" THE STAR OF T H IB K 0 li T H
Tt, ' i i
Two Dollars ;er Annua.
Truth and Right God and our Conntrj.
W. U. JACOBY, Proprietor
VOLUME 14.
STIR OF THE NORTH
fCBLISHID ITEBTVIDNISDiTBT
. - WB. U. JICOBF,
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within the year. No subscription taken for
& less period than six months; no discon
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C O U RTD V E RT IS E M NTS',
Court Proclamation.
WHEREAS the Hon. Aaron K. Peck
ham, President Judge ol the Court of
Oyer and Terminer and General Jail Deliv
ery, Court of Quarter Sessions ol the Peace,
and Court of Common Pleas and Orphans'
Court, in the 26th Judicial District, compos,
ed of the counties of Columbia, Sullivan and
Wyoming, arid the Hons. Stephen Baidy and
John Mc Reynolds, Associate Judges, ot Co
lumbia Co., have issued their precept, bear
ing date one thousand eight hundred and
sixty one, and to me directed for holding a
Court of Oyer and Terminer, and General
Jail Delivery, Quarter Session of the'Peace,
Com. Pleas and Orphans' Court, in Blooms
burg, in the county of Columbia, on the first
Monday (bain-? the 5th day) of May, next
and to continue one week.
Notice is hereby given, to the Coroner, the
Justices of the Peace and Constables ol the
said County of Columbia, that they be then
and there in their proper persons at 10 o'
clock in the forenoon of said day, with their
records, inquisition and other remembran
ces to do those things which to their offices
appertain to be dene. And those that are
bound by recognizes, to prosequi against
the prisoners that are or may be in the Jail
of t-aid county ol Colrrmbia, to b then and
there to pro-ecufe then as shall be just. Ju
rors are requested to be punctual in theit
sutendance, agreeably to llieir notice, dated
. ai Bloomburg, 24:h day of March in the
j ear ofoir Lord one thousat.d eight hundred
und slxjy-oi.e. and io the eighty-sixth year
of the Independence of th United Stales of
America. (God save the Common weHlth.)
JOSIAH H. FURMAN,
Sheriff's Office, ) Sheriff.
Bloomsburg, ilar. 26, 1962.
Public Koticc for Licences.
JVOTiLE is hereby given that the follow-
ing persons in Columbia county, have
filed their petitions in the Court of Quarter
Sessions, ot the said county for Tavern and
Store License in their respective townships,
which said petitions will be presented to
the said Court on Monday the 5th day of
May. A. D. 1862, of which a'l persons inter
ested will lake notice and th Licenses for
the county ot Columbia, will be granted on
Wednesday, the 7:h day of May next, at 2
o'clock p. m.
applicants. Tovnshps.
Lewis Enke Tavern. Bor Berwick
Frederick Nicely do do do
Ellis Waitoii do do do
Daniel Obitz, do do do
Win. B. Koois do Bloom,
John Leacock do do
Robert Hagetibuch do do
Oliver A Jacoby, , do do
Canine! McKeiiry- do Benton,
John J. S ties do do
Charles F. Mann do Beaver,
Franklin Shu man do do
Daniel Reinbold do Caltawissa.
Sa.nuel Ksienbader do do
Jacob B KUtler do do
Reuben R Wassar do Conyngham
Henry Gable, do do
Fredr'k R, Wohlforth do do
John L. Kline, do do
John R. Jones, do do
John Grover, do Centre,
Benjamin McHenry do Fi-hingcreek
Daniel Mclleury do do
W A.Kline do Greenwood,
John Hartman, do Hemlock,
John L. Horst, -do Locust,
Jackson George do do
Isaac Rhodes, do do
Joshua Womer, do do
Samue! Rimby do Madison
Keifer A Smith, do do
Isaac Yetter, do Maine,
John Nnss, do " do
Emanuel Conner, do Mon'our,
Thomas Jones, do Mt Pleasant,
John Ke.'ler, do Mifflin,
Jacob Good do Oiange,
Samuel Everett, do do
Alexander Hughes do do
OeorgeThiele do Roaringcreek
EzekielCole, do Sugarloaf,
Peter Scbug do Scott,
Daniet L. Everhart do do
Enoch Howell ' do do
Reece Fairmac do do
William Long do do
Williard C. Green do . do
L. D. Mendenhall, Sore, Bloom, f
Jacob R. Groul, do do
Jeremiah S. Brobst, do Caltawissa.
Washington Yeager, do Locust.
JACOB EYERLY,
Prothonotary 'suffice, ) Clerk.
