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.VOLUME 17- .
BLOOMSBURG. COLUMBIA COUNTY PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 13. 1865.
NUMBER 8.
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PRESIDENT'S - MESSAGE.
v- - ,;' -
FeUav Citizens cf the Senate and'Ihme of Rep
p reitntative t . . v t
To express gratitude to God, in the name
of the people, for the preservation of the
United States, is my first duty in addressing
you. Our thoughts next reverUcvthe death
of" the' President by an act of parricidal trra
son.; The grief of the nation is still fresh ;
it finds some solace, in the consideration that
be lived la enjoy the highest proof of its
confidence by entering on the renewed term
' - nl " t . '. - i i a. a
oi luetUGiri .Magistracy io wnicn ne.naa
been elected thai he brought the civjl war
substantially to a close ; that hit lot was
deplored" in all pans of ihe Union, arid that
foreign nations have rendered justice to his
memory; His removal cast uporr me a
hoavier weight of cares.lhan ever devolved
oponanyoneof his predecessors. ' '
To fulfill ray trust I need the support and
cenfidprtce ot all who are associated with
no in the various departments of Govern
ment, and the support arid con fids nee of the
people. .There is but one way in which" 1
can bope.rlogain their -heceisary aid;
it is, tp slate with fraoineas the ; principles
which guide my conduct, and ibeir appltea
lioa to the. prevent , slate of. affairs, - well
aware that the efficiency of my labor will,
in a great measure, depend on, your and
their undivided approbation1
i-Tba Union of the United States of Amer
tea was intended by tis authors' to last " as
long as the Sta-ee themselves 'shall Jaat.
'The tUulan shall "be perpetual1 are the
words of the Confederation. '"To form's'
more' perfect Uoion," by ati'erJioaiice" of
the people of the United States, i ihe de
dared" l purpose "of ihe , Constitution. - The
band of Divine Providence was never more
plainly vi.ible io the affairs of men than in
the. framing and ihe adopting of that instru
ment. It is, beyond comparison, the great
est event in American hisory ; and indeed
is it not, of all events in modern times, the
most pregnant with consequence for every
part of the earth ? -
The member oMhe convention .which
prepsredx it brought to iheir work the ex
perience of the conlederatien, of their sev
eral ;tes, "and W o'tner repcblicaii govern,
menu, old and new j-btrufcey needed and
obtained a wisdom superior to experience.
And when for its validity ii required the ap-
f. ui vvid iuui - vLvu.oui js largo
part ef a continent, and acted' separately jn
re any -J imrcT co ate hfio"ii sTT 'wLTai uTs" m o re"
wonderful than" thai, afte ' long .contention
and earnest discussion, all feelings and all
opinions were ultimatefy'drawn in one way
ta its srfpporr. - - -
The Constitution to "which life was thus
imparted contain, within itself ample, re
sources forits own preservation. It has
power to enforce the laws, punish treason,
and mica domestic tranquility. In case
ef usurpation ol the government of a State
by ene man. or an oligarchy, it become a
duty ef the Unite f States to make good the
guarantee to thaj State of a republican form ;
of government, and so to maintain the ho
rnogeneousness of all. Does the lapse of
time reveal delects I A simple mode ot
amendment is provided in the Constitution
itself, so that its conditions can always be
made to conEprrn to the requirements of ad
vancing civilization.
No room 's allowed even for the thought
of a possibility of its coming to an end.
And these powers of self-preservation have
always been asserted in their complete in
tegrity, by every patriotic Chief Msgis'r.te
by Washington and Madison. The parting
advice of the father of bis Country, while
yet Presfdeat,lo the people of the United
Mites, was tba: 'ihe free Constiiuiion,J
.ubu " a.m mi "ui ui inoir uauu, UllIll
be sacredly maintained, " and the inaugural
word of President Jeffez.ion ,'held up "the
; preservation of the General Government, in
its constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor
of oar peace at home and. safety abroad."
The Constiturions the work of f the people
cf the United States," and it should be as
indestructible as the people. - -
It is not strange Chat the framers of the
Constitution, which had no model in the
past, should not have futly comprehended
the excelledce of their own work. Fresh
Irora a struggle against arbitrary power,
many patriots sunered irom harrassing fears
of an absorbtion. ol the State government
by the General government. ' The subjects
hat come unquestionably within its juris
diction are so nnmeroos, that i: must ever
jiaturally refuse to be embarrassed by ques
tions that lie beyond it. . . ,i ;
Were it otherwise, the Executive would
. afnk beneath 1 the .tardea: 'the channels
of justice' would be
would be obstructed
choked ; legislation.
br.
