s : v- -(nr;r,- "i sr-"JLji'- 11LJ11 " - . . .. " - THE STAR OF THE NORTEL U. U. JACOST, FnMfsfcer. Volume 15. rOBLISHBO BTKRT WafjKKSOAT T ' HVM. II. JACOBY, Office on Sain St., 3rd Square below Mrktl TKKMS: Two Dollars per annum if paid Nfithiu 3 months from the time of subsc"ri. 'binjr: two dollars and fifty cents if not paid withiu S months. No subscription taken for 'ale period than six months; no discon Minaat.ce permitted until all arrearages are paid, nnless at the option of the editor. 7 At terms of advertising will be as follows: One square, eight lines, one lime, St 00 Kvery subsequent insertion, . . .'. . ( 25 One square, three months, 4 60 One year, . . . . .'. . .' . . . . . . . 1 00 SPEECH or - ROBERT R. LITTLE, Esq., 0f Xtfth&g counij, at Orangeiille, tb laali county, sept 30, 1861. ' REPORTED BT D. F. MURPHY For. some years paat, fetlow-citizens.the people, or at least a considerable .portion of them, have been following after strange gods, and announcing strange doctrines doctrines that not many years ago would have been scouted by every statesman in the laud, and perhapi I may say are still scouted by every itatesmwi in the land.. These doctrines have beeome for some few years past the ius iion to such an extent that those of a who still adhere tola doclriuea of tbe Fafhers are btigmatized as oppcrheads." What peculiar ignifi eauce our Iriends oh the other side who arrogate to themselves all' the loyalty: aud patriotism that it has pleased God ever to vouchsafe to ma , attach to this term. I do not know; but'I think I do kn.w that not many years henre we shall fiud them undertaking to steal it from us, and Uimiug t have been the original Cp 4ierh-ad. of the laud, tb have been Cop prrheads Ironi the brginning When th organs bf this :'loyrrpa"riy shall o iu' to publish the usual notice of th- proceeding of this meeting they nduhtedly tell the r 4 loyal" readers that vour tprakers upon this odcaslbn hdd a great, deal to say against Abraham Lin 'coin, but not a word against Jtff-rdon Da . T . L. I L. tl. . Lest L migni oring reproacn upon this meeting, i oeg o. ju, .euow-cmseu., t assume Ibat I have devo'ed a far por- ft. "f y allotment oftiine to dedhrfcia-1 tiuu ui ujj . .. . .... i tlOn ana House ot teueiauu j.itis xt win . save your time ; it will save mo some U-j 3 . L. u .u t ir.. i . i ..v. r t n.-jj ii lr ; ana it wm uc mc isuciu wkui- ) n..;. L.nirhtpr.y I I I nefd not reintod you, (ellow-citizens, Q - S h,t Washington and Jack-on- on the oc- ! ,u . . . , v.- i Usiou ol their retirement rrom puon ine, at a time when no ootives ther than mo- lives of the purest and loftiest patriotism ' could have inaueocea men?, warnea trie I!' iAr V .K, f .,;.!. lUMIIlin III I IUW lJCmWW''VBWBWMWB . m K-wtr of sectional nartie. Dar- : based upon geogrjrphroal divisions or lines," or bsed apon issues which might array the people of one section of the flnnnir in hostiliiv to the Deoole of anofli ir M.iMn nf the eoantr.. Yoa aU'rerol- lect the waraings.df thos Venerated "become conclusively alienated from the statesmen in reletence to that subject. I Union and anxious to escape from it we 'need not remind you of the history of o'iir will do our best to forward their views." 'ountry for the lat four year" ; il is too If I were to announce such doctrines fresh io your recollection. Until 1860 uo to yon to-day from this eland, yoa would 'sectional party ever triumphed in the Uni- have re-ts m to pronounce tne dyidyal tr ied States. . In 1360 a purely sectional This man Greeley yery clearly defined his tarty triumphed in the election of that position at a Mibstqueni time in the follow year. I kuow it is denied that that party ing language : ; ' "wis pectiobal ; but let us see. ! "If'the Cotton States shall become satis Tbat party was based upon the idea of fled that they can do better out of the Uni komilitv to the so called "neeuliar inst:- on than in it, we insist on letting them go tuuou"of the South. That itUititatioO Vms confined to the southern section of tbe Union. It was,-therefore, a hectional io ttuution. The party lormed upon the Idea of hostility to that institution had its loca tion in the northern' sertion of the Union. The o' ject of it hostility was a sectional institution belotHriiiff alone to the States of "the South. Therefore, a party based on rthis ideamust be a o'ectiOna! party. Tire creation of such a sectional party To the Nortb based upon tae idea of hostility 'td , an institution which belonged only to the South, naturally originated tbe inaugura tion of a party in the South based upon the idea of tbe support of that inntiturion. We bad these two parties, one in tbe North and the other to the South, and we have before as the consequences which were so aeearatelv anticipated and foretold by the illustrious statesmen whose names I men . . tioned a moment since. - WJiy thoull the Demodraflc party sym pathize with tlio South ? "Why ibould it vmoathize with .secession t Let us look W this