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THE BATTLE 0? CETTISBCSa.
Th9 days of June were nearly done ;
The field, with plenty overrun,
-Wore ripening 'neaih the harvest sun,
j , . In fruitful Pennsylvania?
Sang birds'and children ''All is well 1"
Wiienf sudden, over hill and dell, ;
The gloom of coming battle fell,
: . Ou peaceful Pennsylvania! :
Through Maryland's historic land,
W th boasttui tongue, aid spoiling hand,
They burst a fierce fend famished band,
Right into Pennsylvania !
In Cumberland's romantic vale
Was heard tha plundered farmer's wail; .
And every mother's cheek was pail !
lu blooming Pennsylvania !
s With taunt and jeer; and shont and song;
Through rustic .towns. they passed, along
A confident and braggart throng
Through lightened Pennsylvania!
Ti e tidings startled hill and glen ;
' Up sprang oar Northern men, "
And there was speedy travel then
f All into Pennsylvania!
' The foe langhed out in open scorn ;
Ft r fjuion men were coward-born.
And then they wanted alt the corn
That grew in Perns) Ivania !
It was the langnid hour of pnon,
When all the birds were oat of tune j
A id Nature in a sultry swoon,
In pleasant Peansylvai.ia !
When sadden o'er the slumbering p!ian,
Rod lla-hed the battle's Grey rain
Tite volleying cannon shook again
; The hills of Pennsylvania !
Beneath that curse of iron hail,
Taal threshed the plain with Mashing flail,
t, W ell might the stoutest soldier quail,
Iti echoing Pennsylvania !
- Then l.ke a sadden Summer rain.
Storm driven o'er ihe darkest plain
. They burst upon our ranks ar.d main,
e left the old, ancestral thrill,
From ire to sou, transmitted still ;
And loughi for Freedom with a will,
In pleasant Pennsylvania !
Tb breathless shock the maddened toil
The sadden clinch the sharp recoil
And we were ruaserof the soil,'
In bloody Peuiifj If -.nia!
To westward fell the beaten foe
The growl of battle hoarse and low,
We beard anon, but dyirig slow,
, In ransomed Pennsylvania!
Sdo' westward, with the sinking snn,
The cloud of battle dnse and don,
Flashed into fireand all was won
In joyful Pennsylvania!
Bot ah ! the heaps of loyal slain ! '
The bloody toil ! the bitter pain !
For those who shall not stand ayain
- ' - In pleasant Pennsylvania !
Back tbronah the verdant valley lands, .
Fast fled the foe. in trightened bands;
VkTisb broken swords and empty hand,
' - Out of Pennsylvania !
Tit TriLnne Owns np Oa Gea. Hooker.
G?n. Hooker, says yesterday's Tribunt,
is rcleaved of the command of the Army of
the Potomac, and Major General C. Meade,
lately commander or the Fifth Corps, suc
ceed him. Though in ordinary circa m
" utacices we should hesitate to approve a
change of commander in the face of the
onemy, and pending an active campaign,
's bail the present with considerable satis
ifaction. Hooker has painfully disappoint'
'8d the hopes and expectations, not merely
of his friends, but of all those who bad
learned to regard him as at least a brave
. and persistent fighter. Since the battles of
ChaDce!!orvil!e be has lost that character
. . wiii all who know the real history
of - his needless, and disastrous retreat
across. the Rappahannock. Such an op
portunity of annihilating the rebel army
cannot be expected to present itself again.
.Lee was surprised and immensely ooiunm-
berd, and aught to have been destroyed.
Thnt in such circumstances he was not, wa
hare ever since thought a sufficient cause
for th remevial of Gen. Hooker, bot we
(ail to understrnd why he was not removed
then instead of now. Additional causes
may be found in the failure to arrest the
present advance of Lee, which ought to have
betm prevented, and might have been, by
a prompt seizure of the Blue Ridge passes.