excess :
no . that
thdre i. a. greater temptation to exercise
some of .the functions of the General gov
ernment through the States than to. trespass
on ;heie rightful sphere. "The absolute ac
quiescence io the decisions of the majority"
was, atiLe beginning of the century, n
forced by Jefferson "as the vital principle
of republics," and the events of the last
fear jrs have established, we will hope
fover, that there lies no appeal to farce. -'The
raarntenaoce of the Union brings
w tiitthe support of "the Sta'e govern
trisnta in all their rights ;V bat it is r ot one
ot tfse-rights of any State government to re
nounce its own place in the Union, or to
uulifytte laws of the Unio"a. The largest
tiStr.J i to be maintained in the discus- i
eien of the acta of the Federal government ;
bet there is no appeal from its laws, except
to th? various branches of ibat go?ernaient
itjs.'f, cr. to the people, who grant to the
rr.ffmbers of the Legislative and of the Ex
ecs'; ve departments no tenure bat a limited
cn, a-ri ia that raanner always retain the
"The
?v?r'-;nty of the Sutes" is the
cf
cl
Confsdsrasy, and not the
Isa -u s -
censt'r--
The
Utter
TH
"The
Con-
which shall be made in. pursoance thereof, of the ports invites the restoration, of indus
and all treaties made, or which, shall be try and cbmmerce; the post office renews
made .under Ihe authority of the United the facilities of social intercourse and of
States, shall be the supreme law of the land, j business.
and ihe judges in every State shall be bound I And is it not happy for us all, that the le
tberebv'. anvthins ia the Constitution or , storation ,of each one of these functions of
faws of any "State to the contrary notwith
standing." V - . . r
Certainly, the' government of the United
States is a" limited government ; and so is
every State 'government a limited govern
ment. ". With uir Ibis idea of limitation
spreads through every form of administra
tion, General State and municipal, and rests
on the great distinguishing principle ot the
recognition of the rights of man. The an
cient republics absorbed the individual in
the State, prescribed his religion, and con
trolled bis activity. The "American system
rest's on the assertion of the equal right of
every, man to lite, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness; to freedom of conscience, to
the culture and exercise of all his ' faculties.
As a consequence, the State government
is limited as to the General government in
the interest of the Union, as to the individ
ual citizen in the imerest of freedom.
States, with proper, limitations of power,
are essential to the existence ol the Consti-
i tutiori of the United States. At the very
commencement, when we assumed a place
among the powers ot the earth, the Decla
ration of Independence was adopted by
States ; so also were the Articles ot Con
federation; and when "the people of the
United States" ordained and established the
Constitution, it was the aernl ef the States,
one by onwhich gave it vitality. . In the
event, ton, of any amendment to the Con
siitution. the proposition of Congress needs
the confirmation of Stales.
Without Slates, one great branch of the
legislative government would be wanting.
And il we look beyond ' the' letterof the
Constitution to the character of our country,
it capacity for comprehending within its
jurisdiction a Vast continental empire is due
io the system'of Slate." The best security
for the perpetual existence of the States is
the '"supreme authority" of the Constitu
tion of the United Stttes.t The perpetuity
of fhe Constit6tion brings with it the per
petuity of the State ; their mutual relation
majtei us whsf we are; and in our political
system their connection is indissoluble. The
whole cannot exist without the pns, nor
the parts without the whole So long as
the Consiitntion of the United States en
dure, "the State's will endure; the destruc
tion of the oni ib destruction ol the
other; the preservation of the one is the
preservation ol the oiher, .
I have thus explained my views of the
mutual relations of. tne Constitution and ihe
States, because they unfold ihe princip'es
on which I have sooghl to solve (he mo
mentous questions and overcome the ap
palling difficulties that met me at the very
commencement of my administration. It
has been my steadfast object io escape from
the sway of momentary pa-sion auJio de
rive a healing policy from the fundamental
and unchanging principles cf the Constitu
tion i
I.fouttd the States coffering from the ef
fects o,a pirll war. Resistance lo the Gen.
eral government appeared to have exhausted
iUelf. : The Uniied States had recovered
possession of their ions and arsenal ; and
tleir a.rriijes .were.ia the ,. occupation of ev
ery Siaie which had exempted to secede.
Whether ihe . territory within ihe limits of
those i States should be held as conquered
territory 'orjder military acthority. emanat- ,
ins from the President as the head of the
arrry,wasthe first question thai presented
itell for decision. Now, military govern-
mer.ts, established for an indefinite period,!
would havn offered no ecarity lor the early
suppression of discontent ; would have di-1
vided ihe people into the vanquishers and j
the vanquished ; and would hae enven- 1
omed hatred, rather than restored affection, j
Once established, no precise limit to their
continuance was conceivable. They woald '
have occasioned an incalculable and ex-'.
hausting expense. Peaceful emigration io ;
and from that portion, of the country ia one ;
of 'the best means thai can be thought of '
for the restoration of harmony and that em-1
igration would have been prevented ; for
what emigrant from abroad, what industri
ous citizen at home, would place himself
willingly under military role f
. The chief persons who would have fol
lowed in the train of the army would have
been dependent on the General govern
ment, or men who expected profit from the
miseries ol their erring fellow citizens. The
powers of patronage and rule which would
have been exercised under the President
ever a vast and populous, and naturally
wealthy region, are greater than, unless un
der extreme necessity, I should be willing
to entrust to any one man ; they are such
as, for myself, I could never, unless on oc
casions of great eirergency, conent to ex
ercise. The willful use of such powers,
if continued through a period of years,
would have endangered the purity of the
general administration and the liberties of
the States which remained loyal.