question a moment," for yon know hat we are charged with such sympathy, j J.nnl-in tn the nast. what has the Demo- : ? Mtl,;n cr&vics Dalit r&iucu uy utvw o j, ti . .? f 6 .t A a . , 11 as It lost anyiQinz dt Becefsion 1 s a Ta it lnet anvthintr br party, as a political organization, it lost ' everything by secessions We were in pow- j er iu Congress. This au ministration : ... . . t. -r -n i wouiu nave uccu uncu n khuusij v''" v evil results to the country bad is not been (Laughter.) Here this old Secession par for Becession. We abould have still re- ( ty, this party that has to-day upon the taained in a majority ia Congrew, and nr ; statute bdok of the State of Massachu Bcotional policy could have been carried Mtts a secession statute unrepealed, this Out by the present Administration. " IIow i great Republican party claims to be the is it with the other party t . What have Cnion party ; and McClellan, whd de they lost by secession t Nothing. A a' clares for the Union as the one and only political organization, what haVe they, condition of peace, .is said to be the Dis gaicad by secession ! Dominion in this ' union candidate 1 la it. not a pretty par land, absolute,- arbitrary, despotic do- ty to claim to be the Union party ! Ah, fcinionV ' - and it i bot long since Mr. Greeley called it Then I ask yea again, felldw-citfzerji, ' the Unconditional Union party ! (Laugh Vhv s.iould the Democratic party sympa-; ter.) . . . " Uifft.with, fsel kindly tow-trds the south- . What is the present issue. ! la there an vrn secessioa mt?eaenrt Looking to the . Unconditional Union party in this country, future." L 0 '.V i3 it I Odr bopet are based and if so which is it ? McClellan says mat fc-00 the reparation cf the Unidn ; allorir the Union is the only condition of peace ; interests ai a -'rclitical oianizatiori ire . with t'ae Union. Restore tho Unic, azJ va are tgain in power, periiia t:tly 13 potrer as apnliti?al orffanizatioa. IT?-7 will it le r".;h th Republican par-t- ? ' ei;izsij, they so th J - - . , . : BLOOMS BURG. COLUMBIA doom of their party in the restoration of the Union as it was.. Aaio': of "all the Democratic statesmen bf the land in the past or the present, when or where have yon known ot one that basever favored disunion or secession X I What Democratic Convention has ever by its resolutions endorsed br favored seces- fionT Not one. Upon the other hand, ; how has it been with- our opponents ! I r . : v nn 11 rp. 1 ot give yoa the date, but you all re-1 sense responsible : if they will aban ber as part 6f the history of (he coon-; don that institution, 1 will listen to propo be fact that some years ago Senator i sals of peace." I think that if Mr. in of New llampshire, Mr Secretary coin does'not listen to proposals of peaee : member try the ! Chase, recently of Mr Lincoln's Cabinet, -and Mr. Seward, at this moment a part of ' Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet .resented and sns-' l.. . . i 't ?..! I i tamea a petition to uonress asaing mem t- . t .1 . I .1 rt. to aevise some pian Dy wn.cn ine uuiou miirht be divided 1 mignt De aiviaea. . Nor need we stop here, in 1848, Mr. Lincolp, "the present President of the United States, then a member of Congress from the State of Illinois, announced on the floor of Congress this prinriple, that any people, anywhere, being inclined, and having the power, have the right to with draw from the rtwfing government and set np another to suit them better. That I look upon as pretty good secession doctrine. fLauirhter.) That i just the docttine'tbat Jeff Davis contenUs'for to day, -'ju3t the doctrine that he announced at tbe time of the sece-.-Mon of the Southern States from tt: :,.,t u ,iir;n ihit thpnn. holders of secession in the South Stand upon to day. You have the history of Wendell Phillips before you- I need not rpnpat lha hundreds of instances in which thar man. political preacher as he'H, has declared bis hostility to ibis Union, has declared himself to have been in favor for twenty years past of dividing his Union. Yoa have the history of Garrison before you, the man who dec'ared that the Con stitution of the United btates was a 'Meajue nmt with hell.'' with death and a "cove Yc'u have tbe history of Mr. Greely be- What haj he said on this subject ! On the 26th day of November 186U, Greeley said in His Tribune : ' "If the cotton States unitedly and earn estly wish to withdraw peacefully from the Union, we think they should and would - . . i '..Z v." i Anv attempt to uttpmnt tr compel them oy xorce 10 re mam wuu-u wo contrary to te principle enunciated in , . . , n , fT.i j 1 ttim immnrM UftC aratioa oi laaeDeiinunce luiuiwivu. r and contrary to the -fundamental id.as on .k;,h i.mar, i;HriV'i hhd " - " v" " ..-..7 .