Hen. John J. Crittenden died on the 23th
ins;:. at Frankfort Kentucky in the 77th year
of lu age. K9, was U. 3. Senator when
the rebellion commenced, and submitted
bis celebrated plan of compromise which if
adopted would "have saved - thousands of
fives and millions of dollars, but which the
abolitionists in theif frenzy rejected. John
J. Crittenden was one of the ablest and
purest statesmen of the age. Posterity
will honor his efforts to save his country
from everlastiflg ruin, fie proved faithful
io her, to the end '''.''
BLOOMS BURG. COLUMBIA
The : Evils of the Time and their Remedy.
BT C. B. SUCK A LEW.
The capital arils that afflict the nation
are, a broken Unionj civil war; an immense
and increasing debt; great and unexampled
bitternes in the social relations of men;
and last, bat not least, multiplied and grave
errors, usurpations and abuses of power
by men in public authority. How these
evils can be most surely removed, and
' their recurrence prevented, is the great,
i . v. n i
00 i o ii-eiiroBsing question wnicn now con-
j fronts cs and demands reply.
That reply is furnished in declaring the
policy of the Democracy of Pennsylvania
a policy bo simple, so ja.t, so perfectly
couformed io the necessities of the times,
that none can misunderstand it, or sincere
ly question its fi mess for the repression" of
That policy is connected with a sincere
devotion to th laws of the land, and with
a deep conviction of the necessity of main
taining them in tact and nnbroken. These
laws consist of the Constitution and statutes
of the United Stales, and of the Constitui
lions and statutes of the several States, and
include much of the common law of Eng
land and those guarantees of liberty which
are tfce boast of British history. Thee
laws of the land make up that American
system of free government which has in
sured our prosperity and given us a high
place of honor among the nations of the
earth. But those laws have been assailed
that system of free government has been
interrupted in its course the States are
broken asunder, and sounds of violence fill
It is timely, then, to inquire. Who have
assailed those laws, and who are now the
enemies of reunion and liberty! Against
whnm,againM what interests shall the voice
of this great Slate be spoken and her pow
er be exerted ?
Unquestionably ihe radical Abolitionists
of the North assailed the laws persistently
and earnestly for years by incendiary doc-
omen's transmitted through the mails, lo
excite insurrection in the Ninth; by seduc
ing negro slaves to abscond from their mas
ters, assisting their escape, secreting them
from pursuit, by any raising mobs to resist
their reclamation. They also created and
kept -up agitation in Congress by pe'itions
for unconstitutional law?, and
Brown raid into Virginia a mission of ra
pine an'd LlofTd'w-a6asic,d by their con "
tributions, and was followed by the canon
ization by them of ts leader as a saint.
Instigated by them, many of the Northern
Legislatures enacted statutes to defeat or
impede the reclamation of fugitive slaves
under the law of the United States, thus
giving Slate sanction to the revolutionary
At lat the Republican par'y was found
ed, and drew mosi of th Abolitionists into
its ranks, and alonse with them obtained
their passions and their fatal dogma that
there are laws of the individual will higher
in obligation than the laws of the land, and
that the latter, when they conflict with the
former, may be broken withonl guilt and
without reproach It followed in doe course
that the decision of the Supreme Court cf
the United States cpon negro citizenship
and the rights of Southern men in the Ter
ritories was denounced, and acqoiesence
in it refused by the Republicans, and the
validity of any law establishing slavery
was denied in their platform at Chicago
They refused to be bound by the law, and
their platform was itself a repudiation of
the laws, as it denied their obligation.
The Abolitionists and Ihe Republican
pcrty are, therefore, first in fault, In break
ing away from good faith, duty and law,
and their example, and the apprehension
of further acts of aggression upon South
ern rights by them, provoked (althoogh
tney couia not justityi the existing great
That rebellion was against the laws of
the United States, and put the whole body
of them at defiance. Although it asserted
for itself a legal ground of justification, it
is most manifest that it was lawlsss and un
authorized. The compact of Union being
without limitation of time, musfbe held,
as intended by its authors, to be perpetual;
and the provision contained in it for its
own amendment provides the only lawful
mode by which its obligation can be limit
ed or changed. Considering secession as
a breach of the public law, and in view of
the immense interests put in peril by it,
this State concurred in measures of hostil
ity against the South. But this was done
to vindicate the broken law, and to secure the
objects , for which the Government of the
United "States was originally founded, and
for no purpose of conquest, of oppression,
or of fanatical experiment. Upon this
ground we may justify our conduct, and
submit it, without apprehension of censure
to the judgment of future times.
