1
r
n. U. JACOBT, Publisher
Truth and Right Cod and our Country.
$2 50 io Adrance, per Aunnm.
VOLUME 16.
BLOOMSBURG. COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, MAY 3, 1865.
-NUMBER' 28.
NORTEL
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- EGO AND ECHO.
A PHANTASY.'
B JOHN G. ShXt.
:1 aked cf Echo, 'totber day,
(Whose word are few and often funny)
. What, to a iiorice she could say
Of courtship love, and matrimoney?
Quoth Echo,' plainly, "Mitler-'o 3lmey J"
" Whom shon'd I marry ? should it be
A dashing damsel, gay and pd tt
A pattern of inconstancy ;
Or selfih mercenary flirt ?
Qjoth Echo, sharply, '"Awry Jlu! '
What if aweary of the strife
That long haa lured the dear deceiver
She promised to amend her life,
, And sin no more ; can I believe Iter ?
Quoth Echo, with decision, "Leave her I''
Bat if some maiden with a heart,
On me should venture iir bestow it,
Pray, should 1 act the wier part
To take the treasurp, or lorego it ?
Qtotl. Echo, very promptly, ' Go (.'"'
But what it, seemingly afraid
To bintt her fate in Hymen's fetter,
She vow she mans to die a maid, .
In answer to my loving letter?
Quoth Echo, rather coolly, "Let her!"
What if, in spite of her disdain,
I find my hart entwined about
"With Cupid's dear delicious chain,
f So clo-fly that I can't get out,
Quoth Echo, laughingly, "Gel out f
- r
But if some maid with beauty blest,
As pore and lair as Heaven can make her,
Will share my labor and m; rest.
Till envious Dea h shall overtake her?
Quoth Echo, satto voce, Tike her "
Hot. Andrew Johnson, President of . the
United States, is in the fifty sixth year of his
age. His family resides at present in Nash
ville, Tennessee4 and consists of his wife
and four children, two sons and two daugh
nrs. Hi son Robert is twenty years of age.
His two daughters, with their families, .alio
reide in Naliville, having been driven from
their homes in East Tennessee. One of
Mr Johnson's sons, Charles, a surgeon in
the rmy. was thrown from his horse in the
ear 1861, and killed, and Colonel S'over a
srr.-in-Iaw, commanding the 1th regiment
of Tei riehee infantry, was killed in the bal
i le ot Noh vi'.Ie while gallantly leading his
command, on the ISth ol December, 1861.
Judge Patterson who is also'a son in-law
of the Premier.', lives in Nashville. Mrs
Johnson has teeit in very delicate health for
some lime pa!, and it is probable Mrs. Col
onel Stover will preside over the Presiden
tial Loutehold. Exchange.
The Deputy-Commissioner of I.iternal
Revenue has made the following decision :
Losses by fire may be dedncted from in
come, where they occur in connection with
a business from which incorrieis derived.
if a building which is rented is destroyed
or injured by fire, the amount expended
in isbuilding may be deducted from the
amount received as rent : but when the
; building is occupied by the owner only so
; reach can be deducted as dows no: exceed
. the average expended in repairs on such
. buildinglorthe preceding five years. Where
- loses are deducted as in castes above giv
en, insurance moneys received must be
returned as income.
- - A Ciooc Made bt Soldiers. -There is a
clock at the Union Volunteer Refreshment
Saloon made by the soldiers who bare just
returned from the Southern prisons. The
mainspring is made from the blade of a sa
bre which once belonged to Stonewall Jackson-
The bands are made of a toasting fork,
taken from the kitchen of Vice President
Stephens. The wheels are made from the
'mountings of carriages 'that belong to the
Confederates. The pillars holding the frame
together are made of ram-rods. Nearly all
the parts are taken Ironti tome article or
other picked ap in the Southern Confederal
cy.-Pkiltx. Ledger.
