The star of the north. (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, October 01, 1862, Image 1

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    WTiE NOR-Ti. 7
- - r : ' ' m -re J-
f v
Two Dallas per Annua.
1Y. U. J1CGSY, Proprietor.
Trill b ind RlgM God and oar Country.
Wm. II. JACOB f,
flfflee on Slain St.. 3rd Square below market,
TEKMS: Two Dollars p-r annum If paid
within six months from ihe lime of subscri
bing: two dollar and fifty cents if not paid
within ihfc year. No subscription taken for
a less period than six months; no discon
tinuance permitted until all arrearages are
paid, unless at the option of the editor.
litter mi of advertising will be as follows :
One square, twelve lines three limes. 81 00
" Every subsequent insertion, 25
One year, . 800
Cljoice poctrn.
Gne bumper yet, gallants, at parting,
One toast ere we arm tor the fiht ;
Fill round 5ach to her he loves dearest
'Ti the lal he may pledge her, to night.
Think, of those who of old at the banquet
Did their weapons iu garlands conceal.
The patriot heroes who hallowed
Thu entwining of myrtU and steal !
Then hey for the myrtle and steel,
Ti.wn ho for the myrtle and steel,
Let every true blade that e'er loved a fair
Fill, round to the myrtle and steel !
'Tis in momenta like thi,when each bosom
With its highest ioied felling is warm,
Like he music That' said from the ocean
To rise ere the gathering storm,
That her image around u should hover,
Wtos name, thou-jti our lips never re
veal. We may breathe mid the of a bumper
As we drink lo the in) rile and steel.
Thin hey lor (he myrtle and steel,
Thn ho lor the mynl and steel,
Let rery true blade that e'er loved a fair
Fill round lo the myrtle aud steel !
Now mount, for our bugle is ringing
To marshal the hott tor tire fray.
Where pronHly our banner is flinging
lis Told o'r the battle array ;
Yes gallants one momen! remember
When )oar sabres the death blow would
That Mercy wears Aershape whos cherish'd
By lads of the myrtle and steel,
Thn hey lor the myrtle and steel,
Thi?n ho for the myrtle and steel,
Lei erery true Made that loved a fair maid.
rill ronnd to the myrtle and sieel !
no 4T. C. n. RuV K LEW,
- To tkt fienwcrPiy atsemhted at UmnetviHe, on
the XTkqf Sept , 1862, beif? the 754 An
miefgnry of ike formation of the Constitution
oflt Unit el States
Ths Constitution of the United States was
signed I7ih September, !7h7, and went into
effect on the first Wednesday in March,
1789 It is therefore seventy-five years o'd
and has been in force for seventy-three and
a hall"
It deserves the vener&'nn and attach
ment of ihe people of the United States, and
profound respect from the whole world. As
an inurnment of union, as a frame of gov
ernsaeut, and B6 a security for liberty and
justice, it merits are of the highest order
and t are commanded just approval both at
ho mi' and abroad.
It c ontains the term of a compact or bar
gain, between the people of the several
State considered as composing distinct and
sovereign communities, add establishes a
government of defined jurisdiction and pow
ers. And most clearly, except so far a it
delegates powers to ihe government etab-
lished by it, the powers and rights of ihe
State governments and of the people of each
State remain as before. This would be
true in the absence of any provision on the
subject, but to put the point beyond all
question, the Constitution expressly de
clare, "that the powers not delegated to
ihe UnitedStates by the Constitution nor
. prohibited by it to the states, are reserved
to tbci States repectively,or to the people."
in consequence of strong measures of
legislation nnder Presidents Washington
and Adams, (and particularly under the lat
ter, a republican party was founded by
Mr Jefferson, and came into gower, by his
election in the first year of the present cen
tsry. Itit views of public policy, and its
construction of the Constitution are to be
found in the early Congressional debates,
and in the writing of Jefferson, and Madi
son, and must be studied by any one who
would understand our system of. Government-
or fairly judge the political party
which has uaoaJ!v held control in the ad-
miniitration of nr public affairs. That
partis should have arisen early in the hif
lory of ilie government need not excite sur
prise. For thef will inevitably spring op
in all free states, because of the mental ac
tivity of the people, and of their direct par
ticipation in public affair, and it must al
ways be idle and futile to denounce their
" existence or labor for their extinction.
