CI
0
TAR OF THE NORTH,
mi. II. JACOB!, EDITOR.
BLOOMBERG, WEDNESDAY, CCT- 7tu, ISSI.
FOR GOVERNOR;
GEORGE W.WOODWACD,
OF LCZI:BNB COUNTT. -
JUPGEOFTHIS SUPREME COURT,
WALTER H. IaOWI.lE,
Or ALLK5HENT COUNTY."'
FOR SENATE,
- DAVID D. MONTGOMERY,
Of Northumberland.
FOR ASSEMBLY,
GEO. B. JACKSO.Wef SElIlTan,
JCIIX C, ELLI S, cf Montour,
PROTHONOTARY.
4 JESSE C0LE3IAN, of Orange.
REGISTER AND RECORDER,
COL. JOHN G. FREEZE, of Bloon.
' 1 KB.ASUtifc.ii.
DANIEL McllENRY, of Fishingereek.
COMMISSIONER.
TUGS. J. VANDEHSLICE, of Hcmlorfc.
'. 'V. ' AUDITOR.
JOHN R TOIIE, of Midin.
COEONER,
WILLU2I T. S II UMAX, of Catawissa.
DEMOCRATIC MEETINGS
Tie following t'eraocratic Meetings will
be h s!J io Colombia county, between this
and )he Llections j
Jewytcwn, Thursday, at 12
MiffUn, Thursday evening
M., Oct.
- do
8th,
do
Ftabtown, Frida) nfiernoon.
Beaver, F. Shuman's, Saturday,
Rohrsburg. Saturday afternoon
Fsprtown, Mondi.y evening '
do 9ih,
do 10th
do do ;
do 12th,
Hie above Alee ungs will be addressed by
some one or more of the loliowing gentle
men : -
J. C. Bocher ;Eq.; Col Wm. Brindle ;
Hon. Paol Leidy; Joseph H. Campbell Esq ;
Hon. Levi L. Tat ; Hon. M. E Jackson ;
. ,H. Little, Esq: W. Wirt, Esq.; Lieut.
A. B. Tate ; Cot, John G. Freeze, and W.
II. ."acoby. J . ' ' -
0:t. 1, 1853 i
Is It Dereat or Victory !. -
When an arm is driven from the often.
eiv to the defenuive ; when it is forced
back from an advanced line to a rear line;
when from the o;?en field, after two days'
hard fi,ghting,it lakes refuge behind entrench
ments, and those who roost loudly pro
claim their deep interest in its welfare can
only "hope it is- safe,", or "believe it can
hold its position,'7 or "feet confident , that it
can rtn.intain the struggle till reinforce
ments arrive" if we want to, speak truth
fnl if ahnntrf w nf if hart aainetA n rirlnr-i
or thai it had sustained a defeat ? The tele
grams, examined by Federal officials, an
noanced (hat Ri secrans was "badly beat
en" and we think there is uo doubt that
he was. Nor is there any. thing surprising
in it. Fifty thousand men conk! not reason-
n V I 1 v r e s 1 1 1 t f Annlttnrl m n.mtm ain 1 1 it
RgaiUHcne tiui.areu uuu iweiny or ion
thuusmd." None bat crazy Abolitionists
ths "Oo to Richmond" foo!s woald' think
of suc h a thing. That's alL
':' Cartla on the Germani.
. i . i i . . r .
IS 54 Cor in is said to hare been exceedingly
severe in his abuse of naturalized citizens.
Tuwirds the Hermans, or "Datchmen," as
taey are commonly called, he is represen
ted to have been very bitter. Ot one occa
sion be is reported to hare used this lan
guacs: - j . - ' .
"A Dntchmi.n is not like another person;
hi baa two ske lis, and in order to get an
idea in his head, you mu&t break one of his
eh u!l:i. -J . .:y
. This was sp-jken at a time when it was
stipposed that rotes, were to be made by
abusing citizens of a foreign birth. The
Govornor has probably changed his opinion
ainco but it is a hard record to "wipe
cm." ' : S- -7 -
Thij Tjraat rondemncd bj hit ova Fariy.
. The Albaty Statesmen an out-and out
Abolition pat er, on the subject of arbitrary
irreits aod loepensioa of fcfifa corpus,
' VOor readers well know that we hare
leen opposetfi from the start to such ex
treme measures cf the Government as arbi
trary arrests, (which were abandoned,) mar
uTi a I Jaw, except in extreme cases, and the
draft, unless absolutely unavoidable. We
ait-o regret the supposed necessity of suspen
sion of the a rit ot hubeis corpus.