'"'Tearing Down Bills. We notice that
Bills, Posters, &c, that are put op, are fre
quently torn down almost as soon as the
paste,osed in pasting tbem op, dries. Per
sons tbar are so unmannerly and lawless in
their practices, should bear in mind that a
-statute of ibis State punishes with an on
pairing hand, offenders of this character;
and it would be but teaching a salutary Ies-
' aoti if some law-abiding citizen, woold in
form on one of these tearing-down-bill of
fenders, and have bim ''put through" to the
fall extent cf the Taw. '
" The ' Blues. "Cheerfulness and occu
pation are closely allied, : Idle men are
Tery rare! happy. ; How should tbey be 1
The brain and muscles were made for ac
tion, aad neither can be healthy without vig
orous exercise. Into the hazy brain crawls
spider-like fancies, filling it with cobwsls
that shut oat the light and make it a fit
abode for ."loathed melancholy." Invite
ffcs. stout handmaiden, brisk a ad busy
Thought, into the intellectual chambers,
and she wiilsscn brash away forever inch
Andrew Johnson's Publie Record.
OPPOSKD to war upon the south.
From Andrew Jon bson'a Speech Feb 5, J61.
Referring to a charge of .Senator Laie,
t that Mr. Johnson was in'favor of a war on
the South, Mr. Jottnson said :
I "I march dojvn upon South Carolina !
Did I propose any such thing ? No. War
is not the natural element of my mind ;
and, as I staled in that speech, my thoughts
were turned oa peace, and not on war. I
want no strife. I want no war. In the lan
guage of a denomination that is very nu
merous in the country I may say, I hate war
and love peace I belcng to the peace party.
1 thought, when I was making that speech,
that I was holding oat the olive branch of
peace. I wanted to give quiet and recon
ciliation to a distracted and excited country.
That was the object I had in view. War, I
repeat, is nol the natural element of my
mind. I wo aid rather wear upon my gar
ments the tinge of the shop and the dost of
the field, as badges of the pursuit of peace,
than the gaudy epaulefcpon my shoulder,
or a sword dangling by my side, with its
glittering sctbbard, the insignia of strife,
of war, of blood, of carnage ; sometimes of
honorable sod glorious war. But, Sir, I
would rather seethe people of the United
States at war with every other power upon !
the habitable globe, than be at war with
each other. If blood must be shd4 let it
not be shed by the people of the!e Slates,
the one contending against the other."
THE GSMRU GOrr.liK.MEXT HAS NO BIGHT TO
COKRCk. A STATE.
I n nnt hliova !h
Federal Government has the power to co- I
erce a S;aie ; for by the eleventh amend- !
ment of the Constitution of the United
States it is expressly provided that you can-
not even pot one of the States of this Con- !
federacy before one of the courts of the -country
as a party. Ss a State, the Federal
Government has no power to coerce it;
bai it is a member of the compact to which
it is agreed in common with the other States,
and this Governmen I has the right to pass
lata s, and to enforce those laws upon indi
viduals within the limits of each State.
While the one proposition is clear, the other
is equally so. This Government can, by
the Constitution of the country nd by the
j laws enacted in conformity with the Con-
ttilution, operate upon individuals, and
! has the right and the power, not to coerce.
a State, but to enforce and execnte the law .
! upon individuals within the limits .of a,
State. - j
j I know that the term, "to cnerce a Stale,''
C is used in an ad cpfmdum manner. It is a
' sovereignfy tlrat is to be crushed ! How is
; a Slate in the Union? What is her con
. nection with i; ? All the connection she
, has with the other States is that which is
agreed upon in the connection between the
I States. 1 do not know whether you may
' consider it in the Union or out of the Union,
or whether you simp! consider ii a con
' nection or a diconecion with the other
j States ; but to the extent that a State nulli
j Ses or sets aside any law or any provision
: of '.be CenMitmion, to that extent it has dis
solved its connection and no more. I think
the States that passed their personal liberty
; bills, in violation ol the Constitution of the
United States, coming in conflict1 with the
fugitive slave law, to that extent have dis
solved their connection, and to that ex'ent
. it is revolution. But because some of the
free States ;have passed laws violative of
the Constitution; because tbey have to
some' extent, dissolved their connection
; with this Government, does that justify us
of the Sooth in following that bad example ?
Because they have personal liberty bills,
and have, to t'aat exten, violated the com- ,
;.pact which is reciprocal, shall we turn 1
around, on this other hand, and violate the '
Constitution by coercing them to a compli- ,
jancewithit? Will we do so ? I
Then I come back to the starting point ; ;
I IpI n stand in lha Union and nnon thm '
Constitution, find if anybody is to leave this
Union, or violate its guarantees, it shall be
i those who have taken the initiative, and j
I passed their personal liberty bills. Iam
I in the Union, and intend to stay in it. I
intend to hold on to the Union, and the
guarantees nnder which this Union has
grown; and I do not intend to be driven
from it, nor oct of it, by their unconstitu
tional enactments.