Bloomsburg, April 9, 1862 $
Notice to itc Heirs of Peler fiorfman, dee'd.
su COLUMBIA COUNTTSS:
jV'"'v rpHE Commonwealth of Penn
SV I sylvania to Louisa Lvnn,
"y't&'g Henry Hoffman, Geo. W. Hoff
'f man," Harriet Fisber, Anna M
ria Fowler. Rozelta Amanita Cleaver, Syl
vester Hoffman, William Hoffman, Sarah
Elizabeth Richards. Charlotte Hoff nan,
Hannah Hoffman, Joseph Steele and Sam
uel Steele, children and devisees of Peser
Hoffman.deceased, lale of Locust township,
Columbia county.
Yoa and each of yoo are here by cited and
commanded to be and appear in yonr per
sona before the Judges of the Orphan's
Court of said county, to be, holden at
ESoomsburg, io and for said county, on the
jfirst Monday of May next, then and there
to accept or refuse the estate of said dee'd
at the valuation or how cause why the
tame should not be sold. Witness the
fconorable Aaron K: Peck bam, Esq , Presi
de at of our said Court at Bioomshorg the
fourteenth -day of February, A. D. one
thousand eight bunHreJ sixty two.
-Jacob Eterly, Clerk O. C.
JOSIAH H. FURMAN, &&mif.
Sheriff's Office,
Bloomsbnrg. Feb 26. 1862 )
Ayert Cherry Pectoral.
BLOOMS
REGISTER'S NOTICES.
NOTICE is hereby giving to all legatees,
creditors and other persons interested
in the estates of the respective decedents
and minors, that the following administra
lion and guardian accounts have been filed
in the office of the Register of Columbia
county, and will be presented fot confirma
tion and allowance to the Orphan's Court,
to be "held at Bloomsburg, in the conmy
aforesaid, on Wednesday the Tih da of May
next, at 2 o'clock, in the afternoon ol said
day.
1. Account of Samuel Creasv, Gnard'an
of Hannah Boone daughter of Aaron Fry.
2. Account of Aaron Lamberson, Guar
dian of William Jones, son of Jesse Jones.
3. First fend final acconni of Hon. War-1
ren J. Woodward, Executor, of MUs Ellen
Scott, deceased.
4. Final account of Daniel Gearhart, ad
ministrator of John Gearhart, of Franklin
township, deceasei.
5. Fiual account of Martin V. B. KTioe,
admini-lrator of Hon. Peler Kline, lute of
Locust township, deceased.
6. The account of Jonathan C. Penning
ton, administrator of Samuel Rozell, late of
Benton twp., deceased.
7. First account of Samnel Creasy, exec
nior of ihe la-st Will of John Brown, lale ol
Mifflin township, dee'd.
H. Accoutil of William Buckalew, one
of the executors of John M. Buckalew, late
of Fishingcreek twp., deceased.
9. Account of Franklin Rarig and J hn
Wittier, adrar's of Elizabeth Helwig, late of
Locust township, deceased.
10 Account of Jesc Mensch, guardian of
Clarissa Sidler, minor child of John Sidler,
lale of Franklin township, tieeeaed.
11. Account of El wood Hughes, executor
ol Stephen Adams, late of Briarcreek twp ,
deceased.
12 Account of Thomas Reece, adm'r of
Philip Reece, late of Greenwood township,
deceased.
13. Final account of Lewis Yetter, adm'r
de Ionia non ol Err Harder, late of Cattawis
sa township, deceased.
14. Account of Lewis Yetter and Samnel
Drum, executors of John Gearharl, Idle ol
MifHiri township, deceased-
15. Account of Wesley Perry and Mark
Williams, admr's of Morderai Perry, late
of Locum lowiit-hip, deceased.
16. Account of Juii;t Rupert, Executrix of
Catharine Rupert, late of Bloom twp. dee'd
17. Final account of Philip Freas, John
Freas and Andrew Fleas, executors of Jno.
Freas, late ol Cenire township, d?c'd.
18 Account of C. H. D.etterick &. Phebe
Johm-on. executors of the last Will of Geo.
V. Parks, late of Scon twp. dee'd.
19. Fird and final account of Levi Creasy
and Samuel Creasy, executors ol trie last
Will ol Adam Creasy, lale of Mifflin twp ,
deceased.
20. Account oT Samuel Crasy, guardian
of Abraham Angle, minor child of Jacob
Angle, fate of M film town.-hip, dee'd.
21. Accou t o! J R. Pe.iniiiijton, executor
of the last Will of Eiias Lutz. lale of Benton
township, deceased.
22 Account ol Isaac K Krickbaum, ex
ec ui or of the la-t Wid ol John Kiine, black
smith, la e of Benton township, deceased.
3 Account ol Daniel Mngteller, executor
of Jonathan Ma-teiler, late of Madison twp.
deceased.
24 Account of Benjamin M. Wilson, adm'r
of William L Fause, late of Hemlock twp
deceased.