Besides, the policy of military rule over a
conquered territory would have implied that
the Stales whose inhabitant may have tak
en part in the Rebellion had, by the act of
those inhabitants, ceased to exist. But the
true theory is, that all pretended acts of
secession were, from the beginning, noil
and void. The States cannot commit trea
son, nor screen the individual citizens who
may nave committed treason, any more
than they can make valid treaties or engage
in lawful commerce with any foreign Pow
er. The States attempting to secede placed
themselves in condition where their vi
tality was impaired, bat not extinguished
their functions suspended, but not de
stroyed. But if any State neglects or refuses to per
form,! is oCiees, there is the more need iial
the General government should maiotain alii
its authority, and as soon as practicable, re
so me-the exercise ot all Its functions., On
this principle I have acted, and have grad;
caliy and qoretly, and by almost impercep'
tible steps soosht to . restore the rightful
energy of the General government and of
the Stages. To that end, Provisional Gov
ernors bare been appoin'ed for the -States,
Conventions called. Governors elected, Leg
islature assembled, and Senators and Rep
resentatives chosen to the Congress of the
United States.
At the same tine, ihe Courts ef the-United
States, as far as could, be done, have been
re opened, so that the laws of Uhe . United
Siates may be enforced through their agen
ey. , The blockade ; baa been :rernoved and
the custom houses re-established in ports
of entry, so that the revenue of the United
Stales may be collected. The Post OQce
Department renews -its ceaseless, activity.
and the ..Csneral government ia thereby an-
abl - d to
commsnicate
promptly
with its
the General Government brings with il a
blessing to the States over which they are
extended 1 Is it not a sure promise of har
mony and renewed attachment to the Unicn
that, after all that has hsppened, the return
of the General Goverment is known only as
a beneficence?
I know very well that this policy is attend ,
ed with some risk : that tor its success it
requires at least the acquiescence of the
States which il concerns; that it implies nn
invitation to those States, by renewiog their
allegiance to the United Stales, to resume
their functions a Slates of the Union. But
it is a risk that must be taken; in the choice
of difficulties it is the smallest risk; and to
diminish, and, if pdsnible," to remove all
danger,'! have felt it inc umbent on me to
assert one other power of the General Gov
ernment the power of pardon.. . ,
At no State can throw a defence over the
crime of treason, the power 6f pardon is ex
clusively vested in The Executive Govern
ment of" the United States. In exercising
that power, ! have taken every precaution
to connect it with the clearesf recognition of
the binding force of the laws of the Unitid
States, and an unqualified acknowledgment
of the great social change of condition in re
gard lo slavery which has grown out of the
war. - - - .
The next step which I have taken to ra
store the constitutional relations of the
States has been an invitation to them to par
ticipate in the high office of amending ihe
Constitution. Every ' patriot most wish for
a general amnesty at the earliest epoch con
sistent with public safety. For this great
end theie is need ol a concurrence of nil
opinions, and the spirit of mutual concilia- j
lion. All parties in the late terrible conflict
most work together in harmony. .
. It is not loo much to ask, in the name of
the whole people, that, on the one side; the
plan of ietoraiion shall proceed in conform
ity with a willingness to cast the disorders
of the past into oblivion; and that, on the
other, the evidence of sincerity in the future
maintenance of the Union shall be put be
yond any dvobt by. the ratification of tte
proposed amendment to ihe Constitution,
which, provides lor the abolition of slavery
forever within the limits of our country. So
long as the adoption of this amendment is
delayed, so long will doubt, and jealousy,
and uncertainty prevail. This is ihe meas
ure which will , efface the sad memory of
the past; this is the measure which will
most certainly call population, and capital,
and security to those parts of the Union that
need them most. v
Indeed it is not too much to ask of the
Slates which are now resuming their places
in the family of the Union, to give this
pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace.
Until il in done, the past, however much
we may desire il, will not be forgotten. The
adoption of the amendment reunites us be
yond all power of disruption. It bals the
wound thai is sit 11 imperfectly closed; it re
moves slavery, the element which has so
loug perplexed and divided the country; it
make of ct, once more a nnited people, re
newed and strengthened, bound more than
ever to mutual affection and snpport.
The amendment to the Constitution beine
adopted, it would remain for the States,'
whof-e powers have been so long in abey-
hucc, to resume their places in ihe two
branches ot the National Legislature, and
thereby complete the work of restoration.
Here il is for yon , fellow-citizens of the Sen-
ate, and for you, fellow citizens of the Houe
of Representative?, to judge, each of yon for
yourselves, of the elections, returns and
qualifications of your own members.
The full assertion of the powers of the
General Government requires the holding
of Circuit Courts of the United Slates within
ihe districts where their antbority has been
interrupted. In the present posture of our
public affairs, strong objections have been
urged to holding those courts in any of the
Slates where the rebellion has existed; and
il was ascertained by inquiry, that the Cir
cuit Court of the United States would not be
held within the District of Virginia during
the autumn or early winter, nor until Con
gress should have ' an opportunity to con
sider and act on the whole subject.'
To your deliberations the restoration of
this branch of the civil authority of the Unit
ed States is therefore necessarily referred,
with the hope that early provision will be
made tor the resumption of all its fnnctions
It is manifest thai treason, most flagrant in
character, has been committed. Persons
who are charged with its commission should
have lair and impartial trials in the highest
civil tribunals ot the country, ir order that
the Constitution and the laws mar be fully
vindicated ; the troth clearly established and
affirmed that treason is a crime, that traitors
should be punis'ied and the offence made
infamous; and, at the same time, thai the
question may be judicially settled, finally
and forever, ibat no State of its own will has
the riht to renounce its place in the Union.