THE ABOLITIOS ISTS ARE DISUNION ISTS, SECES
SIONISTS ARE NULLIFIERS.
"But, Mr. President, recurring to what
I said yesterday, there are two parties in
this country that want to break up the Gov
ernment. Who are they? The aullifiers
proper oi the "Sooth, the secessionists or
disuniocist for 1 use tbem all as synony
mous terms. There is a portion of them
who, per e, desire the disruption of the
Government for purposes of their own ag
grandizement. I do not charge npon them
that they want to break ap the Govern
ment for the purpose of affacting slavery ;
yet I charge that the breaking np of the
Government woold bare that effect ; the re
sult would be the same. Who else is for
breaking np ibis Government? I refer to
some bad mei ia the North. There is a
set ot men irhe are called Abolitionists,
and ihey want to break op the Government.
They are disnnionisls ; tbey are nullifiers.
Bad men North say provoking things in
reference to tit institutions of the Sooth,
and bad men and bad tempered man of the
Sooth say provoking and insulting things is
return ; and sc gees on war of crimination
and recrimination io reference to the two
peculiar to each. Tbey become enraged
and insulted, end then ihey are denuncia
tory of each other ; and what is the result ?
The Abolitionists, and those who entertain
their sentiments, abuse men of the Sooth,
and men of the Sonth abuse them in return.
They do nol fight each other ; but they both
become offended and enraged. One is dis
satisfied with the other; bne is insulted by
the other ; and then, to seek revenge, to
gratify themselves, ihey both agree to make
war upon the Union thai never offended or
injured either. Is this right? What has
this Union done ? Why should these con
tending parties make wac upon it because
they have insulted and' aggrieved each
other? This glorious Union, that was spo
ken into existence by the fathers of the
country, must be made war upon to gratify
these animosities. Shall we, because we
have said bitter things of each other which
have been offensive, tnrn upon the Govern
ment, and seek its destruction, and entail
all the disastrous consequences upon com
merce, upon agriculture, upon the indus
trial purits of the country, that must result
from the breaking up ol a great Govern
ment like this ? What is to be gained out
of the Union t)at we cannot get in it? Any
thing ? 'I have been zealout-ly contending
for and intend to continue to contend for
every right, even to the ninth psrt of a
hair, that I feel the State which I have the
honor to represent is entitled 't. I do not
intend to demand anythind but that which
ii right ; and I will remark, in this connec
tion, thai there is a spirit in the country
which, if :t does not exist to a very great
extent in this Hall, does exist in the great
mass of the people North and South, to do
what is right ; and if the question could be
taken away irom politicians ; if it could be
taken away from the Congress of the Unit
ed States, and referred to the great mass of
the intelligent voting population of the
United States, they would settle it without
the slighest ' difficulty, and bid defiance to
secessionists and disunionUu." Applause
in the galleries.
HOW HE PROPOSED TO FIGHT THE BATTLE OF
THE CSION.
"In fighting this battle, I shall do it upon
the basis laid down by a portion of my
own State, in a large and very intelligent
meeting. A committee of the most intelli
gent men in the country reported, in the
shape of resolutions, to this meeting the
basis upon which I intend to fuht this
great battle for our rights. They reported
ibis resolution :
tl ' Resolve 1, That we deeply sympathize
with our sUter Soothern S'ates, and freely
aJmil that there is good caue lor dissa'is
faction and complaint on their part, on ac
count of the recent election of sectional
caiidtdates to the Presidency and Vice Pres
idency of the United States; yet we, as a
portion of the people of a slaveholdin;
community, are noi for seceding or break
ing up the Union of thse States until every
fair and honorable means has been exhaust
ed in trying to obtain, on the part of the
non-slaveholding States, a compliance with
the spirit and letter of the Constitution and
all its guarantees ; and when this shall
be done, and the States now in open rebel
lion against the laws of the United States,
in refusing to execute the fugitive slave
law, shall persist in their present uncon
stitutional coarse, and the Federal Govern
ment shall tail or refuse lo execute the laws
in itned faith it (the Government) will nnt
have accomplished the great design of its
creation, and therefore, in fact, be a practi
cat dissolution, and all the Stales, as parlies,
be released from the compact which form?
the Uoion.'"
WHAT TENNESSEE WILL DO IF THE NORTH RE
FUSE HER RIGHTS.