Bot the war has lasted more than two
years, and its management, and the meas
ures of legislation and of Executive policy
which Jiave accompanied it, have given
occasion for lrequent and just complaints.
It has been so managed that our armies
have been outnumbered where decisive
battle were to be fonght, or have been
rashly thrown pon impregnable positions
or the enemy, Onr forces, greatly outnum
bering those of ' the Confederates, have
been so dispersed and so handled that their
superiority has not determined the issue
of campaigns or concluded tha contact
j After contributing one fifth cf a million of
men to the war, oar State is insulted by
raids, and is made dependent upon the
Friendship of neighboring Slates for her im
But it is not the mismanagement of par.
ticnlar military operations, nor other uere
. error of policy of onr rulers, that has snnk
into the hearts of freemen as matter of
most deep and enduring complaint. Mere
mismanagement or error may be imputed
to Inexperience in war, to accident, to ex
ceptional or . temporary causes, or, at the
worst, to incompetency But what sbe.II be
said of acts of Congress and acts ol the
Executive n contempt of the Constitution,
which, bearing upon the war, have pro
tracted it uni-ed the enemy, divided our
own people, and placed us in a fale posi-
( lion before the nations of the earth? The
Confiscation Act and the Emancipation
Proclamation are, in the opinion of a large
part of our people, not only Bnwisis and
injurious to our cause, but also wholly un
authorized by any principle of belligerent
or constitutional law. We need go but a
little way beyond the doctrine of these
measures before we conclude that the torch
may be applied to entire towns, ar.d er
yile, savage race be let loose to works of
rapine and barbaric war.
But not merely in the policy of the war
in onr relations with the enemy has
illegality, wi:h consequent evil, appeared.
In these Northern States, wholly untouched
by revolt, the public sense has been out
raged by repeated and flagrant acta of arbi
trary power. The enumeration of these
would constitute a volume, and they fur
nish a premonition of evil in the luture
which every patriotic mind should view
with deep apprehension. How lonj; can
the law be habitually and offensively bro
ken by the public authorities, :n peaceful
and free communities, before resistance
will be provoked and a reign of ociul dis
order established ?
Thus upon reviewing our affairs, w per
ceive how the spirit of revolution hat i
of disregard and opposition to law has
wonted to our injury; how it pressei upon
' us with a heavy hand at the present mo
ment, and threatens our future welfare.
And we discover also tht parties or in erests
who are, in this connection, chargeable
with gnilt. The picture is dark and gloomy
enough to create both abhorrence anl fear.
Untortnnately there is no csrtainty of the
amendment ot oar affairs by parlies or ad-
j ministrations now in possession of power.
The Abolitionist stands implacable i.nd in
solent as of old, and gives perverled direc
tion to the war. The Republican party,
incapable and prone to abuse, has control
of the Federal Government and of most of
the State Governments North and West;
and the Confederate government irimical
lo reunion, holds position in the South
From none ol these can we expect the firm
establishment of union, order, liberty and
law. We are not to look to the guilty for
sal vation, nor to those who break tr e laws
for their restoration. The AbolitioniM, the
Sece-sior.ist, and the Republican Adminis
tration and party, have each gone away
from the laws ol the land, and it is because
of their unfaithfulness to duty that wasting
war and the other evils before mentioned
afflict the country. It is idle to expt ct from
either the reMoratian of good government,
and a firm Union based upon the affections
of the people.
But for all the wrong that has been done,
and for all the consequent catamit es that
have fallen upon us, the great majority of
the people of the United States are not re
sponsible at least not responsibla in the
sense of having intended them. And there
can be no question that if that majority
could now aci directly and fully upon pub
lic affairs, they would decree immediate
peace, union and lawful rule, as t ley ex
isted in former times, and would put down,
or put aside, all who would venturu to op
pose, or would seek to delay, the reulization
j of these great objects.
