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IF. U. JACOBI, Proprietor. TriUh and night God and our Country. Two Dollars per ' Annas.
VOLUME 13. BLOOMS BURG. COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY JULY 24, 1861. NUMBER 29.
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STAR OF THE NORTH
rUBLIBHKD KTBRY WIDNX8DAT BT
- -: W. II. JACOB r,
Olflee on Main St., 3rd Square below Market.
TERMS: Two Dollars per annum if paid
within fix months from the time of subscri
bing : two dollars and fifty cents if not paid
.wiihiu the year. No subscription taken fur
.a less period than fix months; no discon
tinuances permitted until ail arrearages are
paid, unless at the option oi the editor.
The terms qfadvertisihg will be as allows :
One square, twelve lines, three times, 81 00
Every subsequent insertion, ...... 25
One square, three mouths, 3 00
One year, . . 8 Oo
Crjoite poetrn.
BITTERNESS.
We sat among the ripe white sheave;
The western kie were golden red ;
We had a book : we turned the leaves ;
Bat not a word we sa id.
A sudden lull a thrilling pans ;
We seemed at once one thought to have,
We Utile could divine the cause
That such a moment gave.
A minute that comes once and goes;
That most be snatched at once or lost;
O foolish heart! but something rose
In me. Our fate was crossed.
We rose up from the shining sheaf ;
We looked back at the setting sun :
We scarcely spoke we seemed to grieve
The golden day was done.
And on the morrow I was gone,
We could not speak for paultry fear
The morrow will go gliding on,
And we find each a bitter one,
Nor meet for many a year
Soldier Trinlers.
THEY KC POSSESION OF AN OFFICE AND MACE
THEIR MARK.
TT. boys of the Iowa Regiment found
a Secession press lying around loose upon
their entrance into Macon City, the editor
thereof having vamosed. Regarding it as a
great ' waste of the raw material," Frank B.
Wilkie, was entlalleJ as editor, and a half
dozen of the volunteers detailed as printers
of the concera, and forthwith a regimen
tal newspaper was inaneurated. The first
and only number contains the saltatory
and valedictory of the editor, a proclama
tion by the Colo iel, an account of a Mas
presentation by the ladies of Macon, and
the ceremonies ol raisin the same in the
camp, with notices of speeches by O'Con
nor and others on th occasion besides sev
eral spicy editorial and a valedictory by
the editor, moMly addressed to the propri
etor of the priming office. Here is the val
edictory :
Johnson, wherever you are -whether
Inrking in the recesses of the dim woods or
fleeing a fugitive on the open plain nnder
the broad canopy of Heaven Good bye!
We never saw your countenance, never
expect to. never want to, but for all that,
old fellow, we won't be proud, so Johnson,
good bye, ard take care of yourself !
We're going to leave you, Johnson go
ing to leave you withiout as much as Sook
inj into your honest eyes, or clasping your
manly hand, and even without so much as
giving utterance to your face of God bless
you. We're right sorry, we are, that you
didn't stay with ns and attend to our domes
tic and other affairs, and not leave every
thing, to skulk away and lose yourself nev
er to return. Oh, Johnson, why did you
how could you do this?
Johnson, we leave yoa to-night we'er
going where bullets are thick and rousqui
toes are thicker we may never return if
we do not, old boy,, remember ns. We sat
at your table; we stole Latin from your
"Dictionary of Latin Quotations ;" we wrote
Union articles with your pen, your ink and
jour paper; we printed them on your press;
our boys set 'em op with ) oar types ; they
used yonr "galleys," your"shooting sticks,"
your "chases," yoar "quads," your "spa
ces,M your Mrulea," your everything ; we
drank sores poor whisky out of your bottle;
and now, Johnson, after doing all this lor
you, you won't forget us, will you 1 Keep
us is mind, remember us in your evening
prayers, when yoo say ihem, if yoa do
say them ; and if yoa put up a petition at
mid-day, don't forget as then ; or if yoa
wake in the solemn stillness of the night
and implore a benison upon the absent, re
member us then !
Once more, Johnson oar hearts pain cs
to say it that sorrowful word but once
more, and forever, Johnson, good bye ! If
you come our way, call. Johnson, adieu !
Judging from the subjoined paragraph,
the "boys" were a jolly set of fellows:
Strang I, is not often that one enters
printing effice conducted under precisely
the circumstances of the one in which The
Union is now being issued. Men in uni
form stand at the cases a row of gleaming
muskets in slacks is before the door, be
side which paces a sentinel with a loaded
piece the editors table is ornamented with
a revolver, two bottles of well something
to sustain a -drooping spirit weighed down
by the responsibilities of his position (edi
torial) and the dangers of war, a meer
ehanm, and a pile of ancient ' exchanges.