The mature of men is such, that free debate
must produce various opinions upon sundry
questions of government, and popular suf
frags will associate together those whoseJ
opinions are identical or, similar. Hence
popdar parties have always existed with
... a, and will continue to exist, so long as
oar forra of governraeat is maintained.' It
ia not optional with os to choose whether
this ishall ba so or not The fact is certain
cot subject .to denial or doubt and mail
be acceped in s.ny intelligent or useful ex
jjrjjt ationcf our system of government.
Tt e parttcu!ar creed of the Republican
or Democratic party of 1798, as it came to
-fca eiUbtished by Mr. Jefferson, was dicta
ted ty tfca circumstances of the time, but it
was Happily adapted to . other circumstan
cef, and to Jctare times. Then," a paper
pion sy scheme or system bad been estab
jiifcsd, the jarisdicfum of the Federal court
had been made extensive, and the number
of judges was about to be increased by
eighteen, the treasury- projects of funding
the public debt, and of assuming the debts
of the states, had prerailed;liberal expendi
tures had necessitated in' taxes, a
navy was to be built, the army was increas
ed, a war with France was threatened, and
measures of repression .upon the press and
upon free speech were proposed. as well as
one for the control or expulsion of resident
The Democratic creed, being that of the
party of opposition, naturally antagonized
these measures, aud received a strong ten-
dency against the policy of centralization
and consolidation of power in the Federal
goverament And as a question of power
in the government must always raise a
question ol grant by the Constitution, the
construction and meaning of that instrument
came into debate. The Democracy held
then and have always held.that government
must confine itself to the jurisdiction clear
ly granted it that it must not. by strained
or loose construction give a more extended
meaning to the grants of the Constitution
than its makers intended in short, that
where a power is reasonably doubtful, it is
not to be exercised.
And iu regard to the powers really-vested
in ihe government, ihey held that they
were to be used in good faith for the equal
advantage of the whole people, and to pro
mote only the particular objects for which
the government was instituted.
They were opposed to a splendid, costly,
repressive role, proceeding upon distrust,
of popular intelligence and virtue, and dis
tributing favors to particular classes or iii-
teretts to conciliate their support
1 his was the creed, ever memorable and
glo'iouf, introduced into the administration
of public affairs under the auspices of Vir
ginia statesmen at the commencement ot
the present century. How it was honestly
and successfully applied in practice by Mr.
Jefferson tor the ekght years of his admin
istraiion, history through all time will testi-
fv M tironi r all inwm.I i
swent awav
struck from the judiciary eighteen useless De,ore ,ne ' louy- Moaily well may
judges-relormed the executive depart- 1 11 b ,a,d ,hat we cannot re,urn ,he dar
ments and abolished sinecure offices -stop.- of the Peace Conference a..d the Critten
ped the persecution of .citizens for preteu- ! df" Compromise, when Republican . opro
ded sedition restored the freedom of the "uon extingu.shed the last hopes of peare-press-preser.ed
peace with foreign pow- ful djnnt. The two sections of the
ers nnder circumstances of great difficulty ' coun,rJr now oni each other in arms,
-and whh reduced revenues paid largely and their dispute is irrevocably submitted to
upon the public debt. The Constitution
was kept in letter and spirit it was subject
ed lo no strain to no perversion or insult,
and it was thown '.hat the legitimate and f
unquestioned powers of government were j
ample and adequate for most vigorous and
successful administration.
The party of Jefferson yet survives to de
feud the Coiibtitulion and to oppose all
fjrrns of unwarranted or unjust rule. How
it has kept the country together and kept it
prosperous and tree for sixty years how it
has put down innumerable projects of plan
der and wrong and interposed the shield of
the Constitution against the passions and
rapacity of faction, or of a class, whenever ;
they assailed a a right or demanded unjust t
privilege si known o; all reen andlhe re-
, .
cord is sure
But it is now out of power both in this
State and in the union, and what is the re
sult ? We need not pause to mention the
millions sink within a lew years at Harris
burg by corruption the contempt with
which Republican rapacity has there set
aside the constitutional guarantees for the
extinguishment ol the public debt. All eyes
are turned lo a larger field of observation,
where greater interests are involved and in
The authority of the Constitution of the
United States is now openly defied in ten
States and threatened in other, and it has ,
been found necessary to raise large armies
and expend enormous sums of money, iu
order to restore it. Iu fact, it is not yet re
stored, nor would a casual observer of past
events suppose that much real advancement
bad been made toward its restoration, du
ring the sixteen or eighteen mouths that
have elapsed since the war began.
