with
the view of seperating Freedom and Slite
rt,...,r3e., deg; 30 min.—brings this very
tunis into that region in whin sonic sup
posed; brordinanee of nature; Pfeil are to
be held ih bondage ! All over the world
the air is vocal with the shouts of men
made free.. What does it all mean It
means that they here been redeemed from
political servitude / and itt Cod's name I
SA, if it be ,a boon to mankind to be free
from pi/liked pervititde,, must it pot be ay
eepted se spatter of. some gratulation that
I they have been relieved.from personal ser
vitude—absolute subjection to the arbitra
ty post& of others ! What do we say
Of them 1 lam not speaking of the pro
priety of this thing ; it may be all wrong,
and these poor fellows in Paris, who have
Stout hands and Willing hearts, anxious to
earn their bread, may be very unreasona
ble in fighting for it. It may be all wrong
to Ctin Olr the head of a King, or trend him
across the Channel. It may highly int
'projptirand foolish in Austria to send a-
Waf Metternich; and say, "We will look
into,thia business ourselves," According
tlio doctrine preached in these
free Atnerieninstead of sending shouts
.of gratulation across the water to these
Peepliti . sve should send to them groans and
enpuniseration, for their folly, calling on
IfteM tri beware how they take this bust-
Mess into their own hands— = informing them
than universal liberty is a curse ; that as
onernaithr horn with a right to govern an
aspire; he and bis posterity in um condo
eel!) ekertise that power, because in this
vine it ie not exactly partus sequitur yen.
Iretn, but parltia requitur putrem—that is
all the differelice. The Crown follows the
father ! Under your law; the chain fol
lows the roolherl
. .
Pii.s: we may,; we ought td rouomber,
lu4 was /au, in this country in 1770,
that Kings hada right to rule us, dkl rule
ns-t- , George 'Heald then "parses sequitur
pateron;" my son inherits my crown, "he
'follows the Condition'of the tether," "lie isj
bore; to he yeti ruler ;" your Whets 8141,1
this nut true, this shall be law no longer,
Let usionk for a.moment at the doings of
tatgood old lime, _1777. Then, sir, our
Obese, be,ing oppressed, lifted up their
hands and appealed to the God of justice,
the common Father of all men td deliver
them' anti their posterity. from that law,
Which preelainted that "Kings Wore born
to•rule,'' They (the men of. 1770) did
not believe that one man was boree "boot
ed sad ; sporrod" to ride another. And if,
as theY!ttidflio , ntan wart born to role ant;tll-
er, afd ii notrolltiw, that no man could he ,
rightfully. borne to serve another, Sir, in 1
;oitak days,lcirginia and Virginia's sons,
. asbingitin and Jefferson, hail as little re
4Peet far , that ;1)11;1114par:0i acquit& veil
rue_ that .Other cognate dogma,
!Itrings are borne to ride." I infer front
our history, air; i tliat the men of that day j
Irea3 sincere men; earnest, honest men, '
thatthey Meant 'whet they said. From
their declaration "cell men are born equally
freetv infeethati in their judgements, no
man.,4;titelitte,ofhit nature, was horn to
beo,slave . vand. therefore, he ought not
by any. other law to be burn to he a slave. !
I. think this maxim of being born to
rule; and Others being horn only to serve,l
ale both of the.same family, and ought to
havettane down to the sane place whence
I imaginethey . came, long ago, together:
I 'do not think that your partes sequitur
Venire»! had' much quarter shown it at
Yorktown - rat a certain day you may re
manibeer • -1 think that when the lion of
rEngland oratried in the dust, beneath the
taltinapf lour eagles, and Cornwallis stir
rendered. to GleorgeWashingion, that max
.imihst a man is born to rule, went down, I
114 1 tp.IM,,ARIOn among , us again forever t:
,anal ,
think, that yttrium sequis er ventretn,:
,in the'esnmaiion of all esnaible men, should
hake disepiared along with it. So the
Men or th at day thought. And we, are
tli
bnieght to die proper interpretation
0%4 language of those men which has
been s eritiemed by the Senator from South
Carnlina.
Mr. President, it is worth while td
in-
Oldie 'What were the publicly expressed I
opinions of the leading men and States, as
'to the polity of Negro Slivery, front the
'year 1774 up to the year 178'7, and from
thence up to the final adoption of the Con
siltation, in 1780. - hell, first, hoW was it
MANI' old Commenwealth--- V irginia
June, 1774. , ---"At a general meeting id the free
holders and inhabitants if Prince Ocorge's county, I
Virginia, the following resolves wore unanimously
agreed to, (among others :)
"• Resolve!, That the African trade is injurious
to this Colony, obstructs the mutation of it by
lrermen, prevents manufni titters and &lite useful
emigrants from Europt
. front settling arnongsl us,
and a, rad 441.141 ad annual !titivate of the balance of
trade against this colimy."—(Seo American Ai.
chives, 4th %erica, vol. 1, p. 493.)