"We do not hesitate to declare, that any
atte mpt on t3e part of the Federal author
ities to infringe upon the rights of the cili
zsc, will be candidiy condemned, as indeed
it will not fail to meet the severest reseat
jnenv." . .j ' j '
, Tbz zVEiT eon of Judge Woodward is
To' in the army Iiolding an honorable
position, and prepared to perform any
duty the service may require of him. An
o't erson has fought gallantly . on many
eFds and oaly returned from the army after
he had received a wound Which will crip
p' him for life. Chief Jcsticb Lowbie has
aio a son fightin? for the Union. To the
test of our knowledge, neither Andrew G
Curtin nor. Danitl Agnew have sent sons or
reiatives oj any kind info the field. : Yet
;JcBaKS Woodwakd and Lowsu an called
--1 aisizers wstn traitors ' Dy uepuciican
cp as the jecibodiir.snt of patriotisci. "By
their fruits ye shall know them."
Host. II. E. Jackson and J S. Sakesrs.
cf Eeriel:, addressed a Democratic Meet
icg ia Cer tre township ou Sdtcrdiy of week
b';r::j Vv-U Ths Democracy are enthusi-&-''t;3
in lit la Cen'.r?. Lock ont for a good
: Facts for the People to Ponder.
We are indebted to the PiltBburg Post Tor
valuable facta in relation to the National
debt, the proportion which will fall upon
Pennsylvania, and the heavy taxation which
her people will have to pay annually for
an incalculable period. . We take the facts
as we find them set forth in that paper, ex
cept in one or two instances, in which we
have taken the liberty to correct what we
believe to have been slight errors.
We assume that the National debt is now
or very soon will amount to the Enormous
sam of THREE THOUSAND MILLIONS
OF" DOLLARS, of which the proportion
chargeable to Pennsylvania will be one
sixth, or FIVE HUNDRED MILLIONS OF
DOLLARS, the annual interest upon which
will be THIRTY MILLIONS OF DOLLARS,
to addi ion to this, -xe have the facts that
on the first day ol September, according to
the returns from the Surgeon General's de
partment, the list of soldiers entitled to pen
fions amounted to or.e hundred and seventy'
tkousand, 170,000 To this formidable list
re fell perfeccly safe in adding eighty thou
sand 80,000 - more, making the whole
number of pensioner to be . provided for,
liro hundred and fifty thousand (.250,000, and
we, assume eight dollars per month to each
as a low average. This would amount to
ninety six dollars per annum to each pension
er, making the aggregate TWENTY FOUR
MILLIONS OF DOLLARS to be paid annu
ally, of which Pennsylvania's share one
sixth, would be FOUR MILLIONS OF
DO LL A RS'eq u al to a principal of $66,666,-
666 66, sixty-six millions six hundred
and sixty-six thousand six hundred and
sixty six dollars and sixty-six and two
third cents at six per cent. For the sike
of ever, figures we will call it SIXTY-SEVEN
MILLIONS. This will make Pennsyl
vania'a share of the National debt, FIVE
HUNDRED AND SIXTY SEVEN MIL
LIONS, the interest on - which at six per
cer.t say in round numbers, THIRTY
MILLIONS, she will have to pay annually
in the shape of taxes. Of these taxes the
county ol Dauphin, containing one sixtieth
of the whole population of the Slate, will
have to pay nearly FIVE HUNDRED and
SIXTY-SEVEN THOUSAND DOLLARS.
For the sake of round numbers as we did
before we will nay Jivt hundred and fifty
thousand which would be teven dollars lor
every man, woman and child in the coun
ty; or, computing the taxable inhabitants
at ten thousand, fifty-five dollars for each1
one to pay every year.
Let o look at this calmly for a moment
in the light of facts, and see what is the
ability of the State to meet this demand of
FIVE HCKDKSD AND SIXTY-SEVEN MILLIONS AN
NUALLY. The Post having examined the documents
finds that the Revenue Board in 1863, fixed
the valuation of all the property in the
State, Real and Personal at FIVE HUN.
DRED AND N1NET1-SIX MILLIONS.
Now in order to balance the books fairly
we must not forget the State debt, which is
in round numbers, $38,000,000. Taking
then into the calculation the whole debt,
State and National, which we have to foot,
and the valuation of all the properly of thei
State, as computed by the Revenue Board,
and the account will stand thus :
Pennsylvania, Da.
To her 6hare of National debt, $500,000,000
To principal, at 6 per cent, of
her share of pension list, 67,000,000
To her own State debt, 33 000,000
$05 000.000
Pennsylvania, Cr.