25 Account of Georse W. Dreisbach, ad
miniua'or of the esiaie of Eiizbeth Dieis
bbch, Lte ot Bloom township, deceased.
26 Account ol Catharine A. Weitiyer, ad
ministratrix of William Welliver, late of
Madirori town-hip. deceased
27 Acoount ot Franklin Yociira, adm'r of
Jacob Yocum, tate of Roaringcreek town
ship, deceased.
DANIEL LEE.
Register's Office, ) Register.
Blootjisoura, pnl 9, IR62
Graud Juror, for Slay Vera, IS62.
Bloom Joh Pursel, sr., Montgomery Kiine
Andrew Crevelin.
Beaver Christian Shu man.
Benton Elijah Khr.e.
Briarcreek John W. Bowman.
Bor. Berwick Townaand Boi:e.
Cattawissa, John Sharpless, Daniel C.
Gear I art.
Hemlock John Brugler.
Jackson Frederick Wile, Rcberl Edgor.
Locuot Wm, Lee, David L. Helwig. Reu
ben Fahringer, jr., Beojamm Wagner.
Mount Pleasant Thomas J. Welliver.
Madison Jacob Swisher, Henry C. Mills.
Orange John Herring.
Pine John Lore, Albert Hunter.
Scott Peter Em, Enock Howell.
March 26, 1862.
Traverse Jurors, for JMay, 1862.
Bor. Berwick Henry C. Freas.
Bloom Peter Btllmeyer, George Weaver.
Briarcreek John Fester, jr., John Blank,
jr., Enos L. Adams, Joseph Siackhouse.
Braver J-cob Uarriger, Peter EcWoath.
Benton J.cob Kimble, Alexander Colley.
Caltawissa John Riuer, George Strieker,
William Parr
Centre John Hill, Paul Zaner.
Franklin Washington Parr, Aaron Lam-
berison.
Fisbinscreek Elias Pealer, Henry Bitten
bender. Greenwood Jesse Heacock, Nicholas Cole
John M. Parker.
Hemlock Reuben Bomboy, Samuel Ohl,
Benjamin Wilson, Jacob Harris.
Locqsi Henry Fahringer, Jacob Miller,
David Hauck, Michael Hower.
M fflm Stephen Auchenbach, John R.
Yobe, Her.ry Angle.
Madison Valentine Christian, Thomas A.
Fnnston, John Fruit, jr.
Montour Lewis Roat, Grier Quick.
Orange Jesse Coleman. Peter P. Kline,
Hi.-am R. Kline.
Roaringcreek Benjamin Hanck.
Sogarloaf William MasiellerEliaS Cole,
Georae Hess. -Scott
Chester C. Marr, Samnel Kressler.
March 56, 1862 .
Executor's IVolice.
Estate of Christopher Heller, late of Mifflin
tovmshtp, Col co.t deceased.
LETTERS testamentary on the estate of
Christopher Heller, late of Mifflin twp.,
Columbia county.' deceased, have been
granted by the Register of Columbia county,-to
Samuel Heller, residing in Hollen
back township, Lazerne coutity. All per
sons indebted to "said estate are requested
to call and make immediate payment, and
those having claims or demands will pre
sent them prcpetly aaiheriicatod for settle
ment to the aijdersisned.
SAM U EL H ELLER, Executor.
January 8, 1862. 6t.
BURG. COLUMBIA
For the Star of the North.
THE GREAT ISSUES. ,
Mr. Editor: By the request of the Derri
ocrats of Benton, I feel disposed to com
municate to you a few thoughts on the gre U
issues for publication; and hope yoa will
give it room in your valuable paper, as it is
the first I ever prepared for a newspaper.
For thiny years or nearly I have been neu
tral in politics, but still have kept an eye
single lo all the moving princi pies, in the
United States, of our demagogues ; especi
ally for the last four years until the prei
ent while there has been a fierce political
strife raging during that time which h is
divided our people into political parties, and
causing many bitter and severe things to
be said of each other. 1 rejoice that no ni in
has ever doubted, much less disputed, my
devotion and fidelity as a Democrat. My
object in communicating to you is, to invite
your especial attention to the great polifi;ul
itsues. Sir, there never has been a time, in
the history of our country, when it was
more important for our people to examine
carefully and impartially, the nature of the
measures effecting our general welfare, than
at this present moment. In the midst of
profound peace, with universal health, and
the greatest abundance of all the benefi's ol
life, which a kind Providence ever show
ered upon his chosen people, surround ng
us,we find instead of contentment and gi&l
itude prevailing, our people divided into
hostile sections; the one alienated from the
o:her, and angry feeling and hostility an
gendered and stimulated until the very peace
of the cojntry is disturbed. True, why all
this discontentment? What if the cause
of all this sectional 6trife 1 There must be
a baneful and unfortunate one, which ought
to be removed. In my opinion, no impar
tial man alter examining the whole subjct,
can entertain a doubt as to the cause. This
sectional strife is traceable io one source
and that is. the attempt on the part of the
Federal Government to interfere with the
domestic affairs ot the people. Congress
never yet touched the question of slavery,
either in the States or territories, wit'ioui
siirring up sectional strife and animosity.