At a meeting of the freehoklers and other in
habitants of the county of Culpeper, in Virginia,
assembled on due notice, in .the Court House of
the said county, on Thursday, the 7th of July.
1774, to,consitler of the most effectual method
preserve the rights and liberties of A monies :
"lirtuterd, That the importing slaves and con
vie( serv ants is injurious bi this Colony, as it el;
su nets the population of it with freemen and m.e
-i thl manufacturers; and that we will trot buy any
such slave or convict servant hereafter to be Mi
-1 ported. —(American Archites, 4th *cries, vol. 1,
le. .W 3 )
"At a general meeting of the freeholders and
inhabitants of the county oflcanscluond,
en the 11th day of July, 1774, the foll ow ing `cau
-1 lution were unanimously agreed to:
•• Resolved, that the African trade to i ,
njurious,"
&c, femme as the aertolotion of Prince George's
coolly.)—(Anterican Archives, vol. 1, p. 5304 '
i t July 14,1774, at a similar meting in Litwin?
. .
county., Virginia—
! t. Resolved, That the African trade is injurious
to this Colony, Ate.; and,•therefore, that the per
; chase dull imported slaves ought to tie turraciaied
against,"—(Do., p. MI )
TWO DOLLAJUI PER ANSilifs
I NEW SUMS-Nil '66.
hely I. 1779, at a meeting of Burly noway
Virginia- ..
" stti. Resolved, That, as the population of this
Colony with freemen and useful manufacturers it
greatly obstructed by the importation of slain+
sal convict servants, we will not purchase any,
*orb slaves or servants . hereafter to be imported. "
—American Archives, 4th defies, vol. 1, p. 583.)
" At a g,-neml meeting of the freeholder* and
other inhabitants of the county of Fairfax, Virgin
ia, at the Cdurt House in the town of Alexeutlrii,
on Monday, the 18th day of July 1774, °IWO
Washington, Esq., in the clutir—
" Resolved, That it is the dpinion of tlrie meet.:
ins, t h at, during our present diffscultice and dis
tress, no slaves ought to be imported WO any elf
the British Colonies on thisl continent; and we
take this opportunity of declining our most eitrniti
wishes td see on entire stop forever put to seas
wicked, erne!, and unnatfiral tends.
"Resolved, 'That it is the opinion cif this toast;
ing, that a &totl covenant and associatiOn &PM
be enteral into by all the Colonies," at0. r i11t0,...-
American Archives, vol. I, p. 000.)
George Washington, Mr. President, was the
presiding officer at one af these meetings. Corr
tain young men here may have "'IRAs', something'
of this Geroge Washington I lie was then it far
mer of Fairfax. What he did after that meeting,
shall he known, remembered, and revered, tr
world, thou:amide of years to come, long after rots
and 1, and all of us, hate been food fen worms.,
Similar Meetings %vett held, and tinnier resells-
thins passed, in the folloriing countiew in Virginia:
In Hanover, on the 2011- July, 1774; in Prince*"
Ann, in illy of the name year. I extract from
the same volume of American Archives the f:1-
lowing, Which, from Mr. Jellbrion'a iconneetiMs
witlt it, becomes ?rnportnnt :
At a very Sill meeting di delegitea gelid ike.
dilTin'ent counties in the l'olimy and lidtninkm of
Virginia, begun "ill Willianishurg, the lit day of
A ughst, 177 I, the following association Was anent ,
nrously agreed to. il I omit, MI. Presidenti all
not bearing upon the subject of Shivery, and quow
curly the following!
" We will not obritelves impost, nor pareiklit
Orly slave; or slaves imported by any Other penmen,'
after the first day of November next, eitbee,from
Africa, the West Indies, or any other plan" It
attests Mr. Jefferson was a delegate td this Cott ,
Vention, but was prevented by sickness from at ,
lending. He hoWever addressed a letter to the
Convention, which I commend to the especial at. -
tention M gentlemen from the Strinh, who object
sif strongly to the expression of opinions as to'
B.llevery here. Mr. Jefferson, in due paragraph in
Iris letter to the Convention, writes that, on thif
subject of negro slavery : o The abolition of Slave
ry as the present object of desire in these Colonies,
where it was unhappily introduced in their infest
state." Mark these words, Mr. President. Be
complains that Slavery was intralticed into our
A atiorica at Colonies in their "injiarti stale." Would
Mr. Jelli•rson, were he "here today, send Slavery
to the infaut colonies of Oregon, New Mexico and
I..;:alifornial But Mr. Jefferson goes on to say,
"But polvions to the enfranchisement of the slaves
we have, it is necessity to exclude all further int.
portationa front Africa; but our repeated attempts .
to effect this by prohibitions, and by imposing du
tien which might amount to prohibition . , have hith
erto been defeated by his Majesty's negative, thus
preferring the immediate advantage of a few Ain ,
enneorsaire to the lasting iti,etest of the rteserirea
States and to the rights of human nature, deeply
a:omitted by this infamous practice:"
Here we hew praofs undeniable, that Mr. Jeffer ,
sort, the leading spirit then, confidently anticipated,
' not the continuance and further extension 0f431a- ,
very, but its abolition ; and, hu order to the siiesidy
..enfranchisement' of the slaves theri in Virginia,-
he desires la prevent their augmentation, by pro•
hilailing their importation. lie compliant; that
Slivery wits prejudicial to the "11l FA 111 el/LUNT
of Virginia. Were be her.. would he not vote to
exclude Slavery frOte the ot NPAIIT " Cololtiell e4OV
argon, New Mexico, and Califignia 1 We have
seen that he dratted the clause against Slavery in
the Ordinance of 1787. We knew he remained
unchanged till his death.