Military uniforms bang ; around the - walls,
bayonet sheaths litter the floor, revolvers
and bowie knives bristle in every belt; and
in short, the only resemblances to a printing
ofSea are the click of types and the familiar
music of the press. We hope that our
friends here will not fail to call and mark
the peculiarities of this ns .v regime.
Over one hundred thousand letters sent
North from Washington week before last
two-thirds of ttera were written bv or,"
Q R E AT SPEECH
".' or
1103. STEPHEN A, D0UGL1S.
In the United States Senate, on the lbtk of
March, 1861, the Last One He Delivered tn
the Halls cf Congress, and the Last Official
Act oj His Lije.
in this state of the case, for the purpose
of quieting the apprehension of the coun
try, and demonstrating, first, that the Presi
dent does not meditate war ; and secondly,
that he has no means for prosecuting a warfare
upon the seceding States, even if he desired, 1
bring in this resolution. Attempts are made
to prevent its consideration. It is suggest
ed that the discussion of it at this lime would
be, if not improper, at least injurious.
What bad effect can result from answering
the inquiries contained in the resolution ?
If the policy of the Administration be
peace, and if the answer be such as I anti
cipate it will be, it will quiet the country ;
it will relieve these apprehension ; it will
cause rejoicing throughout the length and
breadth of the land. If, on the contrary,
the policy be war, it is due lo the people of
the United States that that fact should be
known,nd that we be informed whither we
are drifting, in order that we may see whelh
er we are willing to be drawn into war ir
regularly, without the sanction of Congress
or the consent of the country.
I believe that the answer to this resolu
tion will quiet the country, and restore good
will and good feelings among the people of
the different sections. I repeal the convic
tion that Mr. Lincoln does not meditate war.
Certain ! am that, under the laws as they
now exist, he cannot consistent w.th his oath
do any act that will produce collision between
the seceeding States and the Federal Government.
In the first place he has no power, under
the existing laws, to collect the revenue on
ship-board, as is suggested by the partisan
press. By the laws of the land, the reven
ue must be collected at the ports of entry,
and in the cut-torn houses designated by
law, and cannot be collected anywhere else,
except in specific cases provided in the law
itself. By reference to the act of the 2d of
March, 1799, it will be teen that Sooth Car
olina is divided in three collection districts ;
that three port, of entry are established ;
one at Georgetown, one at Charleston, and
one at Beaulon ; and a collector, surveyor,
and naval officer, ars to be appointed "to
reside at ( An letton." The custom hoao
officers are required to reside at the ports
of entry designed in the law. So it is with
all the collection districts in all the other
State. Another section section eighteen
of the (aw makes it unlawful to enter
goods or collect revenue elsewhere than the
"ports of entry" designated in the law. It
epresly prohibits the collection of reven
ue or the entry of goods at any other place -Then,
a subsequent section section eigty
five of the same la.v makes one exception
to this rule ; and that is in case a vessel is
prevented by ice from approaching the pier
or wharf at the port of entry, the captain on
application to the collector, may receive a
permit to land the goods, and pay the du
ties at any place in the district designated
in the permit. The only case, then, where
revenue can lawfully be collected, or goods
lawfully entered, at any other, point th?n
the port ol entry designated in the law. is
where the vessel is obstruced by ice from
approaching the wharf at such port.
It has been su2gesied, and the people of
the country North and South, have been
led to believe, that it is the purpose of this
Administration, without authority o! law, to
order revenue cutters down to those south
ern ports, and :o collect revenue on board
ol them. I wish to call the attention of the
Senate and the country to the fact that the
law forbids the collection of revenue on ship
board or anywhere else, except at Charleston,
at Savannah, at New Orleans, and at each
one of the ports designated in the law.
The President of the United States would
subject himself justly and "lawfully to im
peachment if be should attempt to collect
the revenue on shipboard, or in any other
place," than that authorized by law. The
law in this respect stands now just as it did
when General Jackson in 1832, called on
Congresb for additional legislation to enable
him to collect revenue at the port of
Charleston. Then General Jackson had no
power to remove the custom-house from
the City of Charleston to ship-board in the
harbor. He had no power to order the col
lection of revenue anywhere else thati at
the place designated by law. Because ot
the absence of legal authority to do this, he
called on Congress to pass a law, which
authorized him to collect the revenue on
land or ship-board, anywhere within the
the harbor other than at the place designa
ted at the port of entry. Congress passed
the law known to the country now as the
"force bill." The force bill was passed
March 2, 1833 ; and the first and fifth sec
tion which gave authority to collect the
revenue at any place in the harbor, and
the power to use military force, expired at
the end of the next session of Congress by
the express. limitation of the act. Hence
the law stands now just as it did before the
force. bill was passed ; and there is no more
authority to collect revenue on shipboard
now than there was before the passage of
the act of 1833. Yon cannot under law,
collect the revenue anywhere else either xn
shipboard or on land. Then, when danger
is there bf any collision between this gov
ernment and the seceded States upon the
question of collecting "revenue? There is
cone, unless Senators suppose that the
President of the United States is going to
Mr.