The relations of the General Government
towards the fonr millions of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom have
engaged my most serious consideration.
On ihe propriety of attempting to make the
freedmen electors by proclamation of the
Executive, I took for my counsel the Consti
tution itself, the interpretations of that in
strument by its authors and their co tempo
raries, and recent legislation of Conrex.
When, at the first movement toward iode
pendence the Congress ol the United States
instructed the several Slates lo institute gov
ernments of their own,-they left each State
to decide for itself the conditions for the
enjoyment of the elective franchise.
During the pesiodol the Confederacy there
continued to exist a' very great diversity in
the qualifications of electors in the several
Stales; and even within a State a distinction
of qualification prevailed with regard to the
officers who jre to be chosen. The Con
stitution of , tho United States recognizes
these diversities when it enjoins that, in the
choice of members of the Houe of, Kepro
seutatives of the United Stales, ;tbe electors
in each State shall have the qualifications
requisite for electors of the most nnmeroos
branch of the Slate Legislature."
After the formation of the Constitution, it
lemained, a before, the uniform usage for
tach State to enlarge the body of its electors,
according to its own judgment; and, under
this system, one State after another baa pro
ceeded to increase the number of its electors
until nary, universal suffrage, or aorasihing
very near it, is the general rule. .
t So fixed was this reservation of power ia
tile habits of the people, and so unquestion
ed has been the interpretation of the Con
stitution lhat during the civil war the late
garding it; and in 'the acts of Congress,
during that period, nothing can be found
whicn, during the continuance ef hostilities,
much les after their close, would have
sanctioned any departure by the Executive
from a policy which has 'so uniformly ob
tained. ' "
Moreover, a concession ' of the elective
franchise to the freedmen, by the act of the
President of the United Slates, must have
beep extended to all colored men, wherever
found, and 'so must have established a
change of suffrage in the Northern, Middle
and Western States, not less than in ihe
Southern and Southwestern. Such an act
would have created a new class of voters,
and would have been an assumption of
power by the President which nothing in
the Constitution or laws of the United States
would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con
flict is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred lo the several States.
They can, 'each for itself, decide on the
measure, and whether it ia to be adopted
at once, and absolutely, or introduced grad
ually and with conditions. In my judgment,
the freedmen, if they show patience and
manly virtues, will sooner obtain a partici
pation in the elective franchise through the
States than through the Geoeral Government,
even if it had power io intervene. When
the tumult of emotions that have been raised
by the suddenness of the social change
shall have subsided, it may prove that they
will receive kindliest usage from some of
those on whom they have heretofore most
closely depended.
But while I have no doubt that nowafter
the close of Ihe war, it is not competent for
the General Government to extend ihe elect
ive franchise in the. several Stales, it is
equally clear thai good faith requires the
security of the iree Irnen in their liberty and
thir property, tbeir right to labor, ami their
riJn toe aim the j o -i retan of thi'ir lator.
J cannot too etrotiuly - urge a dipa-iona!e
treatment of this subject, which should be
carefully kept aloot Irom all party strile.
We marl equally avoid basty assumptions
of any natural impossibility for the two
races to live side by sids,in a state of mutu
al benefit and good will. The experiment
involves os in no inconsistency ; let os(then,
go on and make that experiment in good
faith, and not be too easily disheartened.
The country is in need of labor, and the
freedmen are in need of employment, cul
ture and protection. While their right of :
vnluritarv micr:inn and inafration ia not
to be questioned, I would not advise their
forced removal and colonization. Let us
rather encourage them to honorable and
useful industry, where it may be beneScial
lo themselves and to the country ; and, in
stead of basty anticipations of the certainty
of failure, lal there be nothing wanting to
the fnir trial of the experiment. The change
in their condition is the substitution of la
bor by contract for the status of slavery.
The Iree Jmen cannot !&ir!y be accused of
unwillingness to work, so long as a doubt
remains about his freedom of choice in his
pursuits, and the certainty of his receiriog
his stipulated wages.
In this the interests of (he employer and
employed coincide. The employer desires
in his workmen spirit and alacrity, and
these can be perminenily secured in do
other way.' And if "one ought to be able to
enforce the contract, so ou?ht the other.
The public interest will be bet promoted if
the several States .will provide adequate
protection and remedies for the freedmen.
Until this is in some way accomplished,
there is no chance for the advantageous use
of their labor ; and the blame of ill success
will not rest on them.