' Meantime, the Federal Executive has,
upon many occasions, reported to measures
of an unusual character, not authorized by
the Constitution and laws, upon the ground
that they were necessary to the public se
curity. And in the Congress of the United States,
at the last session, many bills framed in ut
ter disregard ol the Constitution were intro
duced and urged ; and some whose consti
tutionality was denied, apparently upon
good grounds of reason and authority, were
enacted into laws.
These things have occured under the rule
of the Republican party, which came into
power by virtue ot the elections of 1860.
In contempt of the warnings of Washing
ton's Farewell Address to bis countrymen,
the Republican party -was founded by Mr.
Seward, Mr. Lincoln at d others as a sec
tional party, upon the uoloonded assump
tion that there were irreconcilable differeu
ces between the North and South, leading
lo "irrepressible conflict," and that a ntw
party was necessary to uphold -northern in
terests and opinions and make them pre
dominant in the Government. Foiled for a
time,' these men were ultimately success
ful. Appealing to local prejudice and pop
ular passion ; improving every public event
to increase ill feeling against the southern
section of the country and against conser
vative, men North who stood . alool from
their movement, they succeeded in' consol
idating various demerits into one' compact
and powerful ptrty. A fanatical element, j
strong in New England, and holding the '
balance of power in New York, Ohio and
other States, was one of those selected
Another element was drawn from the old
Whig patty, which, in its decay, left i s
members to seek new afflictions and con
nections. Naturally enough, the more pai
sionate and ambitious of former leading
Whigs pasted into a new party which shov.'
ed signs of vigor and growth, in preference
to joining the patty of their former oppo
nents. Deserters from the Democracy were
also invited into the new organization and
became prominent and efficient in its ser
vice. Thev were heard loudest and fiero-
j est of all against the'tr former associates.
Wilmot, Cameron, Forney and others lit e
unto them, have been both zealous and vie
lent in the now cause, and have been duly
rewarded. The objects they sought have
been obtained power, patronage, plondsr
and revenge ! That the country bleeds in
consequence of their rapacity and passions,
would seem to awaken in their breasts no
feelings of contrition.
In brief,there was an ill-omened conjunc
tion of the fanatical and plunder interests of
the North the Abolitionist and the manu
facturer the disciples of the school of an
cient Federalism and the renegades of Dem
ocracy all bent upon power and all insp r
ed by haired of that ancient party vhoe
equal and just rule had held the country to
gather and given it unexampled prosperity
for sixty years.
To these interests were added a larae fol
lowing, made up of well intentioned per
sonsyoung men, naturalized citizens, and
ancient Whigs who purposing no evtl,
were utterly incredulous of Ihe catastrophe
which was to follow upon success. In vain
were they told that the wisdom ol Washing-
,on was bove Ihe wi-dom of Seward, a id
mat this new experiment of party, unliie
all former onss, was full of danger to tiie
peace and union of the Slates. "Madness
ruled the hour," and all counsel went un
heeded. -
It may bo urged that all this belongs to
! l,,e PaB ' inai W8 nrji turn Dacic the tide
i of events and stand again where we stood
t . L . . . . .
i 1 r .11 r - .
. " ora.
jui o may ueiive instruction ana warn-
ing for the future, by recurring lo the origin,
composition, and former acts of this exist
ing and powerful party. It is enquestiona
bly the most injurious and destructive cne
known in our history, and offers no promise
of future improvement. Its evil character
istics sl'll adhere to it. The vice of its
original character its intense sectionalism
is yet present and potent for evil. lis
views of constitutional obligation are as lax
as ever, and its general incompetency for
the adminis'ration of public affairs, always
asserted, has been made notorious by trial.