The Abo itionists
proper never commanded a majority, even
in the North; the Republican party was in
a minority of nearly a million of votes at
the Presidei. tial election of I860, and it is
believed that a majority of the Southern peo
ple were opposed to secession even after
that election, and abandoned their Union
ism reluctantly, under the pressure of sub
In point of fact, active earnest minorities.
North and South, have seized power and
controlled the course of events, and the
great mass of (he people have appeared to
be unable to direct their own destinies and
secure their own welfare. Thej u ere pre
pared at the onset of the rebellion to have
maintained peace by some settlement of
existing difficulties, and if the Crittenden
Compromise had been submitted to them
it would have been promptly and gladly
accepted. But that occasion wan permit"
ted to pass by those who could have im
proved it. War came, and for more than
two years a great, intelligent and free peo
ple, most earnestly desiring peace, have
been slaughtering each other, accumulating
enormous burdens ol debt to press apon
themselves and opoa future generations,
and have not yet been able to extricate
themselves from the difficulties that sur
What then is the remedy for these evilsl
One would think that be that rtms might
read it. Surely our experience should light
op the road of safety, and causa willing
feet to turn away from the pathn of error
to tread it. The remedy is, to call to places
of power the men xcho have kept the , lavs and
to eject from power those who have broken them-
COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY AUGUST 19, 18G&
The right of suffrage yet exists. It has not
been stricken down by military force, and
it remains to us as the great instrument of
sovereign power prepared by the care and
wisdom of our ancestors not only for pros
perous times but also for the days of mis
government and calamity. By wisely ex
ercising it, we may yet redeem our fame,
and secare the future.
The Democracy of Pennsylvania stand
upon this necessary and rightful principle
of public morals and of national redemp
tion: The restoration and the support of all
the laws of the land as they, wne agrted vpon
between the State, or have been enacted y
Congress. This excludes all nullification,
secession; proclamation-law, arbitrary ar
rests, abolition mobs, and Chicago plat
forms. But it is not inconsistant with the
repeal or amendment or particular statutes,
or with the amendment of thn constitution.
The power of amendment is itself a funda
mental law, and an invaluable feature of
With a good cause, and with candidates I
worthy of the cause, we stand up once
more in this Commonwealth and invoke !
the favor of the people. Our party has not
struck at the Constitution, nor broken the
laws, nor evoked the demon of sectional
ism, nor been in any respect unfaithful to
those views of union which our fathers
pledged to the people of our sister States.
The words of faith pronounced on behalf
of Pennsylvania by the Clymers, McKeans
and IngersoHs of former times, we have
kept, and we intend to keep them in letter
and spirit unto the end.
What is proposed is, that this State shall
at the coming electing, takes a frcnt rank
in a general movement of the Central
States for the redemption of the country
from misrule, and wasting war, and im
pending bankruptcy, and from utter dis-'
grace. JSew lork, New Jersey, Ohio, In
diana and Illinois, and the border States
south of these, can stand up with us, and
agree with us in ottering the words which
will save ihe future from the grasp of ruin.
And let it be said:
The sectional Republican party 6hall go
down shall be voted out of power.
All laws shall be kept, and kept as well
by President as by citizen.
No proclamation-made law.
No arbitrary arrests.
No confiscation of private property ex
cept for crime judicially ascertained.
- No s.ueccjatifnv by IVsEra! power, or
at the ex pense of the Federal Treasury.
The laws of war shall be observed.
The Confederate Government must retire
from the scene, and iu. armies be disband
ed or put down.
The Confederate debt to be the concern
of the States which incurred it.
The Union shall be perpetual, and shall
be declared so.
The recent legislation of Congress shall
be reviewed and corrected.
The public debt of the United States
shall be honesty paid.
No duties or taxes except for revenue.
A Convention of all or three-fourths of
the States shall be convened.
The Constitution shall expressly provide in
the very machinery of government , a power of
defence against sectional parties.