I know that sincere Dhilanthropr is ear
nest for the immediate realization of its re
motest aims ; but time isalways an element
in reform. It is one of the greatest acts on
. record to nave orouzru tour million ol peo
pie into freedom. The career of free indus- '
try must be fairly opened to them ; and then
their future prosperity and condition must,
after all, rest mainly on themselves. If
hey fail, and so perUh away, lei us be
careful that the failure shall not be attribut
able to any denial ol justice. In all that re
lates to the destiny ot the IreeJmen,-we
need not be too anxious to read the future;
many incidents which, from a speculative
point of view, might raise alarm, will qui
etly settle themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end, or near ito
end, the greatness of its evil, in the point of
view of public economy, becomes more and
more apparent. Slavery was essentially a
monopoly ot labor, and as such locked the
States where ii prevailed against the in
coming of free industry. Where labor was
the property of the capitalist, the white man
was excluded from employment, or bad but
the second best chance of finding it, and.the
foreign emigrant turned away from (he
region where his condition would be so pre
carious. With the destruction of the mon
opoly, free labor will hasten Irom all parts
of the civilized world to assist in developing
various and immeasurable resources which
have hitherto lain dormant.
The eight or nine States nearest the Gulf
of Mexico have a soil of exuberant fertility,
a climate friendly to long life, and can sus
tain a denser population than is found as
yet in any part of our country. And ihe
future inflox of population to thra will be
mainly from the North, or from the most
cultivated nations in Europe. From ihe
sufferings that have attended them during
our late . struggle, let us look away to the
future, which is sure io be laden tor them
with greater nrper;tv thin has ever oatore I
been k jiiwn. The 'removal ot the monop
oly ot ave labor is a p 0 )4? that those re
gions will be peopled by a sumero-js a id
enterprising population, which will vie with
any in' the Union in compactness, inventive
genius, wealth and industry.
Oar government springs from and was
.made for the people, not the people for the
government. To them -ii owes allegiance;
from them il most derive its courage, strength
and wisdom. But, shile the government
is thus bound to defet to the people, trom
whom it derives its existence, it should,
from the very consideration of its origin, be
strong iu its power of resistance to the es
tablishment of inequalities. Monopolies,
perpetuities and class legislation are con
trary to the genius of free Government, and
ought not 10 be allowed . Here there . is no
room for favored classes or monopolies ; the
principle of our government is that of equal
law and freedom of industry.
Whenever monopoly obtains a, foothold,
it is sore ta be a source of danger, discord
and trouble.- We shall bat falfill oar duties
as legislators by according "equal and ex
act justice to ail men,'-special privilege! to
cone. The government is subordinate to
the people ; but as the agent and represent
ative of the people,' it 'must be held supe
rior) lo monopolies, which in - themselres,
ocght never to b prtedandwhi?!!,
The Constitution confers on Congress the
right to regulate commerce among the sever
al States. It is of the first necessity for the
maintenance of the Union, that that, com
merce should be free and unobstructed. . No
State can be justified in any device to tax
the transit of travel and commerce between
States." The position of many States is eucli
thatif they were allowed to take advantage of
it for purposes of local reveoue, the com
merce between States might be injuriously
burdened, or even virtually prohibited. It
is best, while tbe country is still young, and
while tbe tendency to dangerous monopolies
of this kind is still foeble, to use the power
of Congress so as to prevent any selfish im
pediment to the frse circulation of men and
merchandise. A tax on travel and merchan
dise, in tbeir transit, constitutes one of the
worst forms of monopoly, and tbe evil is in
creased if coupled with a denial of tbe choice
of route. When the vast extent of our coun
try is considered.it is plain that every obsta
cle to the free circulation of commerce be
tween the States ought to be sternly guarded
against by appropriate legislation, wilhiu
tbe limits of the Constitution.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior
explains tbe oondition of the public lands,
tbe transactions of the Patent Office and the
Pension Bureau, tbe management of our In
dian affairs, the progress made in tbe con
struction of the Paoifio Railroad, and fur
nishes information in reference to matters of
local interest in the District of Colombia. It
also presents evidence of the successful op
eration of tbe Homestead Act, under the
provisions of which 1,100,553 acres of the
public lands were entered during the last fis
cal year more than one-fourth of tbe whole
number of. acres sold or otherwise disposed
of during that period.
It is estimated that the receipts derived
from-this source are sufficient to cover the
expenses incident to the survey and disposal
of the lands entered under this Act, and
that payments in cash to tbe extent of from
forty to fifty per cent, will ba made by set
tlers who may thus at any tieie acquire title
before the expiration of the period at which
it would otherwise vest. The Homestead po
licy was established only after long and ear
nest resistance ; experience proves its wis
dom. Tbe lands, in the bands of industri
ous settlers, whose labor creates wealth and
contributes to tbe public resources, are
worth more to the United States than if tbey
bad been reserved as a solitude for future
purchasers.
The lamentable events of the last four
years, and the sacrifices made by the gallant
men of our Army and Navy, have swelled
the records of the Pension Bureau to an un
precedented extent. On tbe 30th day of June
last, tbe total cumber of pensioners was
85.980, requiring for their annual ray, ex
clusive of expenses, the sum of $18,023,415.
The number of applications that have beon
allowed since that data will require a large
increase of the amount for the next fiscal
year. The means for tbe payment of the
stipends due under existing laws, to our dis
abled soldiers and sailors, and to the fami
lies of such as have perished in thi service of
tLe country, will no duubt b3 cheerfully and
promptly granted. A grateful people will
not heeitata to sanction any measures having
f?r their object the relief of soldiers muti
lated and families made fatherless in thi
efforts to preserve our national existence.