For the first thirty years after the adoption
of the Federal Constitmion,ihere was pnace
on the slavery question.
Mr. Seward, in a late speech at De roit,
called the attention ol the people lo the
fact, that from the adoption of the Constitu
tion down to 1S20, there was no strife no
controversy on this question ; but from that
year, at irregular periods down to this day,
there had been strife and turmoil ; and,
whi'e these two facts were true, it wai the
dity of Mr. Seward as a wise stalesman, to
have drawn the proper iolerence from this
great truth. He ought to have told the peo
ple that, during the thirty years from the
adoption of the Constitution down to 1820,
when there was peace, that Congress rever
interfered with the slavery question any
where. During that period Congress ad
mitted into this Union several new S ates,
and organized several new territories. In
each of ihee new States and territory s the
principle was observed that each iniht
have slavery as long as it chose, and abol
ish it when tired of the institution. So long
as that principle was adhered to, in good
faith, Northern and Sonihren men were
brethren ; the free and the slave States lived
in peace and harmony with each oilier.
The Federal Constitution is predicated on
the principle that Congress was never to in
terfere with the question of s'avery.
I wish to invite your attentiou. for a mo
ment, to the great principle on whic l our
Government rests: the Federal Government
has no power except that which is d lega
ted to it in the Constitution. All the pow
er delegated :o it is Federal and National in
iis character, and not local. Take np the
Constitution and you will find that th) Fed
eral Government is authorized to make
war. establish peace, regulate intercourse
with foreign nations, raise revenue, end
coin money; but Congress is not authorized
to interfere with the domestic affairs of the
people, nor is Congress permitted by the
Constitution to interfere between hi.sband
and wife, parent and child guardian and
ward, or master and slave ; those things are
all withheld from iha Federal Government
and reserved to the people. I repeat, that
for thirty years, after, the Government went
into operation, Congress obeyed the Con
stitution, and confined itself to Federal mat
ters, without interfering with slavery Sup
pose this new doctrine, proclaimed for the
first time by Mr. Lincolh, seven years ago,
when he was nomina ed for the United
States Senate that, "these States must all be
free or all slave, otherwise the Union cannot
endure," had prevailed when the Constitu
tion was adopted, what do you think would
have been the result? I say this pew doc
trine, for no man who lived in th J days
when the Constitution was made.eve heard
or dreamed ofsuch a proposition. Rsmem
ber that, at that time, this Union consisted
of thirteen Slates, twelve of whicl were
slave holding and but one free. Do yoa
think that one free State could bavo abol
ished slavery everywhere? Is it not prob
able, aye more than probable. that the slave
holding States would have outvoied the
one free, and thus have fastened elavjry for
ei&x op every foot of American soil ? Hence
yoa perceive that this doctrine of ths mod
era Republicans, if it had prevailed when
the Constitution was adopted, woul I have
resulted in the establishment of slavery, by
a constitutional provision, over the. entire
Republic ; the free Stales then bei ;g in a
minority. All the friends of free institutions
asked was, that the Federal Government
fbould not touch the slavery question, and
COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY APRIL 23, 1862.
that the people should regulate it for them
selves. The slave States, although out
numbering us at that time in the ratio two
to one, conceded that principle. They nev
er dreamed that we only intended lo
remain faithful to it until we had
gained under its operation a majority
of the States, and then torn npon them
and exercise a power which they had re
frained from exercising over us.
This doctrine of nor.-interventioii by the
Federal Government with the slavery ques
tion, leaving the people to settle it for them
selves, was established in 1787, when the
Constitution was adopted by the slavehold
ing Sta-es. They had the power over us j
then, if they pleased to exercise it. Being
thus established, it was allowed to work out
its own results for thirty years; during which
.: i .. ki;.,i ; f ih 1
twelve original slaveholding States: Penn-
.vln; 'a Trev New York Connec-!
. . - , ...
ticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire.
These States all abolished slavery after the I
adoption of the Constitution. Under what j
principle did slavery disappear from these j
States, not by the interference of the Fed- j
eral Government, nor according to modern :
Republican principles, but by the free and i
'olnniarv action ot ihe people themselves !
under the operation of thai great principle 1
of popular sovereignty, which asserts that
the people of each State and Territory may
have slavery as long as they choose, and
abolish it at their pleasure.
