r Two Dollas per Aiinnn. . UYJACOBY, I'ublislicrO Trntb and Right Cod and oar Country. BLOOMS BURG. COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY AUGUST 26, 1863. NUMBER 44 VOLUME 14. E NQETH. r OF STIR OF THE NORTH rUlU9B 1T1KT WlDXiaPiT IT ' Wm. a. JAcoBr, Cfflce oa aiainlSt., 3rd Square below Market, TERMS: Two Dollars per annom Upaid within six momhs from the time of subscri bing : two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within thfc year. No subscription taken for a less period than six months; no discon tintiance permitted until all arrearages are " pai J, unless at the option of the editor. 'Iki terms of advertising will be as follows : Ons square, tw elve lines three times, SI 00 Evury subsequent insertion, ..... 25 Onu square, three months 3 00 Onu year, ... 8 00 (Erjoicc rjoetrrj. THE PRHTEIl 1SD THE PRESS. The Printen! How I love them ! : For what you'd hardly guess : Lore them lor patient, honest toil, Their fellow men to bless. They falter rot, though oftentimes, These poor men go unpaid; And every line the sheet contains, Is sert without our aid. JIow ignorant we all should be, Without them and the Press, To furnish, for our famished miuds, A L'uenirj Mess." The Printer and the Press, God bless them, day by day, For every high and noble thought They shed around our way. May wreaths of heavenly love entwine, The Press Inventor's soul, While knovfledge spreads from clime to And truth from pole to pole. dime, CO Jl I C ATEtt. Improvement of ton Mind. The mind is a strong piece of machinery, . that no one can fully understand, save he who first placed it in ihece mortal bodies of ours. In regard to depth it is like an un . .fathomable water. In width it is without ; boundary. In length it lives through all time and we believe through all eVrnity.-. In bright it, reaches above the per. enable things of time. In regard to motion it is rusver at retl, and is never satisSed with present attainments, but each draught we drink from the wells of science, serves but to create a (hirst for more, and every new idea that strikes the brain finds for itself a . ready channel to the mind. Even when all nature lulls nt to repose and we close our eyelids in slumber, when thus there suem to be a sort of forgetfuloess to sur rounding objects, the mind rests not wholly, for it. oft leaves these weary bodies and Hike air) flight to visit distant lands and absent friends, and when our bodies have been refreibed by rest i again ready to : reign supreme master of every movement But what is mind without improvement? - Unless we cultivate it, it is as unproductive as the barren fields without tillage, as use ' less as the untouched oar in the mountain, as rude as the marble without a sculptor. ' We do not believe in natural genious or superiority of mind; that there are and ever fcave been great and magnanimous minds .-ire do not doubt, but that tbey were natur ally so far imperior to others we do doubt. We think it more the result of extraordinary eiertions and perhaps partly owing to the peculiar circumstances in which those great minds may have been placed. Very often situation in which we have been placed gives formation to the mind. Early impres-: ions made upon the mind of the child are tever wholly erased. It is while very young the mind should be taught to labor and to think. If the . mind of the child is early taught to love indolence and ease such a life becomes natural, and a love of ease predominates over all the other faculties of lh mind. When we see uncommonly dull or careless children we generally find that - the aspirations of their young minds have bee a kept down by the debasing influences around tbm , or by the mistaken kindness of their parents who fearing, to overtask . their minds, have failed to give them the "iequiiii8 amount of food. And have we . not often aeec .children whom we have . looked upon as dull boys when through the icisituds of fortune orihe dispensation of ja Divine Providence, they have been called apon to take their place in the busy world and depend upon their own exertions, make ' i:he most intelligent and useful men. The " micd has i.hus been called into action, its " donoant faculties awakened, the fire of am fcilion kindled within and thus they have begnn ihelir work in earnest. - - The mind that would be strong and ac- " tire must Searn to labor early and late with , out hope of reward except that of being Abla under every circumstance and in every isitoatioa to "administer to its own comfort and consolation. And what greater reward can we desire than to know our own minds thoroughly, to have them well stored with useful knowledge, to be able to draw there ifioa a balm for a very wound inflicted upon erring humanity. The truly cultivated mind " jSnds pleasure and happiness in every ob . iet around it, no matter how humble the js ' " position, how lowly the circumstances in - which it may be placed, it soars triumphant above tbein all. Mind is the man or wo jsjaia ni7 Parl worth -adorning, the only part that ican command either respect or ,et!!era; we may envy the rich man his ' ihcarded weakh and broad domain, but we xsrpucl him not for all these. Well has the Pott said ."our hearts ne'er bow but to an- - perior wotth nor ever tan oi iaeir at.egiasjco ;ihe ." VteKuat , labor if we wish to be esti er usaj ul cr happy. Fnend.3 nor fortune, fccci ec -schools-cannot do .tkia for usj they may sometimes assist us in removing some obstructions that crowd our pathway, but the work is ours and we must perform it if we wish to obtain the reward. Inertia is not a law of nature, it is merely a law of circumstance or of chance. All things in. nature labor. The Planets pur sue their unceasing course from day to day. The earth fails not in yielding her produc tions. The waters pursue their course obe dient to the Heavenly mandate, all in order and harmony. We must also observe order in mental labor less by over exertion on one day we destry our strength for the next and thereby lose more than we gain ; we should never overtask the mind, but en deavor to enlarge before we enlarge the task, otherwise what we intend as healthful food for the mind will but serve to weaken and disorder it, and instead of opening the deep fountain of thought will but throw obstructions in its course. Some persons, it is true, slide along very easily through the world, without ever hav ing a thought of their own, living on other people's thoughts and works, but it is scan ty fare, and worse than folly to steal from their neighbor's gardens and leave their own uncultivated. This is why there are so many in our country who as we often say have no minds of their own. They certainly have no lorce of character, no purpose of mind no course marktd out which they intend to pursue. Such persons never coin new thoughts from the well within their own minds. They are one day copying after some person whom their fan cy may have painted as perfection, and perhaps the very next day copying after another One week courting the friendship of one set or class of people, and per haps the very next week trying to gain popularity with another. A man or woman without purpose of mind and force of character sufficient to enable them to pursue the right course whithersoever it may lead, is like a ship tossed to and fro on the Ocean, in a raging storm, without a Captain to command and without a port in view. We can never be come learned by following in the footsteps of another, not because he did. not succeed nor because he is not our superior, but merely because his thoughts do not become oar thoughts or rather we having a supply of his at hand, do not deem it necessary for us to think at all, but are content to be only j imitators, using counterfeit thoughts instead ' of real, merely because they ara better pol ished and save us the trouble of thinking for ourselves. I love to think of the great ' minds that have gone before us and have trod the paths of wisdom and of knowl edge, and as loig as they assist as in think ing and teach ns to improve ourselves they are useful, but not when they induce us to build airy castles upon imitation. The greatest poets, orators, statesman, and historian labored to become great, and the most obvious reason why they succeed- j ed and surpassed others, is because they I have taken a wider view and made greater i exertions to attain it. There are instances 1 to the contrary, but generally the lives of all truly great men have been a course of continued study. Milton was regularly at his studies and pursued them until be had masiered the wisdom of his age. Pascal killed himself by study. Cisero's health was impaired by the same course. And although it is not necessary nor indeed right for us all to study, so as to impair our heahh. Yet when we speak of great minds we should count the cost of their greatness, and the sacrifices tbey have made to be come distinguished. Then perhaps we will not envy them their high position in knowl edge nor think that nature placed them up on the summit while we must remain at the bottom. Our Washington was a good and great man, but not naturally so. His tory tells us he was a man of strong pas sions but be strove to bring them In sub jection to his Heavenly, master's will. That he was a great or a successful man without labor no one can for a moment imagine. 1 His boyhood was a life of hardy endurance, and danger never moved him where duly was concerned. The All-wise Creator has placed as here upon this earth and left us to choose good or evil, knowledge, or igno rance. All nature teaches us that be delights in our happiness and improvement. The study of his great work advances both.