Reduced to their simplest expression
these declarations signify that we shall
stand to law and duty, and provide against
future dangers. And if they, or the sub
stance of them were distinctly endorsed
and held np to public contemplation by the
States just mentioned, can any one doubt
that the effect produced would be imraedi
ate and extensive and salutary ? The end
would then come into view, and its certain
ly would accelerate events, and give them
proper direction. We would have a qtes
tion of weeks or of months, instead of
years or of an indefinite period in reaching
the day of relief. And when reached, the
adjustment of our troubles would be com
plete and permanent, differing in both these
respects from a result achieved by force t
It ought not to be our desire, and it is
not our interest, to make a Hayti or a Poland-
of the South.
But it is not here proposed to discuss
generally the question of the war or the
question of the recocstroction of the Union,
but to present the positions of parties with
reference to the principle of lawlul rule.
And the point insisted upon is, that a party
faithful to law and doty most take posses
sion of public power before we can reason
ably expect a just and honorable peace,
firm reunion and enduring safety. Let
this thought sink deeply into the minds of
the people, and they will certainly restore
the Democratic party to power, and will
put down the guilty and lawless factions
who have abused their confidence and be
trayed their hopes.
The Rebel Flag. The Rebel Congress
at their last session adopted a new and
certainly very handsome flag a white
ground, with a bright red union, the latter
crossed diagonally with two blue stripes,
with white stars cn the stripes. The law
directed that it should be adopted on the
first day of July, and then hoisted for the
first time on all her ships and forts. The
Atlanta however, in honor of what she
thought was to be a certain capture of the
Weehawken and Nahant, hoisted it in anti
cipation of the appointed day, bot instead
of its continuing to float in triumph, it was
hauled down in defeat. The fate of the
fia? on I hia ifM firct Aimnmw In ..tinn
bad omen for its future success. j
. Vigor Veil Defined.
We have had line upon line, paragraph
upon paragraph, and column upon column
in the administration press in laudation of
Ihe indomitable spirit which is 6aid to an
imate our rulers, and Ihe "vigor" with
which Ihey prosecute the war. We have
our own notions about there alleged praise
worthy qualities of Mr. Lincoln and his
Cabinet, and these opinions are by no
means flattering to the administration and
far from being in accord with those of the
leading and minor organs of the Abolition
party. We rather concur in the views of
Sydney Smith, recorded in these words :
''Wounds and shrieks, and tears are the
cheap and vulgar resources of the rulers of
maakind ; they let loose hussars, and bring
up artillery, and govern with lighted
ma'ches, and cut, and push, and prime 1
call this not vigor, but the sloth of cruelty
and ignorance. The vigor I love, consist
in finding ont wherein subjects are ag
grieved, in relieving them, in studying the
temper and genius of a people, in consult
ing their prejudices, in selecting proper
persons to lead and manage them, in the
laborious, watchful, and difficult task of
increasing public hapjnnesa by allaying each
This was the opinion of Rev. Sydney
Smith and very sound opinion it is. A
little of this kind of Christian vigor infused
into the administration and exerted by
tlem with wisdom and patient persever
ance, would soon be felt by the people,
and could not fail to be appreciated by
them. From all parts of this broad land
Heaven would be petitioned to shower
blessings upon their heads aud to prosper
them in their'good work, whereas now
nothing but curses upon them is uttered
by the public voice.
To ehange the wicked ard absurd policy
which they had been prosecuting with so
many evil results to wise and better one.
would be a cheap wav of chansine the
wrath of a people into love. If they do not
see it they are blind. If they see and will
not act they are mad.
''Fortune," says the Metropolian Record,
'has given the President and bis advisers a
last chance. Now therefore, let us see
something of the vigor on which they prid
ed themselves exerted in the glorious
cause of peace aud reunion. If they let the
opportunitj pass them unimproved they will
look in vain for another. Opportunities
come not in shoals to any man."
ReleaveJ from the "pressure" of the rad
ical Abolitionists, of which he has often
complained, Mr. Lincoln, possibly, might
respond lo the popular craving for peac
and a restoration of the old order of things
the Constitution supreme, the Union re
cemented, and fraternal feeling restored.