It has riot changed essentially for the belter,
and its whole history is open to rebuke.
, . , , T . .
faiitilul to the Constitution and incompetent
to the due management of public affairs, the
Democratic party is rallied again-l it and
threatens it with defeat. And that it should
be defeated and the powers of government
conferred upon a more competent and faith-
! ful party, one woold think ought now tc be
admitted. It failed to preserve peace w'ten
peace was yet possible it has failed in the
management of the war it has offen led
and aleniated conservative men in the bor
der States it hns blondered into a confiica
tion tcheme which unites and inspirits the
whole South against us it has had discord
Wltn consequent weakness in its own coan-
j sels it has established an unsound sys;em
of finance and paper money it has recent
ly manipulated the tariff into a most partial
and offensive form it has struck at public
revenue and credit in squandering the pub
lic lands by a homestead law it has appli
ed the public money to the purchase of ne
groes against the will of the nation. and pro
poses to extend such system of purer ase
hereafter it has wasted the public treat ore
upon corrupt jobbers and agents it has
sought to degrade our cause by arming rav
ages for war and, lo conclude, it has struck
at the Constitution repeatedly and scoffed
at those who would maintain and defend it
Having thus shown itself grossly unfit for
the possession of power, its defeat at the
earliest possible moment is the duty and
interest of the people. Doubtless there are
conservative men iu ihe Republican pt.rty,
who have been less active and guilty than
others in the business of ;
but they are in the minority and compara
tively powerless. Their recent State Con
vention at Harrisburg endorsed the rar'ical
Wilmot and passed by the name of his con
servative colleague with significant silence.
In this Congressional district their nomina
tion of Landon proves that moderate ueo
among them are quite incapable of controll
ing their party action.
That no confidence can be placed ir the
Republican party for safe, lawful, conserva
tive, constitutional rule, particularly ap
pears from its measures against northern
citizens and newspapers lor alleged disloyal
ty. No provisions of the Constitution are
more distinct and emphatic than those
which guarantee the freedoan of the press
and the exemption ol the citizen from arbi
trary arrest and imprisonment, and no pre
vious attempt has been made to violate
them since the election of Jefferson. That
greai statesman and patriot, ia his first in-
augural address, declared that the "arraign,
ment of all abuses at the bar of public rea
son : freedom of religion, freedom of the
press, and freedom of person, under the pro
tection of the habeat corpus, and trial by jur
ies impartially selected, were among "the
essential principles of our. government, and
consequently among those which ought to
ahape its administration."
And speaking further of the true princi
ples of the government, (including those
just recited,) he said "These principles
from the bright constellation which has
gone belore us, and guided our steps
through an age of revolntion and reforma
tion. The wisdom of our sages and the
blood of our heroes have been devoted lo
their attainment; they should be the creed
ol our political faith, the text of civic in
struction, the touchstone by which to try
the services of those we trust, and should
we wander trom them in moment of error
or alarm, let as hasten to retrace our steps,
and to regain Ihe road which alone leads
to peace, liberty and safety."
These words of wisdom are recalled at
this time because they are as appropriate
now as they were al the time when uttered.
Then, the previous administration of Mr.
Adams had been troubled by the spectre of
sedition and had had a law enacted, and
set the courts in action against it. The
Democrats bad been denounced as ''disloy
al," and as "sympathizers" with France,
and had been prosecuted, fined and impris
oned for "pretended offences" in speech
and in writing against the administration.
Unquestionably, they had been persecuted
in violation ol the constitution, but still
under the form of law and with some
pretence of regularity. It was reserved for
the present time to discover that both the
form and substance of legality may be
dispensed with by a party in the perse
cution of its opponents.
It would be well for onr administration
to recur to the advice of Mr. Jefferson, (lit
tle as they may be di'pcsed, ordinarily, to
regard it.) and if ihey have wandered, "in
moments of error or alarm," from true prin
ciples, "to retrace their steps and to regain
the road which alone leads to peace, liber
ty and safety."