- Ou the 17th of December following, whilo South Carolina was in the .very act ' of seceding, Mr. Greeley declared : j ivTf r.i,-.f; i T1n.n.Ur,r.A ! . ii . l'unea iiie secessiou rom lueumun pire of three millions of CoIonVts in 1770, e uu ncC wuj ..... . the secession of five millions of Southern- 1 ers from the Union in 1861." Un the Z3rd OI J?Drnarv iom. aner sven ytates had klr'ndi seceded, Mr, vjrreeiey s-nu i 4 n Whenever it shall f m clear that the ereat body of tbe SouTirerb people have in peat e: . is peace: Now, I believe, Mr. Greeley is as vhlefct a war man as re can readily find . What right then, fellow-citizens, has this party to nccuseus of sympathy with se cession T Further, what ngni nas mis par ty to denounce secession ! They have ad- vocated h almost from the begtnniug : they are a secession party. I think 1 may safely say that at One time or another all the present leaders of the Republican par- ty tave been declared, avowed secesion- lata Then rmit me to ask which oT the 1 oeLTvZL u naturally the Union j two great parties i naturally party of the country As 1 was on my way here, 1 saw at oerauiou a great dim in large letters posted up- against tne wall of one of tbe hotels there "heauea jjtn- coin, Johnson, and Lhiot ; and you will recollect that last fall when intelligence oft tbe defeat cf Judge Woodward in the gu bernatorial contest in this State was an nounced. Secretary Stanton declared tbat that was a great XJaioti victory, that tbe election of Governor Curtin wis a great Union, triumph, of more importance tothe countrv even than a great victory in the fiobt Anrl .nn will recollect that Wm. mvi , j i rr o " . r r - o Washin. ington, made within the past three weeks, used this language : "the issue is now fair- x. ocwui , .. , iv uiauc uo , i-f rr.-- - ATrilll.. mnA lUtnnmn " and he says more : he says that wita a j view to the restoration of the Union he is. in favor of exhausting all the resources of taoderh statesmanship. That is the posi- f lion of the Democratic candidate for tho Presidency. That U our sida of the pres- Truth ent s.ue. 'How fa it upon the other side I Mr. 'Lincoln says in effort "oh, yes,"I will a?ree to-Deaee upon the basis of tbe in ittgrity cf 'the entire Union, upon comh- o a : .oat, you wm uru v.... j tneooutn, upon couuu.ou T of the Southern fctatrs wm aD.naen.an in- st.tution over which the Bedera Govern- a,ent has no jur.sd.ct.on and orwh.ch ttiere.ore, wneiner goou or uau, ,8 .u u sense responsible : it tney win aoan- irom ine ooum uuu. me ulTcu.Uii . condition, he -will never listen to such proposals ; he will have a chance to carry : nn ikid na. at la.:) (Mir tDOr?. II he ; j 'L ... IhnnlH nnl.irtiinilclll hP rP.PKTlHU D a L I ruuu" w.- .j e will listen to terms of peace on the ba- ,T 1 i bis oi toe u nion, p wt vuw "ic i ( the South will first abandon the iu-titution of slavery I And this is Greeley's "Un- conditional" Union partv ; imposing this impossible condition in the way of the res- ! toration of the Union ! Fellow-citizens, j j . TT;.,r,;r a k;c. i w uill -nnf. hvp nnv siieh Unionism a.. ! this : and we do not think tna-'h of iLu 'irtjf' rtf Vio norrc tKr 'loyi i'y'' of the party impossible condition io the toration of tbe Union and or peace I have thus st'ated tb you Mr. Lincoln's avowed 'position, and we fiud hi jbole Dirtv occunvinff it today. ihe isew Vork Times, the leading Lincoln organ of tbe north shortly after Mr. Lincoln s whom it may concern;' manifest, la- bored baru to convince me people mat u did not mean what it saiJ ; that in-saying that he wou'd listen to terms of peace ba sed upon the integrity of the UBioo and the abandonment slavery ,he did not say that he would not listen t projros Is of peace upon anv other basis ! That was the argument which, doubtless, most of you saw in the leading Republic b papers.; ol tbe day. They labored hard to prove that Lincoln did uot mean what he said but now they have given it up, and since Mr. Greeley bus beefr nominated as elec tor at large Upon the Lincoln electoral tick t in the State of New York he has abandoned the effort to di-guie Mr. Lin coin a policv , to disguise the meaning of Dis manuesio. and he comes out openij . i nA T him credit for oos,essio2 a lit 6 - -- - - r , , , tie manhood ,n this a lea.t-aud declares Jkof Mr T.inpr.ln and his nartv are On- - r . . .. e i r tpo-ed to the restoration of ih Union un- til slavery fchall be first abolished. W by 7 What is the secret of this "condition T The party has a motive in tnis, ana i coin we can very readily see it. it h Dec. use tney know that .the restoration of the Union as i?i,i., rnu ;.. H,; V l . .u .u country, i uey . . , , the Union with all their rights under the Constitution as they were before the re bi llion, the white, people of those State would be voters; would have the right and I the opportunity afforded to them to vote against Mr. Lincoln abd his sectional pol icy. Of course, the rts lit would be an end of Republican Dominion in this coun try; their prrry would go down fcreVer ; there wodld be nothing left of it. Th'ey are unwilling to see the Lincoln dynasty fail ; it must be perpetQated ; and hence "the Union as it was"' mast be scouted ; hence "the Union as it was" must never be allowed to return to os I Of course, however, they must diguie their real mo tive ; it would not do to avow it ; and 10 what way do they disguis it ? They di- j guise it by makiDg false accusations aganit ' Democrats, by falsifying the issue, b j claiming that the issue is "Lincoln and j Xjnion, or McClellan and D'sanion," by j calling Democrats "copperheads," "tral- j tors,'" and other bad names. ' They at- tempt to disguise it by false statements of tbe cause of all our troubles ; by the mis erable pretext tbatslavery was tl e ca-ise of the rebellion, and therefore slavery must be put down. Ah 1 WVs tlavery the j cause of secession I This Union existed i happy and prosperous for manv years I with slavery. Is there anything fa the institution Of slavery which renders it in- compatible., with the perpetuity of the j Union? If nn. is it not strantra that the discovery was never made until I860 X Indeed, they did not make it so soon, be cause you will recollect that in 1861 when we beard so mush about no-paity ism, when they told us tbat there 'should be no more party now, that we should come up to the rescue oi the Unioo, they also told as that we must not say anything about the came of the rebellion until the rebellion should be put down. Why this sensitive ness on the pirt of tbe Republican party in reference to tbe causes our national troubres I Ihe Ve troubles I The Democrats were not afraid . . . . to talk about those causes : we were wil- - tiDg at any anu every uuic vu uiacuai iuc caused of the country's treublcs ; but they told uj that when tbe rebellion was put UOWn it WOUIU De tune enouzu 10 lain. about its causes; and you will remember bow they illustrated this idea They said "if a man's house is on fire, be j would be a great fool to stop and enquire who set the house on fire or how tbe fire was communicated to the house, in stead of putting out the fire first and then instituting inquiry as to its cause" doubt less a very familiar instance to you all of Republican logic. We were of opinion that while the soldiers of our armies ware engaged in putting down the armed re bellion it was always proper for the civil ians to inquire into the cause of the troub les and apply the proper remdy ; for we knew that we could never apply that rem edy without first ascertaining the cause Of the difficulty. . But the Kef. ublicans then were remlrk ablv sensitive on that noint : thev did hot like to hear the 'cause" talked about ! In 1662. bowerer, they made a new dis- ,ooTery Then they stopped forbiddine and Right- -God and our Conntrjt COUNTY, PA.. WEDNESDAY OCTOBER 12, 1864. Democrats to talk about the ceuse of tbg country s trouble and went to 'discussing it themselves. They made' the gra nd dis- cotery that slavery was the cause of all imKUc .nd tfpnintft! to ram it down As I said before, the coun- - " ... .--pf.-ii-. 7 g j uhl very for manV very PW1 w Xo2eLtL ?ea . h " 'l ;f .'r;VK:.f. narfw nf ttlft ' urcauic, iu r-'v - . country ; tor there is no ivepuimcan pari now. Thre arc but twoparties.the Dem ocratic party and . the Aboli.ion 'party ; and h is idle for the Republicans of 1856 and 160 to claim any longer that they are nr t abolitionists. They now declare in favor of carryiag on this war against . . rt vi? a..k,m f.!n,nln hvhx F.mnci Bl O. C I UUHUui , , . ,-., j0,tr,r.ir trt 'nlp!fr pation proclamation undertook to piertge u hJ. nilimrv and naval nower of tbe .uv, u.... j country 'against the initution of slavery, IIipafty sustain him and ihat proclamation and are endeavoring to reelect him with th it avowed policy of hrs up n record. Is not that party.then an Abolmon party I 'I'hm nhl AK.uirioa nartr was never in ia- vor of wa-ins war amst this peculiar in- it.tut.on of tbe South, m-ver ir involving at imposes thi-i the country in a bloody fratricidal war on driving the exhausted and shattered col wayof them-' its -uecHnt : atkastit n-ver o declared it- u.nns of the braggart Pope.br telegraphed of peace i self. Hut the vi-callrd K- libiican party, to tbe General in Chief "if I cannot be thatoit v a f-w ji'ar. bso woi'l't h;ive deemed ut if insulted if formed an Aboli tion pa.i t , iicW "stands uaicly upon Lin coln's platform in favor of employing the whole military :-nd naval power of the country against this institution of the South. I say therefore tbere are how but two great parlies in 'the country, the Dem ocratic party and tbe Abolition party. i .aid that in. 1862 tbe Republicai:s dis covered that slavery was the cau-ie of all our troubles in what sense can slavery be considered the oau-e of sece-sion arid of the evils which have followed secession T If one of you. having a hU.e money m his pocket, should happen to be robbed on the way home, you could say with precisely the same propriety that money wiatbeciuse ot your being rabbed. If you had not had the money, yoa wou'd not have been robbed; and therefore mon- ey was the cause of robbery. Therrfure Iiurnside ; 4I know Gen. McClellan as money nhoulUie ubohiked. If it were not "well as I know any Lumati being on the for the love of money, which inheres in "face of tbe earth. 