The report of the Postmaster General pre
sents an encouraging exhibit of the opera
tions of the Post Office Department during
the year. The revenues of the last year from
the loyal States alone exceeded the maxi
mum annual receipts from all the Stages pre
vious to tbe rebellion, in the sum of 5G.03S,
001 ; and tbe annual average increase of reve
nue during tbe lat four years, compared
with the revenue of tbe four years immedi
ately preceding the rebellion, was $3,533,845.
The revenue of tbe last fiscal year amount
ed to S14.55G.15S, and tho expenditures to
13,69 l,723,leaving a surplus of receipts over
expenditures of $861,420. Progress has been
made in restoring the postal service in the
Southern States. The yiews presented by
tbe Postmaster General against the policy of
granting subsidies to ocean and mail steam
ship lines upon established routes, and in
favor of continuing the present system, which
limits the compensation for ocean service to
the postage earnings, are recommended to
the careful consideration of Congress.
It appears, from tbe report of the Secreta
ry of tbe Navy, that while, ut the commence
ment of the present year.there were in com
mission 530 vessels of all classes and descrip
tions, armed with 3000 guns and manned by
51,000" men, the number of vessels at present
io commission is 117, with S30 guns and 12,
123 men. By this prompt reduction cf the
naval forces the expenses of tho Government,
have been largely diminished, and a number
of vessels, purchased for naval purposes
from the merchant marine, have been re
turned to the peaceful pursuits of com
merce. Since the suppression of active hostilities
our foreign squadrons Lave been re-established,
and consist of vessels much more ef
ficient than those employed on similar ser
vice previous to the rebellion. The sugges
tion for tbe enlargement of the navy yards,
and especially for the establishment of one
in fresh water for iron-clad vessels, is de
serving of consideration, as is also the re
commendation for a different location and
more ainpla grounds for the Naval Acade
my. In the report of the Secretary of War, a
general summary is given of tbe military
campaigns of 1864 and ISoo, ending in the
suppression of armed resistance to the na
tional authority io the insurgent States. The
operations of the general administrative bu
reaus of the War Department during the last
year are detailed, and an estimate made of
the appropriations that will be required for
military purposes in the fiscal year com
mencing the 30th day of June, 18GG. The
national military foree 00 the 1st of May,
1SG5, numbered 1,1.00.516 men. It ia pro
posed to reduce the military establishment to
a peaco footing, comprehending fifty thousand
troops of all arms, organized so as to admit
of an enlargement by filling up the ranks to
eighty-two thousand six hundred, if the cir
cumstances of tbe country should require an
augmentation of the army. ,
The volunteer force has already been re
duced bT the discharge from service of over
eight hundred thousand troops, and the De
partment is proceeding rapidly in the work
of further reduction. The war estimates are
reduced from 510,240,131 to $33,814,481,
which amount, in the opinion of the Depart
ment, ia adequate for a peace establishment.
Tbe measures of retrenchment in snob Bu
reau and branch of tbe service exhibit a dil
igent economy worthy of commendation.
Reference is also made in the report to the
necessity of providing for a uniform militia
system, and to tbe propriety of making euit
able" provision for wounded and disabled of-
subject ef vital interest to its honor and proa- j
perity, and should command the earnest con-
sideration of Congress. Tbe Secretary of the
Treasury will lay before you a full and de- '
tailed report of the reoeipts and disburse-!
ments of the last fiscal year, of the first quar- '
tsr of tbe present fiscal year, of the probable
receipts and expenditures for the other three
quarters, and the estimate for the year fol
lowing tbe 30th of June, 18GC. I might con
tent myself with a reference te that report,
in which you will find all the information
required for yonr deliberations and decision.
But the paramouut importance of the subjeot
so presses itself on my mind, that I oanoot
but lay before you my views of the mea
sures which are required for the good char
acter, and, I might also say, for the exis
tence of this people.
The life of a republic lies certainly ia tbe
energy, virtue and intelligence of its citi
zens, but it ia equally true tbat a good rev
enue system ia the life of an organized Gov
ernment. I meet you at a time when the
natiou baa voluntarily burdened itself with
a debt unprecedented in our annals. Yast
as is its amount, it fades away into nothing
when compared with tbe countless blessings
that will be conferred upon our couutry and
upon man by the preservation of the nation's
life. Now, on tbe first occasion of the mast
ing of Congress since the return of peace,
it is of the utmost importance to inaugnrate
a just polioy, which shall at onoo be put in
motion, and which shall commend itself to
those who come after os for ita continuanos.
We must aim at nothing less than
tba' complete effaeement of the financial
evils that naoessarily followed a state of
civil war. We must endeayor to apply
the earliest remedy to the deranged state of
the currency, and not shrink froei devising
a policy which, without being oppressive to
the people, shall immediately begin to effect
a reduction of tbe debt, and, if persisted in,
discharge it fully within a definitely fixed
number of years.
It is our first daty to prepare ia earnest
for our recovery from the ever-increasing
evils of an irredeemable currency, without
a sudden revulsion, and yet without untime
ly procrastination. For that end we must,
each in our respective positions, prepare the
way. I bold it the duty of the Exeoutive to
insitt upon frugality in tbe expenditures ;
and a sparing economy is itself a great ua
tional resource. Of tbe banks to which au
thority has been given toisaue notes secured
by bonds of tbe Unnitcd States, we may re
quire the greatest moderation and prudeoce,
and the law must be rigidly enforced whan
ita limits are exceeded.