! presume that no perFon doubts that
these States were slaveholding States at the
period of which I speak. If there are any
doubts on the subject, I would invite atten
tion to Mr. Seward's late speech at Chicago,
in which he tells the people that he was
born a slaveholder. I wish he had inform-
-i ... f A : : , : I. mxl. n(
rv.
slaves, whether or not he sold them, and
put the money into his pocket. It is true
that, when a young man, he went to Ga ,
and lived there some time ; but I never
heard that he took his slaves with him. I
am inclined to think that he lost them by
ihe action of the Legislature of New York,
which abolished slavery; 01 in other words,
that popular hovereignty took lhem away
from him. But far be it for me to intimate
that that fsct acconnts, in the slightest de
gree, for his undying hostility to the doc
trine. Be that as it may, slavery was abol-i-hed
in the State of New York by the free
action of the people. Emancipation went
on, uiider ihe principle of non-intervention
by the Federal Government, up to the year
1820. VV i 1 1 any Republican tell me what
State has abolished slavery since that lime?
In 1820 Congress for the first time attempt
ed to interfere with this question 10 decide
it themselves instead of allowing the peo
ple to do it and from that day to this, no
State ror Territory has abolished slavery ou
the American continent. True, from the
moment that the Federal Government took
charge of the question emancipation ceased.
I ask any one io reflect on these facts and
tell me what good ha respited from this
I sectional strife. avsicer no gooi The first
i time that Coi-gress touched the question it
i stirred np discension between the north and
j the sou h, which was almost carried to the
- . r - TT- 1 1
point oi oissoiuuon oi ine union, i ou an i
- recollect the fearfal Missouri controversy,
! which arose from the attempt on the part
j of Congress to prohibit Slavery where the
I people wanted it, and it was adjusted on ;
; the theory of running a geographical line j
across the continent, as far a? our territory i
went, prohibiting slavery forever on the !
north side"of '.he line and recognizing the
right to have it on the south side. The peo
pie of this country, Whigs and Democrats,
acquiesced in the Missouri Compromise up
tolS48.
In 1845 when Cjngress passed a joint res
olution for the annexation ot Texas, the
: question arose as to what should be done j years after, when the whig party assem
; in relation to the subject of slavery, inas- ' bled in national Convention at Baltimore
much as Texas laid on both sides of the ; and nominated General Sco't, they adopted
line. The records will show, lhat at Ste- an article in their platform, affirming the
phen A. Douglas' suggestion, the Missouri ' doctrine of non-intervention by Congress ;
1 Compromise was extended through Texas, i and when the Democratic party assembled
! in the same sense, and with the same un- j in national Convention, the same year and
i demanding, with which it was originally j at the same place, they adopted the same
adopted. The reason Douglas assigned at principle as a fundamental principle ol
' that time for the extension of the line was their creed. Thus il will be seen that only
! that, while he could not recommend it upon
principle yet inasmuch a the people of
i .l.:. . i i ; n Unir
j 11119 IUU11II) IIAU ittljuir-vcu III 11 rwnjni;,
I without a murmur, he said his love for the
j Union and his desire to have peace in the
i country induced him to yield acquiescence
I This Compromise was affirmed and exten
j ded to the western borders of Texas in 1845.
j In 1848, alter we acquired California and
I New Mexico, the question arose as to what
i kind of Government should be given to
these territories. The record shows that, on
j Douglas' motion, a bill was passed through
j the Senate. extending the Missouri Compro
mise line to the Pacific Ocean, in the same
sense, and with the same understanding,
with which it was first adoptedbut it was
l defeated in the House by Northern men
with free soil proclivities. If the Missouri
! Compromise had been carried out in Rood
faith, by extending the line to ihe Pacific
Ocean, there wauld have been an end of
this slavery controversy forever. After it
was defeated by the free-soilers of the north
there arose another excitemeat as fearful
and portentous to the safely of the Re
public as the one of 1820. The free-soilers
demanded that Congress should prohibit
slavery everywhere on both sides of the line;
and they united in denouncing the Missoa
rt Compromise aB the most infamous mea
sure ever devised by man. They Claimed
that if slavery was right south of the line, it
was right north, and that if it was just to
allow the people to do a they pleased south
of the line it was right and proper lo let
.1 J . U M.le.l.A.l nnrlti rtf it Tf VO a
KICIII ti U HO v ir lieu iiwhii v, ...
hard to answer this argument, and those
of us who were for acquiescing in the Mis
souri Compromise based our action upon
the ground that we wished to preserve the
peace of the country, and save the Union
from these direful consequences which nor
thern and southern sectional parties then
threatened.