- And if we fail to study them we are diso- beyingbim just as much by omiting to improve as by really doing wrong. He has spread out before ns an unexhauatible course of study from which we may con tinually drink refreshing draughts, yet ever thirst for more. The Planet on which we live is filled with matter to urge us to search out its hidden mysteries. - He who best improves his mind, and studies moat, nature's works lives uearest to their Author, and enjoys his approbation. His great work was not finished until he created man to reverence and adore the author of so much wisdom and goodness. He could have created the mind large enough to have comprehended all his works, and perhaps would have done so, had be not designed us to labor and receive pleas ure in improvement.' . Aug. 26, 1363. c. wtw. A coquette is a young lady of more beau- t than sense ; more accomplishments than learning ; more charms of person than grace of mind ;more admirers than friends; more fools than wise men for attendants. . Mint women thins of nothing but dress. To them, the horizon is but the blue crino line of creation. SPECIFIES OP REBEL VERSE, (Fjom the Richmond Dispatch.) A SOUTHERN SCENK. Oh ! mammy have you heard the newJr ; Thus spoke a southern child, a in ine nurse s ageu lace She upward glanced and smiled. What news, you mean, my little one ! It must be mighty fine, To make my darling' face so red, Her sunny blue eyes shine. Why, Abraham Lincoln, don't you know, The Yankee President, Whose ugly picture once we saw, When up to town we went. Well, he is going to free you all, And make you rich and grand, And you'll be dressed in silk and gold, Like the proudest in the land. A glided coach shall carry you, Where'ere you wish to ride; And, mammy, all your work shall be Forevei laid aside. The eager speaker paused for breath,' And then the old nurse said, While closer to her swarthy cheek She pressed the golden head : My little missus stop and rest, You're talking mighty fast; Jes look up dere, and tell me what You see in yonder glass '? You sees o'd mammy's wrinkly face, As black as any coal ; And underneath her handkerchief Whole heaps of knotty wool. My darliu's face is red and white, Her skin is sott and fine, And on her pretty little head De yallar ringlets shine. My chile, who made dis difference 'Twixl mammy and ;twixt you 1 You reads de Lord's blessed book, And you kin tell me true. De dear Lord said it mast be so, And. honey, I for one, Wid thankful heart will always say, His holy will be done. I tanks mas Linknm all de same, But wheu 1 wants for free, I'll ask de Lord of glory, Not poof buckra man like he, And as for gilded carriages, Day's noihin' 'tall to see; My massa's coach what carries him, Is good enough for me. And honey, when your mammy wauls , To change her homespun dress, She'll pray like dear old missus, To be clothed with righteousness. My work's been done dis many a da, And now 1 takes my ease, A waiiin' for de master's call Jest when de master please. And when at last de time's done come, And poor old mammy dies, Your own dear mother's solt white hiiud bnali close dete tired olJ eyes. De dear Lord Jesus soon will call Old many mammy home to him, And he can wash my guilty soul From ebery spot of sin. And at his feet I shall lie down, Who died and rose for me ; And den, and not till den, my chile Your mammy will be lree. Come, little misses, say your prayerti, Let ole ma Linkum lone. The debit knows who b'longs to him, And he'll take care of hi own. ADDRESS or THB DEMOCRATIC STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. To the People of Pennsylvania : An important election is at hand, and the issues involved in it may now claim your attention. The tide of war has bee t rolled back from our borders ; and with thanks to God, and gratitude to the skill and valor which, by his favor, achieved the prompt deliverance of our invaded Commonwealth, we may now give our solemn consideration to the causes that have brought to its pres ent condition a country once peaceful, uni ted and secure. It is now the scene of a great civil war, between States that lately ministered to each other's prosper ty in a Union founded for their common good. It was this Union that gave them p eace at home and respect abroad. They coped successfully wiih Great Britain- on the , f ' i . i tii .