But unfortunately for the country and his
own fame, he is surrounded and controlled
by a set of bastard statesmen and mock
philanthropists, who are traitors at heart,
opposed to the principles and form of the
Government, and determined lo change
Woth, if they can wield power enouch to do
it. Their cry, their pretext is negro
emancipation not that they love the negro
or sympathize with him but because it
rail ies around theirstandard a host of dupes,
gives them the color and strength of party,
in fact places in their hands the leaver by
which they hope to up heave and overthrow
the Government, and set up a stronger one,
more congenial to their wishes and in ac
cord with iheir purposes.
Mr. Lincoln being thn guarded and
guided, we fear that we have nothing io
expect from that quarter promotive of
peace, of Union, or of constitutional sway.
The Albany Argus, on this subject,
furnishes proof that is idle to expect any
effort on the par! of the administration to
stop the war and restore peace Dy just and
"The response," says the Argus, "which
has come from the radical press is a dis
tinct repudiation Of the moderate proposi
tion of the Journal. They will have no
peace upon such terms. They deman that
war shall be waged after the submission of
the insurgents, and unlil they surrender the
institution of slavey.and conquer their prej.
udices against negro equality.
"On this subject, according to the New
York Tribune, the Cabinet is unfit. We
copy its allegation on this subject :
On the subject of slavey and its ultimate
fate at the end of the war the Cabinet is a
unit, only differing as to the means by
which its annihilation shall be brought
about. Messrs. Chase, Stanton, Welles and
Usher are of the opinion that slavery should
cease in all sections, whether covered by
the proclamation or not, at the end of the
war; while Messrs. Blair, Seward and Bates
claim that it would be impolitic to make
such a radical change that the interests of
political encomy demand that emancipa
tion should be gradual. To this effect
these gentlemen favor the idea that all col
ored people remaining in lavery at the
end of the war shall ba gradually freed by
special enactments. No member harbors
for a moment the idea of reconstructing the
Union on a basis of slavery, and no flag of
truce has been or will be entertained from
disheartened rebel leaders which foreshad
ows an idea in conflict with the emancipa
Solicitor Genenral Whiting, in a letter to
the Free Negro Convention in Poaghkeep
sie, confirms this, as the view of the Presi
dent, in very explicit words:
The policy of the government is fired and im
movtablc. Congress has passed irrevocable
acts of emancipation. The President has
issued proclamations under his hand and
seal. Abraham Lincoln takes no Itackward
step. A man once made free by law cannot be
again made a slave. The government has no
power, if it had the will, to do it. Omnipo
tence alone can enslave a freeman. Fear
not that the administration will ever take the
back track The President wishes the aid of
all Americans, of whatever descent or col
or, to defend the country. He wishes ev
ery citizens lo share the' perils of ihe con
tel. and to reap the fruits of victory.
Verj respectfully, your ob'i servant.
Edward Gilbert, New Yorfc City.
''We need not say with what regret we
look upon this apparent determination of
the Administration to thwart the popular
yearnings for peace. The people of the
loyal norlhern Stales desire that this war
shall stop the moment the seceding States
haol down the flag of rebellion and run up
the stars and stripes. Whatever may the
fate of the individuals engaged in the re
bellion, this is all they ack of the Stages.
''Their political organizations were car
ried off, ir. many instances, by supprise, by
conspiracy, and by the art? of a minority.
When, the lorce ol the rebellion being bro
ken, they are released, and offer lo return
to their position, they should be permitted
lo do so. We want the rtld Union restored,
not for ihe sake of the people of the South,
but for our own. We want the equality of
States recognized for the sake of those
which seceded, not for our own. We do
not desire to live in such a government a
rash and vidictive men propose a domi
nant and selfish section on one side and
prostrated dependencies on the other, with a
consolidated government at the centre, dic
tating now to one, and enforcing its decrees
by arms, only to establish hp despotic will
surely over the others in the end.
"For us, the Constitution as it is and the
Union as it was, is belter than all the de
vices of the rash experimentalists who thus
propose to practice upon the destiny of our
Village Wedding in Sweden.