By her own valuation of her
own property, $596,000,000
Balance against the State, 9,000,000
So that if Pennsylvania were put op at
auction to-morrow and sold for the full sum
at which her own Revenue Board has val
ued her, she could not meet ber obligations
by NINE MILLION OF DOLL A RS That
is, her debt is nine millions more than the
ia worth. And this is the result of Abolition
plunder and mismanagement! Tax payers
ol the State tax payers of Columbia Co.,
'how do yoo like the picture V
The democratic party has always ruled
well: It has preserved the liberties and con
stitutional rights of the people; has main
taioed the honor and made the history of the
country has always been national in its
aims and purposes. It was maligned (as
now) when it opposed the alien and sedition
laws; when it made war with Great Britain
to maintain the rights of our commerce on
the seas, and when Texas and California
were annexed to the Union. History has
vindicated its position and jastified nearely
every important act since its organization.
On the other band, the party of whtcb A.
G. CorUn, is the head, is the sectional, one
idea party, the fruits of whose teachings
have fomented discord, and set both sec
tions of the Union at war, in order to en
franchise the negroes of the south. In the
language of Wendell Phillips " There is
" merrit io the Hepublicao Party. "It is
" the first sectional party ever organized in
" this country. It is the north arrayed
" against the sooth. The first crack of the
" iceberg is visible. - Yost will yet hear
"it go with a crash through the centre!"
The great Slate of Pennsylvania now lies
crouching and powerless at the feel of the
Washington authorities, and Curtin is any
thing a Governor, but in name. If you are
in favor of giving htm a new lease of power
and are satisfied with bis official conduct,
vote lor him. But if on the other hand, yoo
are infavor of having a man to rule Pennsyl
vania, who knows its rights, and ''knowing,
dare maintain them," vote for that eminent
man, George W. Woodward, the friend of
Law and Constitutional Rights.
It is said that the Hollidaysburg Whig re
fuses to support the "shoddy" candidate
probably for the- reason assigned by the
Pittsburg GazetU that "bis komination is
A DISGRACE ASD HIS ELECTION IMPOSSIBLE.'
Poor Cortin ! Denounced . by hia own
party and opposed by a united, zealous
and determined Democracy, his prospects
are gloomy indeed.
Vote the Democratic Ticket on next
Tuesday, and nothing else, if yoo wish a
short war.
WtatCartia Did Kot do, and What be Bidtfo.
The friends of Gov. Curtin evidently do
not feel very sanguine of bis election,' or
they would not resort to the miserable shifts
they- do to bolster him up. At this moment
they are pulling- the "Soldiers' Friend"
string with' great energy, but to little pur
pose." Thy seem to have settled dowo in
the conviction that only a very strong mili
tary feeling in his favor and a general be
lief that hi election is necessary to pre
serve the Nation (Heaven savo the mark !)
can secure his election ; and hence they re
sort to every means to produceuch a feel-,
ing and such a belief. The people are as -sored
by them that he is very "loyal" and
Woodward is very disloyal that the Presi
dent desires his election and dreads the
election of Woodward more than anything
else; that his election would confirm the
administration, put down iLe rebellion, at d
save the life of the nation, while Wood
ward's election would cripple the Preri
dent, insure the independence of the South
ern Confederacy, and of course sever the
Union forever. This is said to the people
to frighten them into the support of Curtin.
I is mainly false in regard to Curtin, and
entirely false in relation to Woodward. Bat
what of that ? ; It is the only means by
which Curtin can bo elected, and therefore
they do not scruple to use it. This is thuir
course with the people. They pull auother
string for the soldiers. They tell them that
Cortin furnish? HPresident with 200,COO
troops that A&rsiaad , the Reserve Corps,
and has since watched over it as a hen does
over her brood (if they would say ai a
hawk does over a partridge they would be
nearer right) that he. after the Reserves
were" sent to the army, made extraordinary
exertions to raise a second similar body of
troops to protect the frontier, and muny
other things equally silly and equally fa'se.
These are things which Curtin did not do
Let us 6ee what be d'J do, to entitle him to
the confidence and support of the soldiers
and the people. . , .
Here is a catalogue of some of the praise
worthy acts which he did perform, as we
find it in the Watchman, published in the
town of Belleiome, Centre county, Curt; n's
home:
WHAT CVRTIN DID DO.
Who appointed contractors that clotVd
the three months men in shoddy, gave them
blankets thin as air furnished them shoes
with pine shaving soles-and fed them on rot
ten Herring and Stinking Bee IT A.G Curtin.
Who rode over the terrible battle field at
Gettysburg, and on hearing a wounded offi
cer exclaim, "this is an awful slanghter of
Pennsylvanians," remarked, "it mattered
little, there.were plenty more to take their
places V A. G. Curtin.
Who attempted to force the State militia
into the service of the United Stales v for eix
months or longer 1 A.G Curtin.