-., i i n : ocean, anu me uucmnn miereu vy f iei- dent Monroe warned off the raonurchs of Europe from the whole American continent. Now, France carves out of it an empire, and ships built in England plunder our commerce on every sea. A great public debt and a conscription burden the people. The strength and wealth of the nation are turned from productive industry and con sumed in the destructive arts of war. Our victories all fail to win peace. Throughout the land, arbitrary power encroaches upon civil liberty. What has brought the disastrous change ? No natural causes embroiled the North and the South. Their interchangeable p roducts and commodities, and various institutions, were sources of reciprocal benefit, and ex cluded competition and strife. But an arti ficial cause of dissension was found in the position of the African race; and the ascend ency in the national councils of men pledg ed to an aggressive and unconi tutional Abolition policy, has brought our country to the condition of "the house divided against itself." The danger to the Union began where statesmen had foreseen it ; it began in the triumph of a sectional party, founded on principles of revolutionary hos tility to the Constitution and the laws. The leaders of this party were pledged 13 a con flict with rights recognized and sheltered by the Constitution. They called this con flict "irrepressible;" and whenever one party is determined to attack what another is determined to defend, a conflict can al ways be made irrepressible." They count ed on an easy triumph through tha aid of insurgent slaves, and, in this reliance, were careless how soon they provoked -i collis ion. Democrats and Conservatives strove to avert the conflict. They saw that Union was the paramount interest of their country, and they stood by the great bond of Union, the Constitution of the United States. They were content to leave debatable questions under it to the high tribunal framed to de cide them; they preferred it to the sword aa an arbiter between the States ; they strove hard to merit the title which their opponents gave them in scorn the titipof 'UnioP-savers." We will not at length re hearse their efforts. In the Thirty sixth Congress the Republican leaders refused their assent to the Crittenden Compromise. On this point the testimony of.' Mr. Douglas will suffice. He 6aid : "I believe this to be a fair basis of ami cable adjustment. If you of the Republi can side are not willicg to accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator from Ken tucky (Mr. Crittenden), pray tell ns what you are willing to do ? I address the inqui ry to the Republicans alone, for the reason that, in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South in cluding thoee from the coiion States (Mesrs Davis and Toombs), expressed their readi ness to accept the proposition of my vener able triend from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, as a final settlement of the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the Republican members. Hence the sole responsibility of cur disagreement, and the only difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment, is with the Republican party." Jan. 3, 186). The Peace Congress was an'other means by which the border Stales strove to avert the.impending strife. How the Republican leaders then conspired against the peace of their country may be seen in a letter from Senator Chat.dler, of Michigan, to the Gov ernor of that Slate : "7o His Excellency, Justin Blair : 4 Governor Bingham and myself tele graphed you on Saturday, at the reqnet of Massachusetts and New Yoik.tosend dele gates to the Peace or Compromise Congress They admit that we were right and that they were wrong; that no Republican State should have sent delegates but they are here and cannot get away. Ohio, Indiana and Rhode Island are caving in.and there is danger of Illinois ; and now they beg us for God's sake to come to their rescue, and save the Republican party from rupture. I hope you will send stiff backed men or none. The whole thing was gotten up against my judgment and advice, and will end in thin smoke. Stilt I hope as a matter of courtesy to some of our erring brethren that you will send the delegates, "Truly, your friend, 'Z. Chandler.'' 'P. S. Some ot the manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. With out a little blood letting this Union will not, in my estimation, b worth a rash. "Washington, Feb. 11, 1861." In Pennsylvania, too, the same spirit pre vailed. It was not seen bow necessarily her position united her in interest with the border States. She learned it since, from contending armies trampling out her har vests and deluging her fields with blood. Gov. Curtin sent to the Peace Congress Mr. Wilmot and Mr. Meredith. Mr. Wilmot was chifly known from the connection of his name with the attempt to embroil the country by the "Wilmct Pro viso," baffled by patriotic statesmanship, in which Clay and Webster joined with the Democratic leaders ; just as Clay and Jack son had joined in the Tariff Compromise of 1863. Mr Meredith had published his be lief that the mutterings of the rising storm were what he called "stridulous cries," un worthy ol the slightest