I will endeavor to de-crite a village wed
ding in Sweden. It shall be in summer
time, that there may be flowers; and in a
Southern province, that the pride may be
fair. The early song of the lark and of the
chanticleer are mingling in the clear morn
ing air, and the sun, the heavenly bride
groom with golden looks ari-es ia the east,
jost as our earthly bridegroom, with her
yellow hair, arises in the south. In the
yard there is a sound of voices and tramp
ling of hoofs, and horses saddled. The
steed that is lo bear the bridegroom has a
bunch of flowers upon his forehead, and a
garland of corn flowers around his neck.
Friends from the neighboring farms come
riding in, their blue cloaks streaming in the
wind ; and finally the happy bridegroom,
with a whip in his hand and a monstrous
nosegay in the breast cf his black jacket,
comes fonh form his chamber ; and then to
horse and away towards the village, where
the bride already sits and waits.
Foremost rides the -pokesman, followed
by some half dozen village musician.
Next comes the bridegroom between his
two eroomsmen, and then forty or fifty
friends and ihe wedding guest-, half of them
perhaps, wiih pistols and guns in their
hand. A kiud of baggage wagon brings
up the rear, laden with food and drink for
these merry pilgrims. At ihe entrance of
every village stands a triumphal arch laden
with flowers and ribbons, and evergreens;
and as they pass beneath it, the wedding
guest fire a salute, and the whole process-
j ion stop , and straight from every pocket
flies a black jack filled wiih punch or bran
! dy. It is passed from hand to hand among
j the crowd ; provisions are brought from
j the wagen, and after eating and drinking,
j and hurrahing, the procession moves lorn
i ward again, and at length draws near the
j house of the bride. Four heralds ride for
! ward to announce that a knight and his at
j tendants are in the neighboring forest, and
j pray lor hospitality. 'How many are you?'
j Asks the bride's father. ''At least three
' hundred," is the answer; and to this the
' bride replies, "Yes, were you seven times
: as many, you should all be welcome, and
in token ihereol receivethis cup. " Where
upon each herald receives a can of ale, and
soon after the whole jovial company come
streaming into the farmer's yard, and riding
round the May pole which elands in the
centre, alight amid a grand salute and flour
ish of music.
In the hall sits the bride with a crown
opoc her head and a tear in her eye, like
the Virgin Mary in old church paintings.
She is dressed in a red boddice and kirtle,
wiih loose linen sleeves. There is a gild
ed belt around her waist, and around ber
neck 9trings of golden beads end a golden
chain. On ihe crown re6ts a wreath ol wild
rot-es, and below it another of cypress
Loot-e over her shoulders falls ber flaxen
hair, and ber blue innocent eyes are fixed
on the gtound. O thou good soul ! thou
hast hard hands but a soft heart ! Thou art
poor. The very ornaments thou wearest
are not thine. The blessings of heaven be
upon thee ! So thinks the parish priest as
he joins together the hands of the bride and
bridegroom, saying in deep solemn lone,
"I give thee in marriage this damsel to be
thy wedded wife in all honor, to share the
half of thy bed, thy lock and key, and every
third penny which you two may possess,
or may itherit ; and all the ligbu which
Uhland laws provide, and the holy king
The dinner is served, and the pride sits
between ihe bridegroom and the priest.
The spokesman delivers an oration, after
the custom of hi, fathers. He interlands it
well with quotations from the Bible, and in
vites the Savior to be present at the mar
riage feast as he wa present at the mar-riage-feast
of Cana of GaUIe. The '.able is
not sparingly fcet (orth. Each makes a
long arm; and the feast goo cheeringly on.
Punch and brandy psss rnund between the
courses, and here and there a pipe is smok
ed while wai ingfor the next dih. They
sit long at the table ; but as all things must -haveanenil,
so must a Swedish dinner.
Then ihe dat ce begins. ,Il is led of! by
the bride and the priest, who perform &
solemn minnet together. Not till midnight
comes the least dance. The girls frm a
rng rounJ the bride, lo keep her from the
hands ot the married women, who endeavor
to break through the magic circle and seize
their new siver. Alter a long struggle they
succeed ; and the crown is taken from her
head (he jewels from her neck and her bod
dice is unlace ! end her kirtle taken off and
like a vestal virgin, clad all in while she
goes,1 but it is to her marriage chamber not
to her grave ; and the wedding guests fol
low her with lighted candles in their hands.