But, perhaps, instead of appealing to the
administration, we had best adopt the course
pursued by our ancefcrs, and by electing a
true constitutional party into power, secure
ourselves and our system of government
against abuse and error in future.
We are told that necessity mayjustify de
partures from the Constitution the assum
tion of powers unwarranted or forbidden
by it. Listen to the answer of John Nichol
as of Va. in 1799, to this, the standing plea
of trrants in all ages : "No government can
assume a power not delegated on pretence
of its being necessary, for none have a right
to judge of what is necesary but the mak
ers ol the Constitution," and he might have
added, that this plea is usually as false in
fact as it is unauthorized in principle.
It may be said that limes of war, are not
subject to ordinary rules, or, to use current
praseology, that the " life of the nation" is
of superior importance io its fundamental
law. But was the Constitution made tor
times of peace only ? Is not a state of wr
contemplated by it, and full provision there
for made? The war power, whether against
external or internal foes, is vested in gov
ernment and also all subsidiary powers
necessary to its exercise. No one can point
out a specific and proper power for a time
of war which has been withheld from gov
ernment. Wretched indeed would be our condition,
if American liberty had guarantees for tunes
of peace only. Like other nations, we may
have frequent wars, and to hold thai ihey
suspend or affect the force of the Constitu
tion, is to proiiource its utter condemna
tion. 4
Was the Constitution thought inadequate
or inconvenient in the war of 1812, or in
the Mexican war? Wa it thought necess
ary in either of those wars to disregard any.
of its provisions-to infringe upon any in
dividual rights secured by it? In the former
the notable disaffection of New Kngland
provoked no arbitrary act on the part of
those i-t authority. Even ihe actors in th
Hartford Convention went untouched. Ir.
the latter, even Corwin's outspoken denun
ciation of our cause, was left to the repro
bation of public opinion alone. ,
It is said that this war differs from other
examples in our history, and that it has pe
culiar necessities which require some arbi
trary acts of authority in the Northern States
against sedition ? But this assumes that the
people are worse affected toward this war
than ihey were toward former ones, and
that their disaffection is perilous.
But what are the notorious facts here in
the North? No Hartford Convention has
met to oppose the war. No Northern man
ha announced from his seat in Congress,
Inst were he a Southron he would "welcome
our soldiers with bloody hands to hospitable
graves!" No legislature has passed an act
no Convention has adopted a resolution, hos
tile to the prosecution of the war. On the
contrary, official bodies and voluntary con
ventions and assemblages of the people
all and each appropriate organs of popular
sentiment have uttered one uniform voice
ol encouragement to the Federal Govern
ment in its struggle with the South. Nor
have patriotic professions from these sources
been falsified when put to the test. They
have been vindicated aa sincere and true
when subjected to trial. More than three
fourths ot a million of men, of all political
E allies, have stood up in lae States north of
laryland,and have given themselves io their
country, that her Constitution might be op
held and her honor aveoged. . The money
of the " people, derived from taxation, or'
from the use of credit which anticipates and
implies taxation, has been poured out pro- i
lately from til onr public treasuries federal, 1
state, and local, to support and invigorate
the war.
Private liberality lias been appealed to in
various lorms lor aid to the public cause, and
has promptly responded and io an extent
unexampled in the history of natipns.
It is therelore manifestly falie that any
extra-constitutional .or ami-constitutional
measures are necessary to repress sedition or
treason in the Nor'h in communities which
are shown by all the facts to be faithful and
efficient in their support of the war.
But if the facts were less strong than they
appear if opposition to authority or viola
(.ion of law could be shown the law would
afford t tie complete and appropriate remedy
They are ample, and if they were not could
be promptly made so.
Wherever the laws are not actually over
borne by opposing force, there can Le uo ex
cuse tor resorting to arbitrary rule.
What then shall be said of measure re
sorted to by the present Administration
against northern citizens lor alleged diloyal
l) (as in the case of Pierce Bu'ler of Phila
delphia. Ja:nes W. Wall ot New Jersey and
the publishers and editors ol the Patriot and
Union at Harrisburg), except that they. are as
unnecessary aa they are unauthorized ?