Who keeps that miserable pack of shoddy
contractors, horse thieves, and public rob
bers, that furnished the three months men
with rotten blankets and worthless clo.hes,
still in the employ ? A. G. Curtin.
Who approved a bill that took fronci the
lax payers of Pennsylvania, eighteen mill
ions of dollars, and gave it to the Pennsyl
vania railroad company ? A. G. Curtin.
Who transferred the Slate and its Legis
lature into the hands of this plundering cor
poration ? A. G. Curtin.
Who made an agreement with this same
company, by which it was to pay the State
$75,000 per annum concealed that agree
ment and afterwards surrendered it to the
company, withoat even preserving a copy
or memorandum of it ? A. G. Curtin.
Who permitted the soil of our State to be
invaded by the Confederates, and then said
he had no power to defend the State when
thousands upon thousands of our citizens
were on hand ready to repel an invasion
and protect our homes ? A.G. Curtis.
Who crawled to Washington, like s poor
miserable beggar, and there on tended
knees implored Father Abraham to allow
him to protect our State Capitol? A. G.
Curtin.
Who boasted in this town, on the night
of the election, that he had his heel (in, the
necks of Democrats, and would keep it there
for three years ? A. G. Curtin.
Who permitted the minions of Federal
authority to enter the Capital of our State
and drag from their homes honest, patriotic
citizens, and incarcerate them in the loath
some cells of military prisons, without war
rant or cause? A. G. Curtin.
Who pardoned the Abolition miscreants
at Bloomsburg, after they had been found
guilty of rioting by judge and jury ? A. G.
Curtin.
Who gave a respite to a negro murderer
in Philadelphia, and at the same time re
fosed to grant a few days to an Irishman
convicted of the same offence ? A. G. Cur
tin. Who took an oath before high Heaven
swearing that he would not vote, nor give
his influence for any man for any office in
the gift of the people, unless be be an
American born citizen, nor if hi be a Roman
Catholic ? A. G Curtin.
- Who took an oath before high Heaven,
swearing that if ever elected or appointed
to any official station giving' him the power
to do so, he would remove all FOREIGN
ERS, ALIENS or ROMAN CATHOLICS
from office or place, and that in no case
would he appoint such to any office in his
gift? A. G. Cortin.
Who swore to keep the above iinfamous
oaths sacred and inviolate through life ? A.
G. Curtin. ,
Who was the first Secretary of State un
der a Know Nothing Governor? A. G.
Curtin. "
. Who traveled over the State in 1854, or
ganizing Know-Nothiog Lodges ? A. G.
Cartin. ; . -
Who took an oath to proscribe yoo on ac
count of your birth-place and relig ion ? A.
G. Cortin. -
Curtis says be is troubled with the "in
flammatory rheumatism." Well, according
to Republican logic now a -days, if Cortin
is elected the Government will have the "in
flammatory rheumatism." Having bad a
slight touch of the blasted thinj. we vols
against it. v
B1R BUCKALE iTS LETTER,
To the Great meeting at Wilkei-Bane, Octo
ber ctii, isgj. ; . ;
Gentlemen of Luzenn :
The Republicans have endeavored to sub
due revolt by war, but thus far have failed
though backed by abe whole power of the
North and West audt by most of the power
of the Border. AndAlhey have failed for
two reasons : firy Because they have been
wanting in abiljiy in general capacity
for conducting a great war; and tetond, Be
cause they .have .had an improper purpose
in the war, wbich4they have taken pains to
publish and make well known to. the whole
Southern country. . They have not failed
because of opposition at home, in the North
and West, -for there has been none none
Of importance none to impede military
operations.. The largest armies of modern
times have been at their command, com
posed of brave men, willing to serve, and
devoted to the cause of the Union in the
name of which, and on behalf of which,
they were summoned to the field. Nor hat
money been Withheld. They have had
complete control of the public credit and
resources. No. pecuniary aid has been
wanting. They have expended money at
their pleasure and io profuse streams. Noth
ing therefore can be more false aod ground
less than the pretence that Democratic op
position has prevented the successful con
clusion of ths war. lis failure has resulted
from the causes above mentioned and from
them alone.
In regard to those causes of failure, as
RepuOican incompetency is too notorious
for denial, I shall pass it and speak of the
other cause, to wit, the existence of an im
proper purpose in the war.
That purpose is emancipation, which,;
though denied at first denied by both Pres
ident and Congress has become a leading
object in the policy of the administration.
Being thus prominent, and being the main
obstacle to peace and reunion, its discus
sion is demanded.