1 know that do feel ihe human breast, our list of crimes would ' "ing of ambition beyond that of the suc be very greatly reduced : therefore.money "cess of our cause, ever enters his breast, is to a very large extenttheciue of crime l' "AH that he does is with a single eye to If slavery hadnever existed, there would uthe success of the government and the never have been an abolition party. If , 'breaking down of this rebellion. J know there had never been an abolition party, ; ''that nothing uuder tbe sun will ever in there never would have been any secession. "duce that man to swerve from what he If these had been no secession,there would "knows to be his duty. He is an honest, have been no war. But that is a strange 1 christian-like, and conscientious man ; way to prove that slavery is the cnue of . "and let me add one tbiOg, he has the ihe war 1 Now go back a step. So long "soundest head and the cleart military iiUuprv was Ip.i alone, so lonr a the "perception of any man in the United constitutional principle that the federal government had no power or jurisdiction over any domestic institution of aDy of the States was recognized and respectvd, there was no secession and no war. It wai not until a political organization was formed 00 the basis ot hostility to an institution of the South .over which neither the federal government, nor the government of any State where it did not exist had any ort of power or authority, that there was any trouble on this account1; aiid ytt we are told that slavery is the caue of all our national troublei I It does not require a man of any great mental capacity to see through all this miserable attempt to disguise the true at titude and policy of the Republican party Any man can see it that ivillsee it. Anv man that tcill see can see that slavery was not the cause ot the troubles which now afSict the couutry ; that il slavery bad becu let alone, as the Constitution com manded us to let it alone, there would have been no trouble on account 61 the southern evfetem . of labor. I need not s't. ud here and argue to you that we ot the North have do better right to interiere with the system ot labor of the South than the people of the South have to claim the right 10 dictate to us what system of labor we shall adopt in the Northern State. I think we should not be long in getting our backs up if the people of the S,uth should attempt to aictate 10. us wnat system 01 labor we should adopt here. It they should undertake to say to us "you shall carry our system of labor into your States, you thall implant it there, and if you don't doit we will make you do it," I think we should not submit to it very quietly. If not, why should we expect them to sub mit quietly to such dictation from the North ? In 1860 the Deonle wanted a chansre. rl Ahrtnt tha tirine of a'cbanse. True, the country was pros- perous. every thing was going on very; well ; but it was said there was a great deal of virtue in a change, tbere was no; telling how much good might come fmm ' it ; and therefore many of the people were ; for a change. Well, they got a change, j and now how do they like it I I tell you, j fellow-citizens, that we want a change j how. and we mean to have it. The op- , . . . . - 1 poitunity is now-afforded to us b effect a change by -choosing between Abraham Lincoln and George B. McClellan. What sort of a record has Mr. Lincoln made for himself? He declared in 1848 in favor of secession. That was the first we had ever heard of him. We heard nothing more ol him until about tho time he hap pened to have a little controversy in Illi nois with Senator Douglas and got beaten. We beard no more of him until 1860, when by a minority vote he was elected President of the United States. Since then, he has issued an emancipation proc lamation ; and he has issued an amnesty proclamation by which he proposes to organize bogus States in the South on the principle that one-tenth of the people shal l ' govern all the rest. That is Mr. Lincoln's record, mat is aoou iu tne reooru u . ha ; it is all I have ever known of him. I ; General MeCleUan has a record, li "will not occupy your time now by going i over'his war record or his peace record.'! It is familiar lo this people. On this ; point i miani reier iu xvujudu u. uc : 'imest ta Greelev of the Tnbunt to, ' almost all he preent leaders of the Re- publican partyj for there is scarce one of K tbafbasot at one time or another lan(!fid McClellan and conceeded to him - . .., the praises so richly merited by fcis skill and his transcendent services. I will 'net occupy your time no w by quot ing their many laudations of his eagac ity, bis regnrd foi his soldiers, his skill ' in tbe accomplishment of important re sults with but little sacrifice of life,'' bis courage, his fidelity, his patriotism. All this was before he was known tO( be a 'Democrat, or "we should'never bave'heard it from these faynl eoufcrs. 