Bui they are also injurious, in a high de
gree, to the public interests. For they tend
directly to exasperate and divide the peop e,
lo weaken respect lor authority and to awa
ken among reflecting men l;vely apprehen
sions that iiterty and constitutional rule are
in danger of subversion. The true strength
ot government is founded on the respect and
attachment of the people, and these can beM
be preserved by i s strict adherence to tlos?
con-titutional rules wiiic'i have been estab
lished by the people for its direction. The
venerable George Clinton, Vice President in
18 10, declared in the Senate "that in the
course of a long life he hail found that Gov
ernment was not be strengthened by the as
sumption of doubtful powers, bui by a wise
and energetic execution of ttioe which are
ioconiestitile. The former never failed to
produce suspicion and distrust, whilst the
latter inspired respect and confidence "
It i to its adherence to this great rule of
wisdom and duty that the signal success of
the Democratic party in administration i.i
past times, is to be mainly attributed, and
its future is hopeful and will be useful lo the
country for the same reason.
The Republicans. in view of passing events,
make loud professions of devotion to the
Union, but they are in fact no more patriotic
than others. The constitutional Damocracv al
so. are for union for onion upon the principles
of the Constitution for the unio-i as made by
our fathers, and for no new or different one,
defined by fanatics or federalists, d resting
upon usurpation and brute torce. e do
not believe thalour Constitution i a failure
'.hat our citizens deserve a master that gov
ernment requires increased powers and ab
ject and slavish instead of free and manly
obedience. Nor do we admit that a sorren
derof our principles or party organization, in
order that another and an incompetent par
ty may rule unchecked, is demanded by patri
otism in view of the existing war. On the
contrary, it is our full and sincere conviction
tnat those principles and that organization
so successful and illustrious in out past his
tory, are more important and necessary to
our country now than at any former period
that if upheld if again made dominant by
the people they will redeem and save the
nation ! In any event in the worst event
they will secure to us whatever of good can
be rescued from the devouring jaws of war
whatever of liberty and well being can be
saved from the conflagration which is con
suming them.
Congressional Conference.
The Democratic Conferees of the Thir
teenth Congressional District of Pennsyl
vania, met at the Ward House, in Tuuk
hannock, Wyoming county, on Friday, the
19th September, 1862.
The following Conferees appeared and
produced credentials:
JiradordV. E. Piollet, J. T. Demoy
er, A. Ennis, W. W. Kingsbury, A. E.
Wyoming Alvira Gay, John Jackson.
SulliV'itt James Deegan, Richard Bed
ford. Columbia Peter Ent, Jno. A. Funston.
Montour W. D. Weidenbeimer, J. C.
On motion, Peter Ent was chosen Pres
dent, and V. E. Piollet, and J. C. Am
merman, Secretaries.
On motion of V. E. Piollet, the follow
ing Resolution was unanimously adopted :
WHEREAS, We have assembled for the
first time since Bradford, Columbia, Mon
tour, "Wyoming and Sullivan counties,
were made a Congressional District:
Therefore be it
Resolved, That we agree that this and
all future Democratic Conference that may
be had lor the purpose of nominating a
Congressman, shall be composed of an
equal representation from each county, of
two conferees.
It was therefore understood that V. E.
Piollet and J. T. Denioyer act aa the two
conferees from Bradford.
On motion, it was
Rerlvedj That when this conference
adjourns it will adjourn to meet at the
Exchange Hotel, in Bloomsburg, on Tues
day, the 30th inst.
The following was then unanimonslj
adopted :
Resolved, That Peter Ent, Jesse Am
merman and Alvira Gay, b a committee
to prepare a statament upon the subject of
the existing Congressional apportionment
and report the same at the next meeting of
the this conference.
On motion) adjourned.
Acceptance of Wm. Elwell.
Bloomsburq, Columbia co., )
September 15. 1862. $
lion. William Elwell, Towanda,
Bradford co,, Pa.
Dear Sir: We take pleasure in an
nouncing to you, that the counties of Sulli
van, Columbia and Wyoming, composing
the 26th Judicial District, have unanimous
ly nominated you aa the Democratic Can
didate for President Judge of the said
District. We respectfully request your
acceptance of thia nomination aud
llematn yours, very respectfully,
Michael Meylert, Conferees of
Geo D. Jackson. $ Sullivan co.