Undoubtedly, in our case, emancipation,
and especially sudden emancipation, is a
great evil an evil of the first magnitude
and the necessity must be clear and over
whelming which -will jastify it. It is not
a question to balance in the scales of policy
and determine upon temporary considera
tions without regard to future results. For
it must be counted a guilty act to deliver
over four millions of a useful but subject
and inferior race permanently to the domin
ion of indolence and vice, in order to ac
complish a temporary purpose, or any pur
pose which will not outweigh the evil. And
when the act is not accompanied by meas
ures to alleviate it, but consequences are left
to take care of themselves, the objections to
it are etiil greater.
A good man, a wise man, standing out
side the passions of this contest and looking
to the future, cannot wUh success to the
abolition policy in this war. After it is oven
are we to have wars of extermination be.
tween the black and white races in the
South? or are the whites to abandon that
region ? Or Bre the races to amalgama'e ?
These are the possible results, and the only
question upon them is, which is the most
intolerable and dreadful ? As to the depor
tation of the blacks their shipment out of
the country it is impossible from their
numbers ; and as to Gen. Wadsworth's no
tion that they may become a "fine peasan
try," it is simply absurd. In imposing
emancipation upon the South by war, we
must be held as intending all its conse
quences, and therefore Mr. Wendell Philips
properly enough selects amalgamation with
its concomitant of hybridism, a the hope
ful conclusion of his policy. A war of
races is a more likely result, but is not more
horrible. Bat it is said, grievous though it
be, emancipation is a just ponishmen,
upon those who have rebelled? This is a
short sighted and groundless remark the
language of passion and not of reasoa. It
cannot be regarded as just punishment upon
the guilty for it strikes the innocent and
guilty alike its consequences fall indis
criminately upon both unionist and rebel.
Manifestly iherefore.it is a question of gen
eral policy rather than of individual punish
ment. Besides, it is to be considered that the
disorganization of southern labor will affect
the general interests of the country in caie
the Union should be restored. The $200,-
000,000 of Southern exports will be requir
ed as a basis for oar commerce aod mercan
tile business, and the general wealth of the
South must contribute assistance to us in
bearing the enormous burden of the public
debt. Therefore, whatever of injury we
inflict upon its producing and tax-paying
capacity for the future, is an injury inflict
ted upon ourselves in common with the
South. A civil war differs from a foreign
war in the faft that every blow inflicted by
the parties upon each other does damage
to their future enmmon intereits. 1 know
that such considerations have no place in
the passions of the hour and are not regard
ed by the mass of men, but they should be
regarded by men in power whose duty it is
to look to the future of the country.
As to the negroes themselves, emanci
pation, by violence is not desirable. It will
be to them a curse instead of a blessing
Remitting them suddenly to a condition for
which they are unfit, is tot favor but in
ory, and is condemned by true Phil ant hro
phy. And if it lead to future wars of ex
termination,'1 it may be characterized as
inhuman.
Is is because .emancipation bears the
character J Lave assigned it, (independent
of the legal question involved,) that the
Sooth is enited against us in the war, and
that lbs) Border Slates although holding to
the Union are politically opposed to the
administration. This policy has made the
struggle one of sheer force, and accounts
for its magnitude and continuance. It pro
longs the war instead of concluding it. It
intensifies the passions which accompany
the war, and induces determined and des
perate resistance to our arms. It repels
from us the Union men of the South, and
gives to the Confederate cause Its only
plausible argument
As things stand, the Republicans will go
OS with all their ex'reme measures of poli
cy. Events push them forward, and their
passions and interests preclude the hope of
amendment. Mr. Lincoln conceives that
he can make no peace with the South ex
cept one of disunion that he must go on,
with the war and we know it can an on.
1 in his hands only as one of emancipation
ane irregularity, unless there re a change
ot the influences which bear cpon him.
Were he to spurn from him radical control
and with it radical support, he would break
his party in pieces. He says so 'himself in
acknowledging the "pressure" brought to
bear upon him by extreme men. There
are in his party both radical and conserva
tive elements, but the former must domi-,
nate therein, because they are most ear
nest, determined, active and violent. Con
servatism allied to such an interest,
must yield to it and be Tuled by it The
Cowans must give way to the Wilmots.
This fact, renders it necessary to torn the
Republican party out of power in order to
a successful and satisfactory administration
of the government, and, until that can be
done, that there be brought to bear upon it
the wholesome influence of public opinion
through the State elections. A regeneration
of its policy as a party, from the action of
causes within itself, cannot be expected.