attention. By Mr. Lincoln's election, in November, 1860, the power to save or destroy the Un ion was in the hands of his party, and no adjustment was possible with men who re jected the judgment of the Supreme Court, who scorned conciliation and compromise, and who looked to a "little blood-letting" to cement the American Union. Till this time, the Uojon men of the South had con trolled, with little difficulty, the small but restless class among them who desired a separate nationality. The substantial inter ersts of the Sooth, especially the slavehold ing interest, were drawn reluctantly into secessiou. Gen. F. P. Blair, of Missouri, an eminent Republican, said very truly, in the last Congress : "Every man acquainted with the facts knows that it is fallacious to call thin "a slaveholders" rebellion. A closer scrutiny demonstrates the contrary to be true; such a scrutiny demonstrates that the rebellion originated chiefly with the non-slaveholders resident in the strongholds of the institution, not springing, however, from any love of slavery, but from an an tagonism of race and hostility to the idea of equality with the blacks involved in sim ple emancipation." It was the triumph of the Abolitionists over the Democrats and Conservatives of the North, that secured a like triumph to the secessionists over the Union men of South. The John Brown raid was taken as.a prac tical exposition of the doctrine of "irrepres sible conflict." The exultation over its momentary success, the lamentation over its failure, had been swelled by the Aboli tionists, so as to seem a general expression of Northern feeling. Riots and rescues had nullified the constutional provision for the return ot fogilives The false pretence that slavery would monopolize the territories, when we had no territories in which it could exist, had been used as a means of constant agitation against slavery in the Southern States. A plan of attack upon it had been published in Hepler's book, for mally endorsed and recommended by the leaders of the party that was about to as sume the Administration of the Federal Government leaders who openly inculca ted contempt for the Constitution, contempt for the Supreme Court, and profesoed to follow a "higher law." Thus the flame of revolution at the Sooth was kindled and j fed with fuel furnished by the Abolitionists It might seem superfluous to advert now to what is past and irrevocable, were it not that it is against the same men and the same influences, still dominant in the coun cils of the Administration, that an appeal is now to be made to the intelligence of the people. The Abolilionsta deprecate these allusions to the past. To cover up t-heir own tracks, they invite us to spend all our indignation upon ''Southern traitors ;" but truth compels us to add, that, in the race of treason, the Northern traitors to the Con stitution bad the start. They tell us that slavery was the cause of the war; therefore, the Union is to be restored by waging a war upon blavey. This is not true ; or only true in the sense that any institution, civil or religious, may be a cause of war, if war j is made iipon it. Nor is it a just oonclu- i sion that if you take from your neighbor his "man-servant or his maid, or anything that is his," you will thus establish har mony between you. No danger to the Union arose from slavery whilst the people of each Stale dealt calmly and intelligently with the equeslion within their own Slate limits. WheYe little importance attached to it, it eoon yeilded to moral and economi cal considerations, leaving the negro in a position of social and politcal subordination no where more clearly marked than in the Constitution and laws of Pennsylvania. The strife bean when people in Slates where it was an immaterial question under took to prescribe the course of duty upon it to States in which it was a question of great importance and difficulty. This interfer ence became more dangerous wh i at tempts were made to use the power of the General Government, instituted for the benefit of all the States, to the injury and proscription of the interests of some of the Slates It was not merely a danger to the institution of slavery, but our whole politi cal system, in which separate and distinct colonies became, by the Declaration of Inde pendence, "free and independent States," and af'erwards established a Federal Un ion ander the Constitution of the United States. That instrument, with scrupulous care, discriminates the powers delegated to the General Government from those re served "to the Slates respectively, or to the people." And let it be noted, that . in speaking of the powers so delegated and reserved, we refer to no vague doctrines or pretentions, but to the clear provisions of the written instrument which it is the doty of every citizen, and