Well, the Missouri Compromise was bea
ten, rot because the Union men did not de
sire to carry it out, but because the free
soilers would not allow them'to do it. The
result of thai defeat was the fearful section-
ai strife ol 1850. The history of that con
troversy is too fresh in your recollection to
need anv detailed account on this occasion. '
It ia nnnrh in remind von that HknkT
Clav, who had performed bi mission of ;
earth, as he supposed, and had retired to ;
,
the shades of Ashland to prepare for ano'h- j
er world, fell bound to come forward and
renme his seat in the Senate, to see if he, i
by his wisdom, his long experience, and j
the renown ol his great name, could not do ,
something to restore peace to a distracted '
country. For many Iong months Congress ',
was in session, in the Council Chamber
every morning, with Clay and Webster in j
their seats, devising mean's by which the
friends of ihe Union con'd defeat ihe North
ern Abolitionits and the Southern fire eaters.
The result of these deliberations was the
adoDtion of the Compromise measures of !
1850. These measures were the joint work j
ol the Union Whigs and Union Democrats,
D
and they reeled on the
.! ihonrr ihaft
Congress wa not to interfere with the ques
tion of slavery, but that the peo;!e were to
act upon that matter as they pleased in the
Iflrrimrioa ne vrpll na in thn Stales Xhns I
. p
the Government was brought back to its j
ancient polic y, as established by the Con
stitution, and the question of slavery was
again banished fiom the Halls of Congress.
From the lacts 1 have stated, it appears
that for the first thirty years, after the Fed
eral Government went into operation, the
doctrine ol non-intervention and popular
sovereignty prevailed ami peace was the
result ;-that for the next twenty years the
doc rine of non-intervention with slavery
existed, and there were suite and lurmoif
every time that Congress atiempted to exer -
ci-e the power; and that in 1850 the Dem
ocrats got back acain io the doctrine of the
Constitution and the neoDle were williri" to
acquiesce in it. It is true that after the
compromise measures were adopted, the
free-soilers as they were then called, or the
Republicans as they now call themselves,
endeavored to gel up an excitement, and
even to use violence, to prevent those mea
sures from being carried out. Reader, you
will remember that, when the City Council
of Chicago passed resolutions nullifying the
fugitive slave law, and rai-ing the standard
of rebellion against the action of Congress,
that the fire ea'ers of the south appealed lo
the people of that section to resist the same
measures
Seward, Sumner Chase, Giddings, and
others of the northern opponents of the
Compromise measures, told the northern
people that the Democrats had sold out to
the South; or in other words, that the north
had sold out; and Davi Hunter, Mason, and
other southern fire eaters, told ihe southern
people that by these measures the south had
been sold out to the north. Each appealeJ
to the passions and prejudices of the peopl-
of their "section, against the peace and har
mony of the whole country, but the Union
Whigs and Union Democrats forgetting par
ty strife for the time, until the Union was
safe, rallied in their might and put down
northern Abolitionism and southern seces
sion So effectually were these agitators
crushed out, for the time being, that two
eight years ago every Whig and Dem j
; ociat in America stood pledged by the plat ;
rn.m n( li'm nirn- trt maintain thn tloelrine !
: IUI 111 VM llic- jnij, .,
that Congre wa not to interfere with
institution of slavery, but lhat ihe people
were to decide it for themselves.
In 1854 it became necessary for Mr. Dong
las, as chairman of the committee on territo
ries, to report a bill organizing the territo
ries of Kansas and Nebraska, and in doing
so he followed the precedent set by the com
promise measures of 1850 The Nebraska
and Kansas bill, as offered, carried out the
very spirit and letter of the platform of the
Whig party, as well as that ol the Demo
cratic party, adopted at Baltimore in 1R52.
In lhat clause of the bill repealing the Mis
souri restriction, it was distinctly set forth
that lhat restriction was repealed because it
was inconsistent with the doctrine of non
intervention by Congress with slavery in
the territories as affirmed in the compromise
measures of 1850; and in order to prevent
any possible miscons'ruction, and to de
prive unscrupulous politicians of any pre
text for misrepresentation, Mr DctSglas in
serted in the bill these words : ' It being the
true intent and meanin
ol this act not to
legislate slavery into any Slate or territory,
nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the
people thereof perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way, subject only to th Constitution
of the United States."
1 have, upward of twenty years, been ,
paying strict attentiou to what was going
on in Congress, and can briefly say that. I
j think the best territorial system ever devis j
ed lor our people, was the one adopted by j
the Congress of the Confederation in 1784
It was reported by Jefferson, amended and
afterwards adopted by Congress It provi
ded that the people of the territories should
establish their own government, elect their
officers, and manage their own affairs with
out the interference of Congress in any case
whatever. I think it was the best system
we ever had, and I trust that this doctrine
of non-intervention by Congress with the
domestic affairs of the people, is to be car
ried out to its fullest extent, according to
the constitution. Why should this slavery
question be kept in Conaress? what good
has resulted Irom it f what Penetit has the
Repnblicen party conferred upon the negro
oy ttiis agitation nave iney emancipate.!
any one slave by it except those they stole?