As to no-partjism, to believe in it is ut
ter madness. There is do such thing aod
there can be no each thing in this country,
so long as public affairs are considered and
passed upon by the people in their sover
eign capacity as electors. At this moment,
there ia not only a party of opposition but
of administration also; a party for the ex.
isting policy, made up of apologists and
upholders of all that U, and all that is to
bo in government of men whose devo
tion to authority is complete and unques
tioningto whom Executive Proclamations
are the very Gospel of truth and the Consti
tution of our fathers moro obsolete than a
Mosaic dispensation. These are men wbo in
worshiping power are startled by do abuse,
offended by no outrage, appalled by no
public calamity, who almost think a great
debt a great blessing, and with true cour
tier sycophancy proclaim loyalty to rulers
as the supremo virtue of the citizen. By
their philosophy there can be only patriots
and traitors, do independents, no neutrals,
all are destined for heaven or doomed to
bell. When to this clean-sweeping dogma
which exbaust3 the field of debate which
leaves nothing to be eaid upon classifica
tion it be added, that these philosophers
are themselves the patriots, it follows that
the character of all others distinguishable
from them in position, is fixed as reprobate
and guilty. No diversity of thought 13 to
be permitted no difference of opinion
no dissent no question no hesitation or
doubt silence even is guilt and to do
nothing is to commit crime I These things
are not dreamed they are not recited
out of fome book of Lorrors they
are the current Epeecb, the impassioned
utterances of men in our midst the
discourses with which social life and
social intercourse are regaled. 'Join
us,' (this is the cry,) 4be with us,
think as we think, do as we do,forgst that
you foretold these horrible evils as results
of our policy and vre scouted the warning;
forget that we had platforms which we
have falsified, and made promises which
we have broken ; forget that you were
freemen before we mounted your backs,
and ruled you by decrees, and put you in
prison by telegraph, and ent you tax
gatherers to take jou earnings and Pro
vost Marshals to seize your sons for the
war! Forget all this, and do our bidding,
and hold up our hands, and bid us God
speed or you arc sece ssionists traitors
copperheads worse than the enemy in
arms and saved of grace and not by merit
from most condign and pitiless punish
ment !'
All this false and frantic declamation
clearly indicates a consciousness of wrong
in the 'Reclaimers, a sense of responsibil
ity, of error or guilt, in bringing upon
the country the enormous evils which
scourg-3 it. The man who feels himself
wrong in a discussion which reviews his
conduct, is apt to lose bis temper, and
bluster, and propound extravagant propo
sitions, and pour out abuse upon bis an
tagonist, happy it he can thus hide his
own weakness and escape censure.
But whatever tho inducing cause, theso
are the utterance of the party in power,
and they fix upon it & character for vin
dictiveness which will cling to it forever.
No other party of this country, Has ever
6hown such intolerence such passion
malice, hatred and fury as the Repub
lican ; and its character in this respect is
as fixed and notorious as its practice of
corruption aad its violations of law. It
"will not escape history.' The lash of
justice in the historian' hand will pursue
its memory as long as the dark records of
national calamity are kept for the instruc
tion of mankind.
GenUenien: We have been instructed
by adversity and are now in a situation to
judge the claims of parties to public
favor,and decide betweeu them. And we may
now conclude that if the Democratic party
be placed in power it can restore the Un
ion and dispense with armies in maintain
ing it. For it has no policy do meas
ures hostile to any section of the coun
try or to any class of its people, rnd it is
thoroughly devoted to the cause of Union
and capable of wielding great moral as
well as material forces in its favor. It is
qualified and disposed to the work of re
construction, and is embarrassed by no
fanatical creed, and by no memories of
past misconduct. That its defeat in 18G0
led to all our calamities no man can j
Dowdeoy. All this blood poured forth)
upon an hundred fields of battle ; all
these tears bed by thousands of firesides ;
-it l. c iw.- -c
au iu iiFiuK up u img.ny masses oi
ueui to press upun iu u&cu. ui laoor Jor
generations ; all these bitter pas-ions let
loose in hjtberto peaceful communities;
all these outrages of power upon the citi
zen ; all this prostitution of the pulpit to
the purposes of faction ; all this corruption
which shames the nation are the foretold
results of the elections of 1860. And doesi
not good sense and right reason dictate a
reversal of the decision then made against
the Democratic party, at the first fitting
opportunity ?
But it is said the question of the war
now presses upon us, and its successful
conclusion is the siDgle point to which at
tention must be directed. I agree that
the inquiry shall be, how can the war be
most surely, and successfully concluded?
or, in other words, how shall we relieve
ourselves from it without dishonor and
without disunion, neither of which are to
be tolerated 1
You may therefore inquire of me, 'How
shall we get out ol this war I By its
vigorous prosecution' upon former plans ?
By having plenty of Executive proclama
tions ! By haviDg the laws suspended!