"I believe that, to a certain extent, dis
solution is going to take place. 1 say to ho
North, you ought to come up in the spirit
which characterize and control the North on
this question ; faith that will approach
what the Sooth demands. It will be no
sacrifice on your part. It is no snppliancy
on ours, but simply a demand of right
What concession is there in doing right ?
Then, come forward. We have it in our
power yes, this Congress here to-night
has it in its power to save this Union, even
after Sooth Carolina has gone out. Will
tbey not do it? Yoa can do it. Who is
willing to take the dreadful alternative with
out 'making an honorable effort to save this
Government? This Congress has it in its
power to-day to arrest (his thing, at least
for a season, until there is time to consider
about it, until we can act discreetly and
prudently, and, I believe, arrest it alto
gether. "Shall we give all this op to the Vandals
and the Goths f fchall we shrink Irom oar
duty, and desert the Government as a
sinking ship, or shall we stand by it? 1,
for one, will stand here until the high be
hest of my constituents demands me to de
sert my post; and instead of laying bold of
the columns .of this fabric and pulling it
down, though I may not be much of a
prop, I will stand with my shoulder support
ing the edifice as long as human effort can
doit. Then, cannot we agree? We can,
if we we will, and come together and cave
the conntry.
"In saying what I have said on tbis oc
casion, Mr. President, I have done it in
view of a duty that I felt I owed to my
constituents, that I owed to my children,
that I owed to myself. Without regard to
consequences, I have taken the position 1
have; and whea the tug comes, whea
Greek shall meet Gceek, and oar rights are
refused after all honorable means have
been exhausted, then it is that I will perish
in the last breach ; yes in the language of
the patriot Emmet, 'I will dispite every
inch of ground ; I wilt born every blade of
grass ; .and the last intrenchment at freedom
the Constitution ; and in preserving the
Constitution we shall save the Union ; and
in saving the Union, we save this, the
greatest Government on earth.
"1 thank the Senate for tbeir kind atten
tion." NEGROES. NOT INCLUDED IS THE DECLARATION
OF 1KDWENDZNCK.
From Johnson's Speech of Dec. 12, 185?.
"In the discussion on Thursday last, the
Senator from Illinois attempted to lay down
the doctrine of the Republican party and to
give his construction of that doctrine.
In doing so he called our attention to their
platform, which, be says is a mere reitera
tion of the Declaration of Independence
(at least, that is his idea), as it wat formed
by our fathers. To make myself intelligi
gible and distinctly understood, I will read
that por;ion oi the platform which he qoot.
ed:
'Resolved, That, with our republican
fathers, we hold it to be a self-evident troth
that all men are endowed with the inalien
able right of life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness, ana that the primary object and
alienor design of our Federal Government
is to grant these rights to all persoas under
its excellent jurisdiction.' "
"A the discussion progressed, drawing
deductions from this pari of the platform,
they were embracing the doctrines laid
down by Mr. Jefferson, and showing that
he really meant to include persons of color
in the Declaration, and that sucb was the
understanding of our revolutionary fathers.
I know that sometimes it bas been said,
and changes have been rnng en it, '.bat Mr.
Jefferson, the apostle of Democracy and of
liberty, laid down the doctrine that all men
were created equal, that they had certain
inalienable rights, that among these weie
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happines
Now, it seems to me, that a party, ar. in
telligent party that understands all the doc
trines and principles of our Government, in
ibis does great injustice to that instrument
and to the framers of the Constitution ot
the United States. When we lake the Dec
laration of Independence and connect it
with the circumstances under which it was
written, is there a man throughout the
length and breadth of this broad Republic
who believes for one instant that Mr. Jeffer.
son, when he penned it, had the negro pop-j
,'. . , . j i m .u , j- ,
olation in his mind ? Notwithstanding, he
says that 'all men are created equal, and
that they are by their Creator endowed with
certain inalienable right', that among these j
are life, liberty, and the pursuit ol happi
ness,' is there an intelligent man through
out the whole coantry, is there a Senator,
when he has stripped himself of all party,
nreiudice. who wiil come lorward and sav
that he believes that Mr. Jefferson, when he!