And this is a village bridal LonfeUow.
The Object Ihe Draft.
It is thought In some quarters that tha
Administration is preparing to not only put
down the rebellion, but lo be in condition
when that feat is accomplished, to be able
to dsfy "the world irr arms." This is pre
sumed to be ihe real cause of the present
draft, tt cannot be lhat the administration
thinks more soldiers than we already have
necessary to conquer a rebellion which is
already crumbling. 'Within Ihe past thirty
days we have captured . fully one third of
Ihe rebel armies, and from all accounts,
the balance is fast losing hope, and becom
ing entirely demoralized. The total loss
of the Confederates, during the last twenty
days, in killed, wonnded and missing, fully
reaches one hundred thousand men. A
proclamation from the President, giving
pardon and protection to the Seuthern peo
ple, would, we verily believe, scatter the
conspirator in three months; now that the
rebel armies are crippled, all that is requir
ed to secure peace is the destruction ol the
Were peace between us firmly establish
ed, our present armies, augmented by the
present draft of three hundred thousand,
would make a formidable power for any
contingency that might arise. In the ab
sence of something more serious upon the
part of John Boll, Napoleon might be re
quested to withdraw his invaders from
Mexico; and he would have to do it. We
would, in that caso, not only preach the
Mnnroe doctrine, but be able to enforce it.
Were it not for our present domestic troub
les the French would rot now be planting
a colony upon our Scath-western border.
One of ihe New York radical rper
which, last week, thought it treason to even
discuss the acts of the Adminstration, to say
nothing o! taking arms to resist conscription
now speaks out as follows :
But in this countrr, where the laws are
made by the people themselves, and the
courts are accessible to all, there are no
such causes for discontent and revolt. If
our rulers do wrong we can punish them be
fore the tribunals provided, or get rid of
them through the ballot box. The highest
ol them exist but for a day: their power
are temporary and their misdeeds may all
be corrected by peaceable and practicable
methods. Political majorities canoot en
dure unless their acta are conformed to the
eternal principles of eqaity and right.
All this is very well replies the World,
bot the radicals will have the goodness ts
understand that whatever resistance has
been or may be offerpd our Irish or by any
other citizens ot the United Slates to tha
"acts of our rulers" has been challenged by
the haughty and defiant denial of these fun
damental principles on the part of the Ad
ministration and the party for which they
speak. In the face cf the growing popular
protest against the constitutionality, and the
widom of the Conscription act, and of the
popular demand lhat this protest should be
heard and passed upon in the courts of law,
(he organs o! the administration have offi
cially proclaimed that the courts shall not
be ' accessible" for any such purpose.
They have overridden the law so openly
and so often, they have flung it aside so
contemptuously, that they alone are respon
sible, and will by his'ory be held responsi
ble, for the passion of a peoplo mad
dened by the lawless powerinto the lawless
aseertiou of liberty.
Get Enough Steep.
We have often heard young men remark
that four or five hours sleep was all ihey
wanted, and all lhat the human system re
quired. The habit of going without suffi
cient sleep is very it jurious. Thousands,
r.o dnubt, permanently injure their health
in this way. We live in a fasl ace, when
everybody seems to be trying to pervert the
order of nature. If folks will persist in turn
ing night into day, it is not to be wonder
ed thai few last out the al'oled term of life.
No matter what be a man's occupation
physical or mental or, like Othello's 'cone
and living in idleness the constitution
cannot last, depend upon it, without a suffi
ciency of regular and refreshing uleep.
Joe Hunter, the great turgeon, died sud
denly of spasmodic affection of the heart, a
disease greatly encouraged by want of sleep.
In a volume jot: published by a medical
man, there is one great lesson that hard
students and literary men learn, and that is
that Homer probably killed himself by tak
ing loo little sleep. "Four hour' rest at
night, and one after dinner, cannot bo
deemed snfficieit lo recruit the exhausted
powers of the tody and nind." Certainly
not ; and the consequence was, that Hun
ter died early. II men will insis( in cheat
ing leep, her "twin tiiter Death' will
erge the insult.