Wa may, each ona of us, counsel our active
and enterprising countrymen to be constantly
on tbeir guard, to liquidate debts contracted
in a paper currency, an i, by conducting busi
ness as nearly as possible on a system of oash
payments, or short credits to hold themselves
prepared to return tojthe standard ofgold and
silver. . To aid our felbw-oitizens in the pro
dent management sf tbeir monetary affairs,
the duty devolves on us to diminish, by law,
the amount of paper money now in circula
ti:n. Fire years ago the bank note circulation
of the country amounted to not much more
than two hundred millions. The simple
statement of .the fact raccommends more
strongly than any words of mine could do,
the necessity of our restraining this expan
sion. The gradual reduotion of tbe currency
is the only measure that can save the busi
ness of the country from disastrous calami
ties ; and this jan be almost impreceptibly
iccomplisbad by gradually fundiag the na
tional circulation in securities that may be
made redeemable at the pleasures of the
Government.
Onr debt is doubly secure first in the ac
tual wealth and still greater undeveloped re
sources cf the country ; and next in tbe char
acter of our institutions. The most intelli
gent observers among political economists
have failed to remark, tbat the public debt
of a country is safe in proportion as its peo
ple are free ; that the debt of a republic is
tbe safest cf all. Our history confirms and
establishes tbe theory, and is, I firmly be
lieve, destined to give it a still more signal
illustration. ,
Tbe secret nf this snparimty springs not
merely from the fact tbat in a republic the
national obligations are distributed mors
widely through countless numbers ia all
classes of society; it has its roots in the char
acter of our laws. Hera all men contribute
to the publio welfare, and bear their fair
share of tbe public burdens. During the war,
under the impulses of patriotism, the men of
the great body of the people without regard
to their own comparative want of wealth,
thronged to our armies and filled ourfiets
of war, and held themselves ready to offer
their lives for tbe public good. Now. in
their turn, the property and income of the
country should bear tbeir just proportion of
tbe burden of taxation, while in our impost
system, through means of which increased
vitality is incidentally imparted to all the
industrial interests of the nation, the duties
should be e? adjusted as to fall most heavily
on articles of luxury, leaving the nocessaries
of lif as free from taxation as the absolute
wants of the Government, economically ad
ministered, will justify. No favored class
ehoull demand freedom from assessment,
and the taxes should be so distributed as not
to fall unduly on the poor, but rather on
the accumulated wealth of the country. Wo
should look at tbe national debt just as it is
not as a national blessing, but as a heavy
burden on tbe industry of the country, to be
discharged without unnecessary dolay.
It is estimated by tbe Secretary of tbe
Treasury tbat tbe exdenditnres for the fiscal
year ending the 30tb of Jane, 1805, will ex
ceo i the receipt $112,194,947. It is gratify
ing, however, that it is also estimated that
the revenue for the year ending tbe 30th of
June,TS67. will exceed the expenditures in
the sum of S414.G2S.818. This amount, or
so much as may be deemed sufficient for tho
purpose, may be applied to the reduction of
tbe debt, which, on the 31st day of October,
13G, was ?2.740.S54,759.
Every reduction will diminish the total
amount of interest to be paid, and so enlarge
the means of still further reductions, until
the whole shall be liquidated ; and this, as
will be seen from fbe estimates of the Secre
tary of tho Treasury, may be accomplished
by annual payments even within a period
not exceeding thirty years, I have faith that
we shall do all this within a reasonable time,
that, as we have amazed tbe world by a sup
pression of a civil war which was thought . to
be beyond tbe control of any Government,
so we will equally show tbe superiority of
our institutions by the prompt and faithful,
discharge of our national obligations.
The Department of Agrioulture, under its
present direction, is accomplishing muob ia
developing and utilizing the vast agricultu
ral capabilities of the country, and for infor
mation respecting tfie details of itsmanage-
I have dwelt thus fully en oar domestic
affairs beosuaa of their transoandant im
portance. Under any circumstances, our
great extent of territory and variety of cli
mate prodnoing almost everything tbat is
necessary for the wants, and even the com
forta of man, make us singularly indepen
dent of the varying polioy of foreign Powers,
and to protect us against every temptation
to "entangling alliances," while at tbe rrs-.
cm ice re-esiaciisomf m 01 narmony, and
toe strengtu tbat oomes from harmony, will
be our best security egainst "cations who
feel power and forgot right."
For myself, it bas been and will ba mr
constant aim to promote peace and amiry
with all foreign nations and powers r and I
have every reason to believe that they all.
without exception, are animated by the same
disposition. Our relations with the Empe
ror of China, so recent" in their origin, are
most tnendly. . Uur commerce witb bis do
minions is reoeiving new developments ; and
it is very pleasing to find that the Govern
ment of that great Empire manifests satis
faction with our polioy, and repeses just coo-
naence in tue fairness which marks our in
tercourse.