penned that paragraph ol the Declaration
nf I nilaDandenee. intended it lo embrace i
the African population ? Is there a gentle-
. ,
man in the Senate wbo believes any such
thin? : is there an? one who will stake his 1
reputation on the assertion that that is the
correct interpretation of the Declaration of
1 Tt,. nt o mn r ,.-
spectable intelligence wbo will hazard his
reputation upon such an assertion. Why
then indnlge in this ad coptnndum discus
sion?. Why try (0 delude and deceire the
great mass of the people by intimating that
Mr. Jefferson meant Africans or the African
race f now were we siuatea woen jir
Jefferson penned the Declaration of lode-
pendence ? Did he not own slaves? Did
not mo-it of the persons in the Congress
which adopted the Declaration own slaves,
and, after the Declaration was adopted, by
way of giving a correct interpretation to it,
what do we find iuorporated in the Con
stitution of the United Slates? Were ne
groes then .considered the persons who
weje embraced in the Declaration of Inde
pendence ? Were tbey nol considered as
property ? In fixing the representalion,
slaves were regarded as property, and only
three-fifths of them were to be counted,
clearly recognizing that they were one ol
tbe forms of property, and not persons in
tended to be embraced in the Declaration of
Independence, as contended by some. 1
think it is clear.
''What more was provided in the Con
stitution of the United States, by way of
giving a clear construction to the Declara
tion of Independence ? It was provided
that fagiiives from labor shoulc be restored
to the States from which thsy escaped, up
on demand being made. Does that look
as if this description of persons were em
braced in the Declaration of Independence,
and were considered equal to the white
race? It is evident to my mind, and it
most be so to every body else, that Mr
Jefferson meant the white race, and not the
African race. The Constitution gives it
thaiicterpretation. Aid his own acts, and
those of his associates, when they were
framing tbe Declaration of Independence,
owning slaves, and afterwards passing laws
and making wills which provided for their
regular descent as property, confirm it.
Then it seems to me lhat tbis does not
avail tbe Senator much."
MR. JOHNSON DISCLAIMS BEING AN ALLT OF
SENATOR WADE OF OHIO.
"I am charged with being 'an ally' of
the Senator from Ohio! I, who, from my
earliest infancy, or from the time 1 first
comprehended principle, down ts tbe pres
enl time, have always stood batlleing for
the fame great principles that I contend for
now! My people know me; they have
tried me; and your little inuendoes and
your little indirections will not scare them,
even infuriated seceding Southern men
dare te intimate that I am an ally of Mr.
Wade. The Senator charges me with be-
Abolitionism are uniting all their energies
to break this glorious Union. I an ally!
Thank God, I am not in alliance with Gid-
dings, with Philips, with Garrison, and the j
long list of those who are engaged in the
work of destruction, and in violating the
Constitution of the United States."
IF THE QUESTION COULD BE GOT TO THE PEO
PLE THET WOULD SETTLE IT.
"In' conclusion, Mr. President, I make
an appeal to the conservative men ef all
parties. You see the posture of roblic af
fairs; yon see tbe;condition of the country;
you see along the line.of battle the various
points of conflici; you see the struggle
which the Union'menjhave tofmaintain in
many of the States. You ought to know
and feel what is necessary ta sustain those
who, in their hearts,dasire. the preservation
of this Union of States. Will you sit with
stoic indiflereuce, and see those who are f
willing to stand by the constitution and up
hold the'pillars of the Government driven
away by the. raging surges that are now
sweeping over.someponions ofthe conn
try ? As conservative men, as patriots, as
mei who desire the preservation , of this
great, this good, this unpralleled Govern
ment, I ask you o save the country, or let
the proposition be submit;! to the people,
that the hearts of ihe people may respond to
them. I have an abiding confidence in the
intelligence, the pairiotim. and the integri
ty of the great mas of the people; and I
feel in my own heart that, if this subjsct
could be got before them, they would settle
the question, and the Union of these States
would be prserved."
Applause in the galleries.
THE ABOLITIOSIST PIsr;N IONISTS.