'I will only refer to Hallock's pitiful dispatches when the rebel cannon were tbuudering in the ear of the tre bling ingratPs at Well ington ; when McClellan's army had been withdraw u from his cemtnaud ; when, .tand.r.g within hearing of those cannon at Acq mm Creek, while Lee s h-gtons were allowed to 'command my own army, per- j tia faic." at that dread moment the trembling Halleck with pallid lips and thakinc'pen was writing his despatch, now historical, ''come to me and aid me in this ! crisis with yous skill and experience." J What an endorsement of our glorious ! Hero I and from fuoh a source from the j inn who had conspired with the shuffling demagogues at Washington to render : abortive hi plans, lest success might ' crown them and make him the people's ' idol. Ah ! our ------ Ah ! our Hero's triumph was sud den and sure. Ho came lie re-organte td the bbattered remnants of our defeated forces, and pressed on to South mountain and Antietam, driving the exultant and hitherto victorious legions of the enemy before him like chaff before the storm. I will" only add the verdict of General "States. Mr. Greeley about the time of the Cleveland Convention, said it was danger our even in time of peace to re elect any man to tbe Presidency, because of the im mense patronage which he wields ; and that especially in 'time of War, when the ualroaase of the Government was increas cd to such a vast extent, there would he danger to the country in re-nominating and re-electing Mr. Lincoln or any other man occupying the Pre-idential chair. But Mr Greeley has forgo'tted all this now ; he swallows Mr. Lincoln. Even Fremont, who accepted tbe Cleveland nomination Ooly upon condition that Mr. Lincoln 3uould be the nominee at the subsequent Baltimore Convention, has come iato Mr. Lincoln's support. They make a great many wry faces about it, however; he does not go down easily; but ttill they take him down, long legs, boots and all.' Laughter. Mr Greeley, in the article, in which he gives in his adhesion, says.in effect ana 1 believe 1 give almost his words "true, Mr. Lincon lacks lit very capacity; true, he lacks earnestness, but : weiuutgive him earnestness; true, he j la,k energy, but we must give him en- j ergy." That is the kied of a man whom I t proposed to make President of the ; United States for a second term, notwith-1 landing the immense danger that mast certain , ic UJ But. fellow-citizeds, as thtre are other j speakers to follow me. I must not Ires- j pass too much on your patience. One; more point and I shall relieve you. Wo j wire told a few years since, at I a.entiont d t a tLort time ago, that we should have no i party now ; that we should all join to put ; down the rebellion, and when that was t done, we could talk about politics. In other words, we were all to go together j nutil the . Republican party became the ouly party of the cou itry, and then things ' : II i L I . 1 x. J5 V : les heard a great deal of this kind of: illr U'rion r lonrlora nf t ha WomiKli I can parly first made tO us this no-party proffer you recollect how it was received. Ve met them half way At that time a Republican Congress declared a platform 1 01 principles, wnica was to govern tue conduct of this war. I refer to tho Crit- tenden war resolution. The Democratic party accepted it. It was placed at the editorial head of the leading Democratic papers throughout the country. The De mocracy said, "we accept that resolution ; we accept il even as a test of loyalty, if you will; as a test of fidelity to the coun try ; as a test of patriotism." We stood b it ; we stand by it to day. We did more: we voted in Congress all the men and all the money asked for by the Ad ministration to carry On the war. We certainly met them more than half way. But how were we treated by these no party men ? As the time for the election campaign came round each year, we found them organizing their-, party machinery, issuing their party circulars, making their nominations, . and all the time talking! about no party. What did- it mean? it) Two meant, simply, ,'no party, but the Repub lican pirty They may have pulled the wool over our eyes for a thort tiaic but we have got them open agajn. They talked about holding "country above paily""; as if tbe Democracy had ever done otherwise than hold ountry above party j as if our organization was not planted'upon the Constitution ; as if we did not own all our succees in the past to the fact that onr party was for the country and was be only party that was for the country ! ''Country above party'" " that is our'party'creed ; and 1 believe I but express the honest sentiment of all those Democrats who like you, Mr. Presi dent, have stood laithfuliy by their party, through good report and through evil re port; through darkness and storm and adversity as well as in the v sunlight of prosperity, When 1 declare that we have no attachment to