especially of every public functionary, to repect and maintain. The protection of American liberty against the encroachments of centralization was left to the States by the framers of the Con stitution. Hamilton, the most indulgent of them to the Federal power, says : "It may be 6afely received as an axiom in our politi cal system, that the State Governments will in all possible contingencies, afford com plete security against invasions of public liberty by the national authority." Who can be blind to the consequences that have followed the departure from the true prin ciples, of our Government? ' Abolition" vies with "secession" in sapping the very foundations of the structure reared by our forefaiherc In Pennsylvania, the party on whoe acts you will pass at the ballot-box has trampled upon the great rights of per sonal liberty and the freedom of the press, which every man who can read may find asserted in the Constitution of the Stale and the Constitution ot the United Slates. The dignity of our Commonwealth has been in sured in the outrages perpetrated upon her citizens. At Philadelphia and at Harris burg, proprietors of newspapers have been seized at midnight and hurried off to mili tary prisons beyond the limits of the Stale. Against ac'.s like thee, perpetrated before the eyes of tha municipal and State authori ties, ihere is neither protection nor redress. The seizure of a journal at West Chester was afterwards the subject of a suit for damages in the Supreme Court of Pennsyl vania. It came lo .trial before Chief Jus tice Lowrie. Rehearsing the ancient prin ciples of English and American justice, he condemned the acts of the Federal officers as violations of the law that bind alike the private citizen and public functionary. He 6aid ; "All public functionaries in this land are under the law, and none, from the high est and lowest, are above it " Impatient at any restraint from law, a partisan majority in Congress hastened to pass and to take from the State courts to the United States courts, all suits or prosecutions "for tres passes or wrongs done or committed by virtue or nnder color of any authority de rived from or exercised nnder the President of the United States;" and such authority was declared to be a full defence for the wrongdoer in any action, civil or criminal. The American Executive is, as the word imports, the executor of the duly enacted law. Yet the pretension is made that his will can take the place of the laws. The liberty, the character of every citizen, is but at the mercy of new functionaries called ''provost marshals." Secret accusation be fore these officials takes the place of open bearing before a lawful magistrate, and no writ of habeas corpus may inquire the cause of the arrest. To illegal arrests have been added the mockery ot a trial of a private citizen for his political opinions before a court-martial, ending in the infliction of a new and outrageous penalty, invented by the President of the United Sates. We need not comment upon acts like these. The President of the United States has no au thority, in peace or war to try, even an en listed soldier by court-martial, save by vir tue and in strict confirraity with the milita ry law laid down in the act of Congress "es tablishing rules and articles for the govern ment of the armies of the United States." Yet by his proclamation of September 24th, 1862, he has assumed to make all citizens amenable to military courts. He has vio lated the great principle of tree government on which Washington conducted the war of the Revolution, and Madison the war of 1812 the principle of the subordination of the military to the civil power. He has as sumed to put "martial law," which ia the rule of lorce at a spot where all laws are silenced, in .he place of civil justice thro' out the land, and has thus assailed, in some of the States, even the freedom of the baU lot-box. These are not occasional acts, done in haste, or heat, or igoorance ; but a new system of government put inline place of.that ordained and establi&tjeJ by the peo ple. That the Queen could not do what he could, was Mr. Seward's boast to the Brit ish Minister. The "military arrests" of Mr Stanton re ceived the "hearty commendation" ef the Convention that renominated Governor Cur tin ; and it pledged him and his party to "hearty co-operation" in srch acts of the Administration in future. Such is the de grading platform on which a candidate for Chief Magistrate of Pennsylvania stands before her people. These pretensions to arbitrary power give ominous significance to a late change in our military establish ment. The time-honored American sys tem of calling on the States for dralts from their militia, has been replaced by a Fed eral conscription, on the model of Europ ean despotisms. We would not minister