"In most ihat I shall say on this occasion,
I shall dirfsr very essentially from my
Southern friends. The difference will con
sist, as I think, trom what I have heard snd
what I see published in the various period
icals of the day, in the mode and manner
by which this great end is to be accomplish
ed. Some of our Southern friends think lhat
secession isjhe mode by which these end
can be accomplished; that if the Union can.
uot be preserved in its spirit, by. secession
they will get those righis.8ecured4and per-
........
within the Union. I am apposed 10 seces
I . . . .
sion. 1 oeneve 11 is.no rameay lor the
evils 'complained of. Instead of acting
with that division of Southern friends who
! take ground for secession, I shall take other
grounds-while I try, to accomplish the same
end
"1 think that this battle ought to be fought
not outside, but inside of 'the Union, and
rn,he battlements of the Constitution
iimjii. 1 am unwilling, oi my own voiuion,
to walk outside of the Union which has
! veen ine ref" 01 naiiioiion maoe dj
j liiw .Ltiv.a,ui lilt, idiuiuhuu a uo J 4UM IIICU
me isontiiTuuon, ana tms tnioii trial is so
j raoA FPoken oI. atld which aI1 of 08 are
j de' preserve, grows out of the Con-
etitation; and,I repeat, I am' notiwilling to
walk out ol the Lnion,trwti5 out of the
Constitution, that was formed by the patri
ots, nd. I may sar, the soldiers of the Kev
olution. So far as I am concerned, and I
believe I msy speak of some degree of con
fidence for "the people of my State, we join
ed to fizht lhat battle inside and not outside
ol tf'e Unionit mn.t behose who violate
11. neug not miena 1020 oui. it is our
: ii'. . - . i . -
Cons'itutior.: it is oar Union, growing out of
the Constitution; and we do not intei.d lo be
driven from it nor out of ihe Union. Those
who have violated the Constitution either
in the passage of what are denominated
personal liberty bills, or by their refusal to
excute ibe fugitive slave Taw ihey having
violate the instrument that binds ueaogeiher
must go out and nol we."
IF ELAVERT IS ABOLISHED THE NON PI.AVFIIOI.D
IRS WILL I'MTI IN SUBJCUAriMti HIS
SLAVES.
"I have said, in speakingjnn ihat'subject,
that in 1356 I had seen a spirit and a feel
ing manifested in the coumry that I had
never seen before, which convinced me
clearly andfconclnsively whatjhe Abolition
agitation would eventuate in when it was
pressed to its final ultimatum. I say that
if tbe day ever does come when the effort
is made to emancipate the slaves, to abol
ish slavery, and turn them loose on the
country, the non-slaveholders of the South
will be the first men to unite with the slave
holders 10 reduce them to subjugation agaio;
and if one would be more ready to do so
than tbe other, it weald be the non-slaveholder.
I have said that; and that if tbeir
resistance to subjngation were obstinate snd
stubborn, the non-slaveholder woold unite
with the slaveholder, and all this Abolition
philanthrophy, all this Abolition sympathy,
when pressed to its ultimatum, would re
sult in the extirpation of the ntgro race.
This is what I said. It is what I felt, and
what I saw, and what I know to b the
feeling of the non-slaveholders in tbe slave
holding States to-day. Press tbis question
to its ultimatum, aud the non-slaveholder
will unite, heart and hand, in subjugating
the African, and if resistance be made, in
extirpating the negro race;and that is where
tbis question will end, notwithstanding all
the sjmpathy and all the philanthropy that
may be evinced if the agitation be carried
out successfully to its consamation.
"It I said anything in the presence or
bearing of anybody on lhat point, that is
what I did 6ay; and I repeat new, that the
idea of there being any difference between
the feelings of the slaveholders and non
slaveholders of the South on this question,
( is a mistaken one, a false on, as thedernj
conclusively. When there was agitation in
Tennessee. in 1856, I saw that the non
slaveholder was the readiest man to raise up
and reduce the negro to subjugation; - and
would join the master - in extirpating, if
necessary, this race from existance, rather
than see them liberated and tnrned loose
npon the country. Everything I said on
this subject was to meet the fallacious and
absurd idea that the non-slaveholder of the
South would unite with the negroes against
their masters."
Eighteen.
At eightepn the true narrative of life is
yet to be commenced. Before that lime
we sit listening lo a tale, a marvelous fic
tion; almoM alwyys unreal. Before that
time the world is heroic;' its inhabitants
half divine; its scenes are dream scenes;
darker woods, and stranger hills; brighter
skies, more dangerous waters; sweeter
flowers, more tempting fruit; wider plains,
drearier deserts, sunnier fields than are
found in nature, overspread our enchanted
globe. "What a moon we gaze on before
that lime ! How the trembling of our
hearts a her aspect bears witness to its
unutterable beauty ! As to our sun it is a
burning heaven, the world of gods.