our party except o far as we deem it Deces9ary to the vindication of tbe Constitution, necessary to the restora tion and preservation of the Union, neces sary to the re.toration of the country to its former'conditibn of greatness aud pros perity. Proud and glorb'us'as the history of that party has been, and as its record is to day I would see that history and tbat record blotted out and forgotten, and William H.. Seward Secretary ol Stt tbe glorious old party itself swallowed -P (wih hi- c-onven-em bell at hand,) and in oblivio . if I believed that the restoia- S(mon CitmPTO Serrelary a, Warfound tion of the Union to its old status and ol m fijjna ,ha, heea the country to its former happy and p. os- , filletJ by Madi-on. by parous condition, demanded f uch a sacn- i ' , v e i ra tt . .1 I MonroH and by many wi-rth'e 'f no fice. 13ut no, fellow-citizens ; we mustj ' ' ....... not now look for relief in this dark hour of ; nitn'pfl a" honorable record w.ll be hnd by the nation's calamity to the kacrifice'ol j hitry h.rever. r. ,; that party nnder whose counfielsthe coun- j Nr could I amid" rfflectins t'.af a hula try became gWat and prosperoa; the : way north, beyond th limits . id the free) Union, the admiration of the world ; St r Un'red S:re and under the sovereignty of system of Governmen, at ouce the pride the British Queen, there obtained m there of the American citizen an.d the terror of has I0112 obiained throughout . ih Bri:istt the old world royalists. From the tern empire, the Hbolu:e si.il unquf-ii'-id do porary defeat of that party in its vain minion d law. U Vact for.t Pai mwtos smuggle with sectionalism and fanaticisih ,jnj a 0W) firsll Minister of the Crown, in I860, came war and blood and carnage cooM 0, hiire i-Miej an orJer for ,i,ear and death and desolation and I disaster feat of ,he hpinbIeH ,ntyct n u,, Britisti t..u.e y.u.ateu cuu inmpieu Wuum..uh- came the prostration of the great writ of liberty, tbe peoples only protection from arrest wifhout warrant, and imprisonment without crime came the suppression of free speech, and of a free press came a reign of terror in this land of boasted lib erty came taxation, tothe full limit of the people's endurance, upon everything we eat, driDk, wear, see, feel, smell) own country and its administration under a inon or possess came an inheri'ebce of 6a archiat power. In tne'bne case-a rulodf lional indebtedness that will cau.-e our children's children to curse our memary and worse than all, and with all, eame a broken and shattered Union. To the suc cess of that party in this renewed contet with the Fame foe we now look for the triumph of the Union, and "iu this sign we conquer. SPEECH OF HON. C. It. BUCKALEW, AT THE COURT HOUSE,' BLOOMSITURG, FRIDAY EVENING, SEPT. 30, 1864. FeVow Cil zem of my ffntice Coun'y : In the'mo't.'h of An.:ut 186i,three years aT'.o an.tohoTtly after the outbreak of the war, I retimieJ home from a loreisn coun Iry. 1 bad resided l-Tsme lime in one of llie Spanih Amerii nn ii? p lblios, where front the frequent recurrence ol" revolution, riiiht" of property an I person are insecure, and ureal social us well a political evils 1m ve a chronic exigence. And il lud been my pride, while ab-eni t' rotrra-i the con dition of iio-- cout'.i'ir with our own the fnc:es of free inMiiu'ions here with their failure there and to draw a ccucl 1 feion therefrom hijhly favor-bla to our countrymen. 1 landed at the port of Ne.v York, the chief city of the Siale of which William II Seward is a citizen and ihe commercial meiropoli ot the United States. And I found my countrymen ensued in civil war , found ihat ihey had forgotten the in strnction o impressively gien them by Washington and J-u-kt-on ajiiint-t sectional ism aud factional parties ; that they had fol lowed tho evil example of the turbulent and degraded countries w'uhin and beyond the tropics and had put in peril the exi-t-euee of their freedom and pro-perity by a resort to battle aud lo war for the sd'uUoii of their internal dispute. For my feelings on that occasion I have no adequate language, nor woulJ I recall iheat lo mind except for an instructive purpo. Becoming acquainted with Ihe condition of public affairs catng sn anxious glance over' the entire country as it 'presented it-j-elf to my observation I felt, as doubtless you fell ai that time, deeply troubled and humiliated. The storm, long foretold as the result of sectional agitation, had come in all its f-jry and power ; siouteM hearts quailed; nd ihe suteoman whose businest it is 10 lake a wide view of affairs and to reliere himself from lh vexations of the moment by contertplating those general law which voa.rol the consequences of paricu!ar events, was, equally wiih others, ot.able to enmpreheud the extent or dura tion ol the great conflict. Tne fird battle of Bull Run hadjn been fought and losl.and the President haif been obliged to rail to his aid the patriot chief lain who had rescued West Virginia from the rasp of secession, and