U. Bittenbender, Conferees of
J. G. Freeze.. Columbia co
Geo. S. Tutton, Conferees of
1 11 os. 13. Wall. ( Wy ouaingca
Towanda, Sopt. 20, 1862.
Gentlemen: Your letter of the 1 5th
inst., informing me of my nomination as
the Democratic candidate for the office of
President Judge of the 26th Judicial Dis
trict was received to-day. I regard this
nomination , as being, under all the circum
stance, highly complimentary, and accept
it the more cheerfully, because of the unan
imity with which it is conferred.
For the kind terms in which you com
municate the action of the Conference,
accept my thanks.
I aui gentlemen,
Yours Respectfully,
J. G. Freeze, II. Bittenbender, Geo. S.
Tutton, Thos, B. Wall, Michael Meylert,
aud Geo. I. Jackson, Esqrs., Conferees.
Proclamation by the President.
By the President of the United States of
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States of America, and Comman
der in chief of the Army and Navy thereof
do hereby proclaim and declare that here
after, as heretofore, the war will be pros
ecuted for the object of practically restor
ing the constitutional relations between
the U. S. and each of the States and the
people thereof, in which States that rela
tion ia or may be suspended or disturbed ;
that it is ray purpose, upon the next meet
ing of Congress, to again recommend the
adoption of a practical measure tendering
pecuniary aid to the free ; acceptance or
rejection of all s ave States so called, the
people whereof may not then be in rebel-
i tion against tne united states, ana wmcn
States may then have voluntarily adopted,
or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, im
mediate or gradual abolishment of slavery
within their respective limits; and that
the effort to colonize persons of African
descent, with their consent, upon thia con
tinent or elsewhere, with the previously
obtained consent of the Government exist
in there, will be continued ; that on the
! first day of January, in the year of our
Lord one thousand ti"ht hundred and
sixty three, all persona held as slaves
within any State, or designated parts of a
State, the people whoreof shall then be in
rebellion against the United States, shall
be then, thenceforward and forever free,
and the Executive Government of the
United States, including the military and
caval authority thereof, will recognize and
maintain the freedom of such persons, and
will do no act or acts to repress such per
sons, or any of them, in any efforts they
make for their actual freedoom : that the
Executive will, on the first day of Janua
ry aforesaid, by proclamation, designate
the States and part3 of btates, if any, in
which the people thereof respectively shall
then be in rebellion against the United
States, and the fact that any State, or the
people thereof, 6hall on that day be in
good faith represented in the Congress of
the Unitfd States, by members chosen
thereto at elections wherein a majority of
the qualified voters of such State ehall
have participated, shall in the absence of
such State shall have participated, shall,
in the absence of strong countervailing
testimony, be deemed conclusive evidences
that such State and the people thereof
are not then in rebellion against the United
States : that attention is hereby called to
an act of Congress, entitled "An Act to
make an additional article of war," ap
proved March 13, 1S62, and which act is
in the words and figures following:
Be it enacted, tjc., That hereafter the
following shall be promulgated as an ad
ditional article of war for the government
of the army of the United States, and
shall be observed as such articles :
All officers or persons in the military or
naval service of the United States are pro
hibited from employing any of the forces
under their respective commands for the
purpose of returning fugitives from service
or labor, who have escaped from any
persons to whom such service or labor is
claimed to be due ; and any officer who
shall bo found guilty, shall pe dissmised
from the service.
Sec, 2. And be it further enacted. That
this act shall take effect from and after its
Also to the ninth and tentn sections oi .
an aet, entitled "An Act to suppress in-J
direction, to punish, treason and rebellion,
to sieze and confiscate the property of reb
els, and for other purposed," approve!
July 17, 1862, and which sections are in
the words and figures following :
Sectios 1). And be it further einrteylt
That all slaves of persons who shall here
after be engaged in rebellion against the
Government of the United States, or who
shall in any way give aid and comfort
thereto, and captured from sueh persons
and taking refuse within the lines of the
army, and all slaves capftired from such
persons or deserted by theui, and coming
under the control of the government of the
United gtates ; and all slaves of suoh por
ous or deserted by them, and coming un
der the control of the government of fhe
United States; and al slaves of such
persons found on, or being within any
place occupied by, rebel forces, aud af
terwards occupied by the forces of the
Uuited States, shall be deemed captives of
war, and shall be forever free of their ser
vitude, and not aain held as slaves.