At that time eighteen, draw'pg near the
confines of illusive, void dreams, elf-land
lies behind us, the shores of reality rise io
front. These shores are yet distant they
look bo blue, soft and gentle, we long, to
reach them. In sunshine we see a green
ness beneath the azure, as of spring mead
ows, we catch glimpses of silver lines, and
imagine'the roll of living waters. Could
we but reach this land, we thir.k to hunger
and thirst no more, where as many a wil
derness, and often the flood of death, or
some stream of sorrow as cold and almost
as black as deaih, is to be crossed ere true
bliss can be tasted. Every joy that life
gives must be earned ere it is seccred; and
how hardly earned those only know who
have wrestled for great prizes. The heart's
blood must gem with red beads the brow
of the combatant, before the wreath of vic
tory rustles over it.
At eighteen we are not awarefof this.
Hope, when she smile on us, and'promises
happiness to morrow, is implicitly believ
ed; Love, when it comeg wandering like
a lost angel to our poor, is ct once admited,
welcomed, embraced; hie quiver is not
seen; if his arrows penetrate, ihey wound
like a thrill ol new life; there are no fears
of poison, none of the barb which no leech
es hand can extract; (hat perilous passion,
?n agony eer in some of its phases, with
many, an agony throughout is believed
to be an unqualified good; in hort, at
eighteen, the school of Experience ia to be
entered, and her humbling, crusing, grind
ing, but yet purifying and invigorating les
sons, are yet to be learned. Char. Bronte.
EmrrATtioN Defined. Ruskin says: An
educated man ought to know three things :
First, where he is, lhat is to say, what sort
of a world he has got into ; how large it is ;
what kind of creatures live in it, and how ;
what it is made of, and what may be made
of it. Secondly, where he i going, that i
to say, what chances or reports there are of
of any;other worldjbesidesjthis ; what seems
to be the nature of that other world. Thirdly,
what he had best do under the circum
stances, jthai is to say, what kind of faculty
he possesses ; what are the present state
and wants of mankind; what are the rea
diest means in his power of attaining hap
piness and diffusing it. The man who
knows these things, and who ha bis will
so subdued in the learning of them that he
is ready to do what he knows he ought, is
an educated man ; and the man who knows
them not is uneducated, though he could
talk all the tongtes of Babel.
The grain crops of the country never
looked more promising 'on ihe first week
of May, '.than upon that which is just pass
ing. The winter, owing to the almost con
stant presence of snow and a uniform tem
perature, has beea extremely favorable to
winter grain. The fruit prospect is also
very encouraging from tbe same cause; and
we have no severe frosts to nip the buds
while in bloom, an abundant crop of apples
and pears and cherries may be looked for.
Fire. On Wedneday of las: week, the
roof of the dwelling heuse occupied by Mrs.
Yeomans, caught fire Irom some cause uti-
kuown. Tbe fire bells were rung.but as all
the bells in town were ringing at the time,
in jny over tbe surrender of Lee, the alarm
was scarcely known beyoad the immediate
vicinity. Fortunately it was subdued before
much damage was done. Danville Intelli
gencer. "John," said a stingy old hank to his
hired man, as- he waa taking dinner, "do
yon know how many pancakes yoa've eat
en ?" "No." "Well, yoo?ve eaten four
teen." "Well," said John, "you count and
Til eat."
"Madame," said a gentleman to bis wife,
' let me tell yon, facts are very stubborn
things." 'Dear me, you don't say so,"
quoth the lady, "what a fact you must be !"
Poor Brigham Young is a widower. One
of bis wives died ou the 22d of last month.
She was the handsomest of all Brigham's
wives except six.
The small amount of work necessary to
complete fully the capitol dome at Wash
ington is being vigorously executed; and in
a little while that portion of the edifice will
present the 9 pre are n C9e fj h eo r i ?i n a e -
Let Cirls be Girls. -
There are so many people wbo, ia some
way or other, are always regretting and
complaining that girls are not premature
old women. Tbey would hare tbem foil
ol wisdom and experience as Solomon er
Prince Metternich ; tbey would have them
drilled into the hardest work ef the boose
and farm, until tbey have lost life and viv
acity, and are unfit for anything bot the
commonest routine of domestic life. In tbe
first morning sunlight ol existance the grav
ity of gray hairs is expected, and Ihe silent
profundity of an old bij,-eyed owl. Tbey
must have the power of reflection that be
longs to an antiquated cow,and tbe faculty of
doing twenty things at once, known only
to the mother of fourteen children. Tbey
most have an ardent admiration for science
and philosophy; they must like drab high-
necked dresses, and wear tbeir hair combed
straight behind without ornament. They
must like calf-skin shoes and dyed stock
ings, and glory in hard, brown bands and
a sun-burnt complexion. They must look
with uncompromising hostility on all nice
young men, and never flirt the least bit in
ihe world. They most read Locke, Bacon,
Sir Isaac Newtoo, and study the peculiari
ties of spiders and beetles for recreation
until they look themselves like tbe fosbile
remains of the Brinish Museum..