to the excitement which it has caused among men of nil parties. Its constitutional ity will te tested before the courts. If adjud ged to be within the power of Congress, the people will decide on the propriety of a stretch of power on which the British Par liamentstyled omnipotent has never ventured. On this you will pass at the polls, and the next Congress will not be deaf to the voice of the people. For all political evila, a constitu'ional remedy yet remains, in the ballot-box. We will not entertain a fear that it is not safe in the guardianship of a free people. If men in office should seek to perpetuate their pow er by wresting from the people of Pensyl vania the right of sufierage if the servants of the people should repeal against their master on them will res: the responsibility of an attempt at revolution, of which no man can foresee the consequences or the end. But in now addressing you upon fhe political i-sues of the times, we assume that the institutions of our country are de stined to endure. The approaching election derives further importance from the influence it will exer cise upon the policy of the Government. The aim ot men not blinded by fanaticism and party spirit would be to reap the best fruit from ;he victories achieved by our gallant armies the best fruit would be peace and the restoration of the Union. Such is not the aim of the party in power. Dominated by its most bigoted members, it urges a war for the negro and not tor the Union. It avows the design to protract the war till slavery shall be abolished in the Southern States ; in the language of one of its pamphleteers, "how can a man, hoping and praying for the destruction of slavery, desire that the war shall be a ehort one?" Mr.Thaddens Stevens.the Republican leader in the last House oi Representatives de clared, "The Union shall never, with my connent, be restored under the Constitution as it is, with slavery to be protected by it." The same spirit appear in Mr. Lincoln's lale answer to ci'izens of Louisiana who desire the return of that State under its present Constitution. Mr. Lincoln post poned them till that Constitution shall be amended. The Abolitionists desire the war to last till freedom is secured to all the slaves. Hordes of politicians, and con tractors, and purveyors, fallen on the war, de-ire it to last forever. When the slaves are all emancipated by the Federal arras, a constant military intervention will be need ed to keep them above or equal with the white race in the Southern Stales. Peace has no place in their .platform. It pro claims confiscation and abolition as the ob jects of the war, and the Southern leader catches up the word to stimulate bis follo wers to tight to the last. It is not the in terest of Pennsylvnia that a fanatical faction shall prevert and protract the war, or ru inous, perhaps unattainable ends. What the North needs is the return of the Sonth, with its people, its territory, its staples, to complete the integrity of our common coun try. This, and not mere devastation and social confusion, would be the aim of pat riots and statesmen. The Abolition policy promises us nothing better than a Southern Poland, ruled by a Northern despotism. But history is full of examples how wise rulers have assuaged civil discord by mod eration and justice, while bigots and des pots, relying solely on force, have been baffled by feeble opponents. That a tem perate constitutional policy will fail, in our case, to reap the fruit of success in arms, cannot be known till it is tried? The times are critical. France, nnder a powerful and ambitious monarch, is enter ing on tbescane, willing again to play an im portant part in an America revolution. The English Government is hostile to us; it has got all it wanted from abolition, and will have nothing more to do with it. The se cession leaders, and the presses nnder their control, oppose re-nnion preferring, per haps even an hcroble dependence npon European powers. But from many parts of the South, and across the picket lines, and from the prisoners and the wounded, baa come the proof of a desire among lbs people of the South to return toonstiio. tional relations with the people of the North. Early in the contest this desire was shown in North Carolina, one of the old thirteen associated with Pennsylvania ua the page of Revolutionary history. Bat the majority in Congress made haste to show that Abolition, not reunion, was their aim. In a moment ot depression, on the 22d of July, 1861, beiag the day after the battl of Bull Run, they allowed the passage of a resolution, offered by Crittenden, defining a policy for the restoration of the Un;on. But they soon rallied, andfiilledthe statute book with acts of confiscation,' abolition, and emancipation, against the remon strances of eminent jurists and