Not one! Have they elevated the charac
ter of the negro by it? If, then, this agita
tion has conferred no benefit upon the black
man. what good has it done to the white?
I answer not any! Can any Republican tell
me how the white race, or any portion of
it, has benefitted by this agitaliot? On ihe
contrary, I can tell the Republican pa'ty of
some of the mischief the have inflicted up
on the couniry by this strife. This sectional
strife has alienated one half of this Union
from the other ; it ha separated father from
son
mother from daughter, and brother
lrom ister; U ha4 en,ered OQr lagUlalive
bodies atid produced discord and corruption;
- in l I Ui
Unas eniereu congress anu urougui one
half of the Senators and Representatives in
hostile collision with each other; it has en
tered the House of G ul and sepeiated men j
of the same faith around the holy commu-
.ui- . :. l ,1 O.I
, " u"lueu (
church, the Methodist, (the Souih from the
North) until the brethren cannot sit at the j road has not been commenced. Why not?
same table. How long does any one think The only good reason we can give is.wheu
political ties will last when religious ones . ever a Pacific railroad bill is introduced in
ares evered? Dear reader, how long do yon , to either House a Republican jumps up and
Buppose that politicians are gong to sit to- j makes a speech upon the negro qneMion, a
gether in peace in the tame Senate Cham
ber when christians cannot sit around the
i communion lab'e in the house of the Lord ,
"'hout quarreling? I beg you, my coun- ,
,TmM. 10 re"ecl uPon ,hese questions ;
jnel,y e the cords are being severed,
ami me ties obliterated wh en Dinu us to-
gether as one people; and ihe whole of
this evil can be traced to that one source
j ,he 'nterterence by Congress with the
do-
mestic concerns of ihe people. Look, for a
moment at the position of ihe Republican
party and its ally the secession party of
the South on the slavery question: They
are as much allies ia 1862 as they were
when they fought together against the com
promise measures of 1850. The northern
Republicans under the lead of Mr. Lincoln,
demand that Congress shall interfere and
prohibit slavery wherever the people want
it. I he southren secessionists demand that
Congress shall interfere and maintain sla-
very wherever the people do not want it
The Republicans tell us they do not care
about Congress interfering to prohibit sia
very where the people are opposed to it.
j for ihe reason lhat wherever the peop'e are
opposed to it they will ."prohibit it lhem- time. Al Congress has been able to do has
selves. On the ether hand the secessionists i been to incorporate an amendment in the
of ihe South declare that they only want : appropriation bill borrowing twenty millions
Congress to interfere in behalf of slavery i of dollars more money to keep the wheels
when necessary. When is it necessary, in ; of Government in motion until that body
their estimation, for Congiess to interfere ? can again come together to discuss the ne
Not when the oeoole arein favor of sliverv. gro cues-ion If an old soldier cl..ims a
for wherever the people want it ihey will
protect it themselves. Hence the southren
secessionists only desire to have Congress
interfere and maintain slavery wherever the
people do not and will not have it. Thus
you perceive that the Republicans of the
North under Mr. Lincoln, and the secession
ists ot the Sou;h agree in principle. They
agree first, that it is the duty of Congress to
interfere and control ihe slavery quetion
They agree second that whenever Congress
decides lhat question it must determine
it against the very wishes of the people
interested in it; and they agree third, in
ridiculing Democracy and repudiating the
whole doctrine of popular sovereignty and
non-intervention. Agreeing thns far, they
differ only as to which way Congress shall
exercise this power; the Republicans de
sire to have it exercise, in all cases against
CV A'l IJVWIf
Wit? i uui u anu iii iai ui ui iijc? ii'iiii. il,
therefore, you elevate either ol these parties
to power there must necessarily be section
al contention so long as it holds that power.
On the other hand the Democratic party
stands pledged by its platform, its creed, its
organization, and by its candidates, to the
doctrine of non-interference by Congress
with ihe question of slavery anywhere. It
is in favor of banishing the question forev
er from the halls of Congress, and remand
ing it lo the people of the territories to do as
they pleise, for if the people want it they
will have it. and all the power on earth can
not prevent them; and again, if ihe people
1 do not want it they will not have it, and all
the power in Christendom shall not force il
Upon them if 1 could prevent it.
I do not kliow which is the most alarm
ed, the Republican party or the Secession
ists, at the prospect of the success ol the
Democratic party. They both have good
cause for alarm, for if ihe Democracy had
succeeded, this war would not have been;
i the Republican party would have been de
stroyed, and its occupation gon forever.