It is no use girls will be girls as long as
the world lasts; tbey will commit a thou
sand follies; they will get op andying
friendships, which will last sometimes a
day, sometimes a week, sometimes a
month, sometimes a year. They will have
sever! attacks of the affections, just as
children have the whooping cough and
measles, daring which time they imagine
ihey shall r.cver survive, and they shall die.
But ihey don't ; they live to become qoite,
industrious, sensible wives and mothers
generally a great deal too good for the indi
viduals wbo own them. - Thank goodness,
tbey will always wear pretty dresses when
ever they can get them ; it is natural, and
just as proper as for the flowers to tske dif-t
lereni noes. 1 nose croakers who want
young girls to dressj in brown and drab
would extinguish the sunlight, woold. have
the sky always a doll lead color, weald
burn up the Iresh green grass, would whith
er the leaves on tbe trees, and extinguish
the brilliant tints of the flowers.
it is a women's doty to be as attractive
as possible ; an.d gentleness, delicacy, and!
the absense ot whatever is coarse or revolt-1
ing, forms.ene of her chief attractions to!
man. Are not the ideas of man soft-banded J
white rtfbed angels? It is oaly some time
after they are married that tbey associate
them with shilling calico and peeling pota
toes. Then let the girls enjoy tbeir illusions
and delusions as long as tbey can, They
will wake soon enough to life and its rssli-
t es. L,et them flit and Hotter oot tbeir bneM
hour of butteifly existence, which has its
own charm and even use, both in contem
plation and retrospect. Time will discover
to them what it expects of them. 1 '
One Brick Wrong Nol long sgo some
workmen were engaged in building a large
bnck tower,which was lo be caried op very
high. Tbe master builder was very panic
utar charging the masons to lay every brick
with ihe greasest care.espscially in the first
courses, or rows, which had to bear the
weight or all the rest of the building. Hoi
ever, one of the workmen did not miadl
wbal had been told him. Ia laying a cor
ner, he very carlessly left one of the bricks
a nine crooceo, eui 01 lino ; or, as the ma I
sons call it, "not plumb." "Well," yon
may say, "it was only one single brick in'
a great pile of them. What difference does
it make if that was not exactly straight i"
T Til - i .1 Va
iou win see airectiy. ineworltweat on;
Nobody noticed that there was one brick
wrong. Bot as each knew coarse of brick
was kept in a line with those already laid.
the tower was not pat op exactly straight, !
and the higher tbey built it the more inse
cure it became. One day when the tower
had been carried up about fifty feet a tre
mendous crash was heard. The building; I
had fallen to the ground, burying the work
men in tbe ruins. All the previous work
was lost, and the materials were wasted ;
and worse than this valuable lives wera I
sacrificed and all becaose one brick kadi
been laid wrong at the start. The workman
wbo carelessly laid that brick Wrong, little: I
thought what a dangerous thing he was do
ing, and what terrible harm would result!
from bis neglect.
My dear yonng friend, yea erenow boild.
ing op your character. In the habits yoa
now form yoa are laying the foundation
of lhat character. One bad habit, one brick
laid wrong now, may rain yonr character
by and by. 'Rsmembar what jrou are doing "-'
ana see mat every oriCK is Kept straight.
Rev Z. Newton D. D. '
Three Impossibilities. An eminent wri
ter has truly said, "To overestimate the
greatness of redeeming love. To overes
timate the joys which God hath prepared
for those who love him. To overestimate)
the obligation under which we are laid to
consecrate oar time, oar talents, oat for
tunes, and all that we have and are, to tha
promotioa of God's glory and the happi
nets of ear fellow men. With each a con
secration, do man has ever avowed, or over
can say, on a dying bed, that if he bad his)
life to live over gin, ho would servo his
Maker less zealously, and do less for his
country and his kind. .
1 i a Tv. Jh t
S)"d C"SPt r-", .