Ilow stood public opinion, Mr. President, in the
year 1775, in the State of Georgie? From the
proceedings of a patriotic associatinn. in Georgia
at that time, called the "Darnell Committee,"
take the following r
"We, there ore, the Representatives of the es ,
tensive district of barrien, in the colony'of Geor
gia, Itsving now assembled in Congress, by au
thority and free choice of the Inhabitants of the
RAJ district, now freed from their fetters, do re,
• .'5. To show the world that we are not Influ
enced by any cmdructed or interested motives, but
a general philanthropy for all mankind, of what
ever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby
declare our approbetion and abhorrence of the un
natural practice of slavery in kmerica, (however
tfic uncultivated state of our country, or other spe
cious erguments tour plead tor it,) a practice
founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dam ,
germ's to our liberties, (as' well as lives,) debasing'
'pelt of our creatures below men, and corrupting
the virtues and morals of the rest ; and as laying
the basis of that liberty we contend fik (and which
we pray the Almighty to continue to the latest
posterity) upon a very wrung Mundation. We,
therefore, resolve nt all times tonne our utmost ere'
deacon, for the manumission of our states in this
colony, Upon the most safe oink equitable footing
fin the toasters and themselves."-=(Anierican At ,
chives, out. 1, p. 1136.)
From these ;repent. as Well as the genefai hie
tore of the times, we an see What the &thew
thought on this snltject. May I nut, with profound
respect, suggest that these papers, tinted in 1774
and 1775, explain to us the Melting of the De- ,
elaration of lodependenec, adopted in 1776:
timely, the men who voted the foregoing resole=
thins in 1775, might, very consistently, in 1770,
declare an they did—"We hold these truth. to pro'
self-evident, Mot all men are ctrated equal; that
they are endowed by their Creator with certain
Mallen:dile rights ; that among these are life, Id,-
rny, arid the pursuit of happiness" Well might
these men, with their hearts purified from sellisli-*
new liv the dredilltil conflict which then we. seen
to he inevitable, feel that all Inca were egdal be
fore Cosh in wlrdth alone they email trust for aid
in that dark hour, and that therefore nil Men were
or eight to be masters of themsdret, unit answer.'
Ode only to the Creator for the n* the, should
make either liberty—well might those brave good
' old Men, after stieh a declaration, loot rip calmly
i and hopefully to the ileavelet and declare : "Awl
fin the support of this declaration, with % firm rat
allre on do roirciion• el Divine Proridenee,' , w a
mutpally pledge to each ether out frees, Oar for ,
turns, end our sacred honor.''
Mr. President, these men, when they spoke of
Slavery and its extension, did not get some hybrid
,sort of ocompreniise," . arri consult scale supremo
court. They declared Slavery an aril. a wrong, d
prejudice to free colonies; a social mischief, and it
political evilthese Were rkflied,
plied, nTheao truths are aelf-mident." Andrem'
the nutriments of men they appealed to he earthly
court; .they took um appe a I "to the 'Supreme Judge
of the World." When I ant asked to extend to
this nevi Empire of aura, now in its Infancy, an
in..titidion which they pronounced an coil to AO
co3tnionilies ; when I refuse to agree with Wild
here whew.: judgements I revere. and whose mew
tiros I know to be pure, I can Wily sly, I stied
when, our fathers stood oi old, I am Othltnilled lit
my Position by the men who istinded the Bat
system of rational liberty on glirlit• , ...,
With them by my side. I.imn . 40/01 4 to inn er
1 with tleios here *hoe, i respect. With jet* •t 1
thority fin my lon,lnet, I can eheetloll, *neat"
tar the frow 'lord war, the scorn of AS IMOD tom
tunor lathers of such, sad by eriseedcd. The
knew , whA Wile best for . 2 0 itartt-PotTl i .i‘!!" ,'
. . .
I tArriggling into existence. 'lf there 001411Infle 110
worth any thing--11the ophdoweeir the essetive •
men are to be Considered le liathlailli - eeask Illeulko
meow inlet:ten what they ettstOolatt they SA
MC to (Wend ithieety to the &keit Ammo girth ° ..,
Pat itletkeen.steiihrikftiolobla wiw ~ soct
' and Virginie sod that atm* teskttewe owellty4
•