commit 10 him the defence of the Capital and ' the reor ganization of the army. It was a t 't'ne of much gloom and despondency aud well calculated 10 awaken anxious thoughts in one who came freshly 10 ihe scene, with personal interests as a citizen iu the course and chancer of pnhl'i? events. Hut atnoiii! all the thoughts which then found lodgment iii my mind, those awaken- j Dollars per Annan NUMBER 51. ed byaccountf ol arbitrary arrets n' th northern Jate were miml painful. Order ed by pnblir HUihori'y they wer? unstained by ftic party ol ihe admiiiitrtilion through out the country, nd most absurd, friTO Inud and impudent reasons were lield . -othcieni for tlii r vindication. That these-nrre-ts slu.uld lake place in known viola tion of lie Uw and be sustained and evea applauded by many, was "Tafull ef idence of our unfi ness for lf "ovemm ent. It was aIo proof of a danger, 'qni'e. new lo ot- ami so inrredible that il h- not, even yet beWii rcreivd as ral by mauy 'ucera men among the friends of power 'ha dan er of a permanent ,lnjf. of liberty by onr peol ami a charts, ultimately, In their form of aovernmnt. "" Yerl I wan. forced :o admit'tVe nnwel come fart .hat 1,'in corqmon wiib my lllow-citi.enB, held all my political right and particularly ill, rihi of personal lib erty, not under the tablihed law ot .he land, but w'ject ton telegrapkit dis patch from Simon Cameron I This was the condition to whT-h Amer ican freemen were dtrra led at tbat ttime, j viher, lYourd Abrahim Lincoln President, dmiiiior... r,r directed r.slanr . a wril ol h'htJt coiput iuing from any C"irt, coU on'ul or imperial without be inn forthwith hurled from power and having hi proud name f-iampej with enouriug inf'a ny and disgrace. SlcIi wa the contras. presented between the adniiniiration of goernmem m thin law, and in the other case a' rule of men. lit ihe one, security ol private rights and prompt punishment for'thetr invaion; in the other, iusecor'ny of those riehts and to their invader, impunity. The con'rast was one of hnmihaiion to. an x American, but . that contra'l yet exists, h has not disap : peared. Ou the contrary its line an I shad ' own have steadily grovn deeper and mora 6lrongly marked to this day. 1 Gentlemen : I made up my raind. at the time referred to, opon this whole hninea and my conclusion was, that I would bu mit to a system of arbitrary government in this country ; I would uttnmit 10 hold my righ's as a citizen of the United S ate ul jeci 10 the mere pleasure ot pow-r only o long as t'could not prevent it ; aud that at the earliest possible moment I would onite with those ot my fellow countrymen who should be like minded with myrell to res cue our government from the control of 1 arbitrary principles and restore it to its for mer course of just administration. Th lime ha now come, Had for ihit among oluer reasons, I stand before vou to night an earnest advocate of the election ot General McClklun as President of. lh United Sate. But it will be moi coove- nient lo present this great question of the liberty of ihe citizen in connection with o'her 'Questions involred in the.eleclion ; thus obtaiolni completeness of Vfevr an I certainty of conviction, upon 118 whale issue before ns. . 1 - g Now what do we desire ? What are th capital or chief objects upon which our : attention may be fijeed ai this lime 1 Let us gel a little outride the circle of passion . about os, away Irom ihe petty debate 1 which Oil our ears is we pass Y6"s.nl fro in : our daily walks and in our daily associa j tiotu. Conceive Gentlemen, a man croa J in a dangerous stream npon a narrow j footway which Obcillateo beneath him. He I is troubled of heart, for dangers tnnrnpuM him . cesi'rueiion yawns at his leei. He hesitates in bewilderment, unable to pro ceed and acarcely able 10 stand. He swy to either hand and is almost lost ! .Rot 'm that moment of extreme peril let him lift his eyes Irom tbe dangers which surround him and place them opoA tnme eo'-.spicoj. ous, permanent, fixed object a little way ori opon the shore, and whai is the result ? Whyjhere come firmness to his footstep and courage to hii heart, hi nerve re traced ajain to manly exertion, and he parses on iu safety over the loosed and Mr bulent waics. Finn land is goou reached aud danger left behind him. The Terror of an earthquake the great est of physical commotions known li us, leaches its highest, point when we come to observe the instability of nil object w:hid the range of vinioi.s not merely those tj,Ku' the curiae uf the earth but the earth JtleVt, For nothing escapes the . power ol the ' earth storm," which more forward w'nn universal effect and irresistibly; iu it course of desjroction. . Now, Gentlemen, in onr present Ituation . of great emharrasmeut ml pei.l, when vra are bewildered and alariiie'j by wbal is oc curring around as. when it "appeal impost ible lo go back and, in.-ale 10 forward. J and our heari are nouoied an'j T almost fail Concludod 6a fonrh p'e. liV