Tba unbroken harmony between the Uni
ted States and the Emperor of Russia is re
ceiving a new support from an enterprise de-
signea to carry telegrapbio lines across "tba
continent of Asia, through his dominions.
and so to connect us with all Europe by a j
oew cuanuei 01 intercourse, uur commeroe
with South America is about to receive en
couragement by a direot line of mail steam-E
ships to the rising Empire of Brazil. Tbe
distinguished party of men of science who
bare recently left our country to make a soi-j
entifio exploration of tbe natarsl bistorv.i
and rivers and mountain ranges of that're-l
gion, hare received from tbe Emperor that!
generous welcome wbioh was to have been
expected from bis constant friendship fur the
IT 1 C . . tl.
uuiteii oiaies, ana nis weti-xnowa zeal ml
promoting tbe advancement of knowledge.
A hope is entertained that our commeroe
with the rich and populoas countries that!
border tbe Mediterranean Sa may be large-1
iv lucrraeou. coining win ue wanting on I
the part of this G )vernment,"to extend tbnj
protection .of oar fellow-citizens. We receival
from tbe powers in that region assurances vfl
g xkI will ; and it is worthy of ' note that a, I
speoial enyoy bas brought as messages , jf
oondolence on tbe death of our late Chief!
Magistrate from the Bey of Tunis, whose t
rule includes tbe oil domiuioos of Carthage "
on the African coast. . -T?
Our domestie contest, now happily ended, .
bas left some trsoes in our relation with one,
at least, cf the great maratims Powers. The
formal accordance of beligerent rights to
the insurgent States was unprecedented, ani
bas not been justified by tbe issue. - But in
the systems of neutrality pursued by tbe
Po were which made that concession, there!
was a marked difference. " The materials of
war for the insurgent States were furosshsd
in a great measure, front tbe workshops of
Great Britain, and British ships, manned by
Britinh subjects and prepared far receiving
iuwsu biuibujcuii, oti.ica irum. iui pone oi.
Ureat iJritaia to make war on American!
commerce, under the shelter of a commit
eion from the insurgeat States. ..... .
There ships, having once eeoaped from!
British ports, ever afterwards entered then!
ia every part of the world, to refit, and so to!
renew their depredations. The consequences!
of this eonduct was mist disastrous to the!
States then in rebellion, increasing their de-l
eolation and misery by tbe. prolongation oft
our civil contest. It bas, moreover, theeffeot
to a great extent, to drive the American flag!
from the sea, and to transfer maoh of our!
shipping and commeroe to the verv Power
whose sabjscts had oreated the necessity for!
euch a change. These events took place be-l
fore I was called to the administration of!
the Government. The sincere desire fori
peace by which I am animated led ma toap-
prove the proposal, already made, te submit
the questions which had thus aruea between
the two countne; to arbitration.'
Thefts "uestions are of such moment that
they must have commanded the attention of
the great powers, and uie so interwoven with!
the peace and interest of every one of them1
as to have insured an impartial decision. I
regret to inform you that Great Britain de
clined tbe arbitrament, but, on the other
hand, invited us to the information cf a joiut
commission to settle mutual claims between
the two countries, from wbioh those for the
depredatioos. before mentioned - should be '
excluded. The proposi ioo, in thak very
unsatisfactory form, has been declined.
Tbe United States did not present thisoV
ject as an impeachment of the good faith of a
Power which whs professing the most friend
ly dispositions, but as involving questions of
public law, of which the settlement is essen
tial to the peaee of a nation ; and although
pecuniary reparation to ' their injured oiti
sens would have fallowed incidentally on a
decision againstGreat Britain, such com pen- i
satioo was not their primary objeot. Tnr
had a higher motive, and it was in the in
terests ot peace and justice to establish im
portant principles of international law. Tbe
correspondence will be plaoed befre tou.
The ground on which tbe British Minis
ter rests his justification is, substantially.
that tbe uanioipal law of a nation, and the
domestic interpretations of that law, are the
measure cf its duty as a neutral, and I feel
bound to declare my opinion before you ao 1
before the world, that that juetioation can
not be sustained before tbe tribunal or m
tinna At tbe same time I do not advise to
any present attempt at redress by acts nf
legislation. For the future, friendship be
tween the two countries must rest 03 las
basis of mutual jastice.
rrora the moment of the estaeuehwaent nf
oar fre Constitution, the civilized world
has been cnnvnlaad bv revnlntlnna in th ii
mrougn an those revolutions tne Uuiuj
States have wisely and firmly refused to b
come propagandists of republicanism. '-It
is tbe only government suited to oar "condi
tion ; but we have never sought to impise
it cn others, acd ws have consistently fol
lowed the advioe of Washington to reoom
mend it only by the careful preservation
and prudent use of the blessing. During'
all the ioterveoing period tbe policy of Eu
ropean powers and of the United States has,
on tbe wbole, bsea harmonious. Twiee, in
deed, rumors of tbe invasion of some parts
of America, in tbe interest of mooarohy,
have prevailed ; twiee my predeeesaore Lav
.1 a .... . . 'H r -
had ooeasion to announce the views of thUl
nation in respect to such interference. -.
On both oeoasione tbe remonetranoe of the
United. States was respeoted, from a deep
conviction on tbe part of European govern
ment that tbe system of non-interference
and mutual abstinence from propagandises
was the true rule for the two fceiaisphsres.
Sinae those times we have advanced in wealth