conservative men of all parties. ' Mr. Lincoln, loo yield ding, he said, "to pressure," but his proc lamations in place of the Constitution and the laws. Thus every interest '.and senti ment of the Southern people were enlisted on the tide of resistance by the policy of a party which as Mr. Stevens said will not consent to a restoration of the Union" "with "the Constitution as it is." It is this policy that has protracted the wcr, and is now the greatest obstacle to its termination. The reunion of the States can alone "ive them their old security at home and power and dignity abroad. This end can never be reached upon the principles of the party now in power. Their principles are rad ically false, andean never lead to a gool conclusion. Their hope ot setting up the negro i n me place oi tne wmte man runs couiitecto the laws of nature. Their states manship has been weighed in the balance and found wanting; their "little blood let tin?" has proved a deTuge. Tnefr inter ference with our armies has- often frustrated and never aided their success, tilt it has become a military proverb that the bet thing tor a general is to be out of reach from Washington. The party was founded npor, the political and moral hereby of opposition to Compromise, which is the only means Union among States, and of peace audgood will on earth among men. In a popular Government, the people are soverign, and the sound tense of the whole community corrects, at the polls, the errors of political parties. The people of Pennsylvania have reen, with regret, the unconstitutional aims of the Abolitionists substituted for the original objects of the war. They have seen with indignation many gallant soldiers of; the Union driven from it service, because they have not bowed down to the Abolition idol. They will see with horror the war protracted in order to secure the triumph of a parly plat form, or, as Mr. Chandler said, "to save the Republican party from rupture." The time is now at hand when the voice of the people will be heard. The overthrow of the Abolitionists at the polls and the re establishment of constitutional principles at the North is the first, the indispensable step towards the restoration of the Union and the vindication of eivil liberty. To thin great service to his country each citizen may contribute by his vote. Thus the people of the North may themselves extend the Constitution to the people of the South. It would not be a specious offer of politi cians, to be observed with no better faith than the resolutions ol July, f861. It would be a return to the national policy of the bet ter days of the Republic, through the intel ligence of the people, enlightened by ex perience. It would strengthen the Govern ment; for a constitutional Government is strong when exercising with vigor its legiti mate powers, and is week when it sets an example of revolutionary violence by inva ding the rights of the people. Our prin ciples and our candidates are knownto yon. The resolutions of the Ia'e Convention at Harrisburg were, with some additions, the same that had been adopted by the Dem ocracy in several Slates, ana by the Gen eral Assembly of Pennsylvania. They de clare authoritatively the principles of the Democratic party. It is, as it has always been, for the Union and the Constitution against all opposers The twelfth resolution declares, "that while this General Assem bly condemns and denounces the halts of thia Administration and the encroach ments of the Abolitionists, it does, also, most thoroughly condemn and denounce the heresy of secession as an warranted by th Constitution, and destructive alike of the security and perpetuity of Government and of the peace and liberty of the people and it does hereby most solemnly declare that the people of this State are unalterably opposed to any division of the Union, and will persistently exert their whole influ ence and power, under tha Constitution, to maintain and defend it." We have renominated Chief Justice Lowrie for the bench which be adorns. Our candi date for Governor, Judge Woodward, in his public and private character, affords the best assurance that be wilt bring honesty, capacity, firmness and patriotism to the di rection of the affairs of the Commonwealth. Long withdrawn, by judicial functions, from the political arena, he did not withold his warning voice when conservative men took counsel together upon the dangers that menaced our country. His speech at ihe town meeting at Philadelphia in December, i860, has been vindicated by subsequent event as a signal exhibition of statesman like sagacity. Under his administration we may hope that Pennsylvania, with God's b!einr, will resume her place as ' the Ketoa of tha Federal arch." Chailxs J, Biteli, Chairman. i -- in V
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