Drive this i egro question out of our legis
lative halls and the Republican party could
not exist one week there would be noth
ing left of lhem. If the negro shoald die
tbev would be the chief monrners.
NUM BER 16.
You cannot find a nor t.etn Republican
leader Who does not prefer Breckinridge to
Douglas and you can cr find a southern
diennionist who does not prefer Lincoln to
Douglas Our Republican friend are rejoic-
ing very loudly over the last Presidential
elecion, but the leaders of tha parly are ex
tremely anxions to keep the fact from the
people that they could not have carried the
election had it not been for the ose of their
deception, fusion and coalition with the
administration. They did no- run any ticket'
but voted for their platform. Why Mr. Lin
coln never had a hope I presume he had
not for I take him to be a man of low sense
of success except ihroogh the aid of the
Federal administration. '
Again, I never saw a. Democrat in all my
life who doubted that we were right, and
hence are going to stand by the faith, main
tain the creed, and keepj'.he old flag waving
whatever may be the result of the present
difficulties. But, Mr. Editor, I look upon
the present condition of things with anxiety
and yet with hops, so far as I am individu
ally concerned. Bit, in my opinion, the
safety of the country and the peace of the
Union depend upon the breaking np of
these sectional parties Jand the drivingjof
the negro question out of Congress, and the
remanding oPlhat question to the people to
decide for themselves. I think the negro
has had his full share in our politics, and it
is about lime the white mart'-has a chance.
The material interests of the couniry have
been sacrificed for years by this slavery ag
itation; the people of thenorth have been
desirous lor many years of having a railroad
built to the Pacific ; five years ago every
body thought the road would be built, as
there were three candidate in the field for
the Presidency Buchanan, Fi'lrnore and
Fremont each pledged to a Pacific railroad.
anil earn Rlanrlincr nnnri a nlaifnrm ti-hif h
- - ---- --r r -
P'eugea nis wnoie party to it, and yet the
southren member replies, and then they
speak alternately until lhekend of the ses
sion; consequently the bill is Iol for want of
time. Five years rolled around and no Pa
cific railroad, when both houses were for it,
the President for it, and everybody for it
but lost for want of time, thenegro occupy-
g the enure attention ot bo h Houses,
! il is "P011 the question of revenue; for
the last four years Congress has been spen
ding twemy millions ot dollars a year over
and above the'ir.come. Every man of sense
knows that utider such circumstances it is
our duty to do one of two things either to
reduce the expenditures down to the reve
nue standard or tojiucrease the revenue np
lo t!e stancIardo!"experulitures. The Dem
ocratic party is pledged to a tariff which
will raise ruoaey enough to delray the ex
penses of the Government, economically
administered, and to that extent furnish
projection to American Industry; and yet
; eacl )'ear "eo a tariff bill was before Con.
?res3 ,he lime which should have been
. spent in perfecting it has been spent by the
i southerners and Repeblicans in diseasing
!'e negro, and the bill delayed for want of
pension, or back pay, or a land warrant, for
his services o the coun'ry, and applies to
Congress, when the faithful Representative
returns home to his constituents he will tell
the humble soldier that it was lost for want
of time. The negro in this case consumed
the attention of the house, consequently
there was no time to attend to the affair of
the'white man
I did not imagine that a mar. couIJ de-
scend to such depths as my enemies have to
nuni a numan peing down; wne her he oe a
nob'e Bully or Bull of Benlon lcare not; the
Devil is represented to be a roaring Lion,
seeking whom he may devonr, &c.
It may be just and proper to allow the ne
groes to have rights and privileges in 6ome
States ol this Uaion, that would be unsafe
to grant them in others. It does not follow
that because a negro is not oar equal that
therefore he ought to be a slave; on the
con;rary it does follow that we should grant
the negro all iho rights, privileges, and im
munities, which he can safely enjoy, con
sistent with the good society. The simple
question then is, what are those rights and
what is the nature and extent of them.
Those rights are such and only such as the
people of each State and Territory shall
prescribe. It might be safe to grant the
negroes rights and privileges in Pennsylva
nia, where we have but few, which would
be unsafe and dangerous to grant them in
South Ca'o'ina where they outnumber the
whites two to one. Hence all we have to
do is, let the people of South Carolina make
their own laws, establish their own institu
tions, take care of their own uegroes, mind
iheir own business, and let their neighbors
alone ; and let Pennsylvania pcrue the
san e course Sir, if the people of every
State and territory would do the same thing
peace and harmony would soon prevail be
tween the ditferent sections of this once
wide spread and peaceful couniry.
S K Bemton Democrat.
People with one leg in ihj grave are
often very long in putting the other in.
They seemliko ome bird, to tepoee be?)
un one leg.
V,