Sec. 10. Awl be it further enartr-d
That no slave escaping into any Sta e or
Territory, or the District of 'Columbia.
t r- aa '
iroui auy otner state, snail be delivered up,
or in any way impeded or hindered of his
liberty, except for crime or some offence,
against the law, unless the person claim
ing said fugitive shall first make otith that
the person to whom the labor or service
of such fugitives is alleged to be due in
his lawful owner, and has not borne arms
against the U. S. in the present rebellion,
nor in any way given aid and comfort
thereto ; no person engaged in the military
- I : " - F a 1 TT -. 1 ... .
uaTiii - service ot me umieu states
shall, under any pretence whatever, as-
same to decide on the validity of the claim
of any person or surrender up any sueh
person to the claimant, or pain of beiug
dismissed frombhe service.'
And I do. hereby etjoin upon, and or
der, all persons ingaged in the military
and naval service of the f United States to
observe, obey and enforce, within their
respective sphere of service, thu act and
sections above written ; and the Exeoutive
will, in due time, recommend that all
citizens of the Uuiied states who shall have
remained loyal thereto f throughout the
rebellion, shall, upon the restoration of
the State and their respective State and
the people, if that relation shall have been
saspened or disturbed, be coompensated
for all loss by act ot the United States,
including the loss of slaves.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto
set my hand and caused . the? seal of the
United States to be affixed
Done at the City of Washington this 221
day of September, in the year of our
L'rd one thousand eight hundred an.l
sixtv-two. and of the Independence f
the United States the ci?htv seventh.
By the President :
William II Seward,
Secretary of Swtr
Favorites "I have ever found." sav
sensible writer, "lh2t men who re r-aMv
most fond of the society of ladiesvho rhr
ish for "hern a hih respect, nay. reverent-
them, are seldom most popular wiihjthd
sex. Men of more assurance, whose is
sues are lightly hmiif, who make words
supply the place of ideas, and place com
pliment in the room of sentiment are the
favorites. A true respect for women leads
to respectful ac'ions toward them ; and re
spect is usually a distant action, and thia
?reat distance is taken by tiem for neglect
and want of interest."
A man who cheats in shirt measure is a
meaureless roue. If in whi-ky he is
rogue in spirit. If he gives a bad tit'e l
land then he is a rogue indeed. If be give
short measure in wheat, then he is a rogu
in grain. And if he cheats when he can. he
is indeed, in spirit, in grain a measureless
An Irishman whpTas lately reprivel
he s'tated the night before hi execution,
and who wished to est rid of hi wife,wro'
to her as fo'lows: "I was yesterday hanse l,
and died like a hero; do as I did and bear
it like a man'
Po ctrt is said lo be the flower of litera
ture ; prose is the corn, potatoes and men :
satire is the aqua-fortis ; wit is the spir
and pepper : love-letters the hnney and sn
srar ; letters containing remittances are the
apple dumplings.
General McDowell has addressed a letter
to the President requesting him to institute
a Court of Inquiry for the purpore of inves
tigating the truth or falsity of the charge
preferred by Colonel Brodhead, while in a
dying co dition that "he was dying a vic
tim to McDowell's treachery." He requests
that the inquiry be made without limitation.
Jones has discovered the respective na
tures of a distinction and a difference. He
says that a "little difference" frequently
makes many enemies, while a "little dis
tinction'' attracts hosts of friends to the one
on whom it is concerned.
A lunatic in an asylum was informed by
his brother, that considerable property had
fallen to the family, and asked what dispo
sition should be made of bis portion. "You
lei me out aud Til take care of it."
The mechanic is God's nobleman. Thin
is 'rae when he behaves himself, and is an
honest man. He is frequently no better
than a lawyer, a physician, or a member of
the upper five doz-n.
A small town is a pla where tber are
many tongues to talk, and but few biads to