By professions of unconditional loyalty to
the President and bis advisers ?' No ! I
don't know that you can get out of this
war by these means. They have been
tried, and still, after two years and a half
of war, the cry comes to us, 'More money
and more men ! The traitors who were
to be whipped in thirty days, have shown
marvelous vitality, and though severely
chastised, still stand defiant and un
broken.' But there is another means of extrica
tion from the war (which I have men
tioned above), and it is an appropriate,
constitutional and affective one. It is to
vote out of power the men who occasioned
the war who provoked it the men who
have mismanaged the war who have kept
it up and are keeping it up because they
have other objects in view beside the sal
vation of the Union. I advise you to re
sort to this means of relief from the bur
dens of the war. Commence, bv voar
own direct action through the ballot-box,
the reformation of the government and the
conciliation of the whole country to the
doctrines of reunion and lawful rule -Begin
this work next week in the election
of George Washington Woodward as
Governor. Commission that strong, true
man to speak for you at this juncture,
words of courage and wisdom, words of
stern reproof to all enemies of Constitu
tional rule, and of encouragement and
fellowship to all its friends. Nay, you
will Epeak for yourselves in electing him
In that act you will send out a voice to
Washington, and to a'.l the States, wbirh
will be understood and will be heeded.
It will ba said everywhere, 'Pennsylvania
has tpoken and the end is nigh 1 Tho
reigu of Proclamations is over : The courts
are to be opened that justice may be ren
dered to all who demand it: The hand
of the censor will be lifted from the tele-
graph that it may again speak truth, and
it 6hall never more convey a message con-
signiog the untried citizen to Bjstile or
banishment: Neighbor shall no longer
denounce neighbor for honest opinion ; nor
bhall those appointed to preach the Gospel
of Peace become famous as the trumpeters
of party and the champions of violence :
Mobs are to be quite abolished, and all
thieves driven forth from the treasury as
their Dredece&sors of Judea were driven
f ik I, .uA C , . C .L. . i. -r
God!'
Hut especially, to the Union men of the
Border States and of the South, your
voice will be one of consolation and en
couragement. It will be hailed joyfully
by the Tennessee and by the Catawba ,by
the men of Kentucky and by the patriots
of Texas. A horrible nightmare will be
lifted from their breasts and they will
breathe again, and will come forward, and
stand beside us, as brothers, to assist in
re-forming the Union of our fathers.
And not only with them, but also with
a great part of those directly involved in
revolt, will your voice have weight and
influence. Pressed by the burdens of the
war, conscious of all its horrors, they will
listen to a great central State speaking in
distinct, unequivocal language, for justice,
peace and reunion, and possessing power
enough in the nation to cause her opinions
to be respected and her will to he obeyed.
It is not the voice of Rhode Island or of
Delaware, not a distant utterance from
Oregon or Maine, but one from the very
heart of the land and from a community
of three millions of bouIs from a State
which has given a quarter of a million of
men to a mismanaged war and can furn
ish as many more to enforce a just policy,
free from abuse and from fanatical domin
ation. Besides, this State holds one-tenth
of the Congressional vote (lower Ilouse)
in a restored Union, and a much greater
proportionate vote as Congress is now con
stituted. And who does not know that
her voice is influential with the West
that she may, ordinarily, count upon the
concurrence of the States in that seotion
in any deliberate, well-considered line of
policy she may adopt.
From her central position, from her
actual constitutional power, and from her
large influence in the country, she is of all
the States best fitted to pronounce the law
of the future. And if she choose to pro
nounce that law or policy, upon principles
of justice, with a broad minded tolerance,
in utter disregard of all appeals to her
passions, and with true devotion , to the
interests of the whole country now and
hereafter, her decision will stand and her
character lor honor and wisdom be estab
lished forever.
Iam, Gentlemen, your fellow-citizen
and obedient Servant,
C. R. BUCKALE W.
Tlie Soldiers' Right to Votel
When a soldier returns to his election
district, he resumes all the civil rights
of citizenship, and his residence beinr
. ....
unimpaired by his temporary absence,
he Act a right to vole on taction day,
but under the Constitution, to which his
fealty is due, he can acquire no right
to vote elsewhere, except by a change of
residence from one district to anothtr.
The learned Judge depre
cates a Constitution that shall disfran
chise our volunteer soldiers. It strikes
us that this is an inaccurate use of lan
guage. The Constitution would dis-
franchise no qualified voter. But, to
secure purity of election, it would have
its voters in the place where they are best
known on election day. If a voter vol
untarily stays at home, or goes on a jour
ney, or joins the army of his country,
can it be said the Constitution kas dis
franchised him? Four of the Judges
of this Court, living in other parts of
this St ate. find themselves, on the day of
every Presidential Election, in the City
of Pittsburg, where their official duties
takes them and where they are not per'
mitted to vote. Have they a right to
change the Constitution with disfran
chising them ? Such is our case and
such is the case of the volunteers in the
army. The right of suffrage is careful
ly preserved for both them and us, to be
enjnyed when we return to the places
which the Constitution has appointed for
its exercixe. Geo. W. Woodward.
Honrst Alrahara llis lloneit leti and Hon
est Supporters.
Even the warmest supporters of this ad
ministration ii most servile and mercen
ary advocate. its hired scribblers and ora
torsthe very scullions and scum of the
kiichen, admit that the President's procla
mation suspending the privilege of the writ
habeas corpus was a dangerous exercise
of power. Forney, the most debased &'id
unscrupulous among all the eervants ia the
White House, says :
"The power which this nspnsion will
jjive the Fret-i Um woolJ be dangerous in
the hands of a corrupt ni'er, but ih tion
iv and incorruptible patriotism of Abraham
L'mroln guarantee its uprisht and imparti
al exercise."
What if the "hot.eMy" imputed to Lin
coln by ihere advocates of arbitraiy power
should prove to have no existence then,
confessedly, he is now exercising a power
"dangerous" to the liberties of the country. -And
what evidences hare we hdd of bis
"honesty' whai hot the 'mere assertion
of his interested supporters, men who make
a trade of falsehood ? Hit words and ao
ions to which we mot look for proof of
iis "honesty," rather than to the opinion
ofthevenil tycophants who re thieving
upon plunder and patronage a'l testify
against him, and proclaim bim to be li-i'i-
genuous aod dishonest. His record shows
him to be inconsistent and insincere
man of no fixed principles or opiuions
reckless alike of what he says and what be
does. Ever since his inauguration his prac
tices have given the lie to his profession,
and even those who have had the most in
fluence in moulding hi policy, the radicals
t '" wa'd perUh if he should fail them,
are obliged to confess that they find him
wek, vacillating and false. At the very-
outset of hi administration ha proclaimed
ti the world that he had neither the right
nor the inclination to meddle with slavery
in the States, and yet every act of his since
has proved that h. almost sole aim is to
crush slavery wherever it exist. Having
no "riant" under the Constitution, he has
not scrupUd tn eurp the power. His proc
lamation of emancipation and his proclama
tion suspending ti e writ of habeas corpu
are both the spawn of usurpation.
And yel we are asked to confide in the
'hones'y" of this dishonest man, and com
mit our liberties to his keeping without a
question or a doubt. Innocent and ensus-p
picioos as lh people are, this is asking too
much of them. Thy t-ee that this man
whose "honesty" is so ostentatiously pro
claimed, has not scrupled to violate the
Constitution and irampld upon the laws
whenever they have stood in his way, andi
they know that such a man car not be
"honest," and mutt be unsafe. I; is an
intuit to their intelligence, a denial of their
common sens to address them as the Lio
coin prets and the hired slump orators who
a-e now prowling over the State do. They
know a weil a we that the policy efthe
President is a policy against the freedom
of the white man that his proclamation of
suspension places every white citizen at
the mercy of the minions of power, and
that to-day we are a nation virtually with
out a constitution an 1 subject to the will of
one man. And yet they have the audacity
to ak for this administration the confidence
and "unquestioning support" of the people.
In effect they say to os: True, Lincoln has
absorbed ail power, both of Congress and
court; violated the Conititution; assumed
imperial powers; undermined the founda
tion of the Government; committed "everf
act which they may define atyrant" bnfbe
is "honest;" he can be trusted; good people
confide in him, lean upon bim give him
your liberties, and thank GoJ that it is
"Honest Abe" to whom yon jield theria !
We must be much mistaken in oor esti
mate of the ood sense and patriotism of
the people if they see it in this light. They
are not insensible io their rights, nor to the
danger which threatens them ; and on the
13th of October will record the opinion
which ibey entertain of "Honest Abe" and
bis Lieutenant, ' Shoddv Andy."
Let the soldiers who may be at home on
the day of the election, remember that
Akdrsw G. Ccbtiw, the shoddy candidate
jor uovernor, w in iu tuut(ii,j
j . mm J . L- . -. L-1 1 O
. a n n i ni tftts m nil i n i i mm mm 11 1. in n u.
"on. u,vi,ii -- -;
n . . i . mn.n bk ti r nmpr (- a i m v inn in
w m.mwm ..j ' -
HncaJ the President to remove AldLELLiS
from the command of the arm v. McClcll-
m u the "soldiers irtena." ana tne aoiaieis
i r i J . L. . L.
selves to strike down the enemies of their
heroic commander,