Lincoln is going to do any such thing.
But we are told that the country is to be
precipitated into war by blockading all the
southern ports ; .blockading ports within
the United States ; blockading our own
ports with our own army and navy !
Where is the authority for that ? What law
authorizes the President ol the United States
to blockade federal ports at discretion 1 He
has no more authority to blockade New Or
leans or Charleston than he has to block
ade New York or Boston; and no more legal
right to blockade Mobile than Chicago.
Sir, I cannot consent that the President of
the United States may at his discretion
blockade the ports of the United States or
any other country. He can do only what
the Constitution and laws authorize him to
do. "He dare not attempt to obstruct the
navigation at the mouth of the Mississippi
river," or at Moble, or at any other port in
the seceded States, or even those that re
main loyal to the Constitution and the Uni
on; The intimation that he is to do this
implies a want of respect for the integrity
of the President, or an ignorance of the laws
of the land on the part of those who are
disturbing the harmony and quiet of the
country by threats of illegal violence.
Mr. King Will the Senator allow me to
ask him a question in relation to his matter ?
Is it rot the duty of the President to pre
vent smuggling in all the ports of this
Union ?
Mr. Douglas. I not am talking about
smuggling. It is his duty to enforce the
laws of the land in respect to smuggling.
But, sir, it is not his duty to prevent
smuggling in any other mode or. by any
other means than those provided by law.
Will the Senator from New York intimate
to the Senate and to the country that, under
the pretext of preventing smuggling, the
President can close a port created by law,
and stop all commerce connected with it ?
Will he intimate that, under suspicion that
if the revenue cutter allows a vessel to en
ter the port of New Orleans she will not
pay any dutias, therefore the President will
prevent her going there ? The law gives
no such power, no such discretion. The
suggestion, therefor, of ',he Senator from
New York, that these ports of the United
States are to be blockaded by the Navy at
the discretion of the President, under pre
tense of preventing smuggling, only shows
how loosely even Senators talk about the
powers and duties of the President, lt js
no nse to araoe the question. There is no
law that authorizes it. To do the act. "or
'
attempt it
u.nnM f t,n "rrvri
crimes and usurpations that would justly
subject the President of the United Stales
to impeachment."
But we are told that the President is go
ing to enforce the laws in the seceded
States. How ? By calling out tbe militia
and using the Army and Navy! These
terms are used as freely and as flippantly
as if we were a military government where
martial law was the only rule of action, and
the will of the monarch was the only law
on the subject. Sir, the President "cannot
use the Army or the Navy, or the militia,
for any purpose not authorized by law."
What is that ? If there be an insurrection
in any Slate "against laws and authorities
thereof," tbe President can use military to
put il down ''only when called upon by the
S'ate Legislature, if it be in session, or il it
cannot be convened, by the Governor."
He cannot interfere except wnen requested.
If, on the contrary, the insurrection be a
gainst the laws of the United States instead
of a Stale, then the president can use the
military only as a posse commilatus in aid of
the marshal in such cases as are so extreme
that judicial authority and the powers of the
marshal cannot put down the obstruction.
The military cannot be used in any case
whatever except the aid of civil process to
assist the marshall to execute a writ. I
shall not quote the laws upon this subject
but if gentlemen will refer to ihe acts of
1795 and 1807, they will find that by the
act of 1795 the militia only could be called
out to aid in the enforcement of the laws
when resisted to such an extent that the
marshal could not overcome the obstruction.
By the act of 1808, the President is author
ized to use tbe Army and Navy to aid in
enforcing the laws in all cases where it was
before lawful to use militia. Hence the
military power no matter whether navy reg
ulars, volonteers, or militia, can be used
only in aid ot the civil authorities.
Now, sir, how are you going to create a
case in one of those seceded States where
the President would be authorized to call
out the military? Yoa must first pro
cure a writ from the judge describing the
crime ; yoa must place that in the hands of
the marshal, and must meet such obstruc
tions as render it impossible for him to ex
ecuteit; and then, and not till then, can
yoa call upon the military. Where is yourl
judge in tbe seceded State6? Where is
your marshal ? You have no civil authori
ties there, and the President, in bis inaugu
ral, tells you he does not intend to appoint
any. He said he intended to use the power
confided to him, lo bold, and possess the
forts, and collect the reveaue ; but beyond
this be did not intend to go. Yoa are told,
therefore, in the inaugural, that be is going
to appoint no judges, no marshals, no civil
officers, in the seceded Stales, that can exe
cpte the law; and becee we are told that be
does not intend to use tbe Army, the Navy,
or tbe militia, for any such purpose.
It is yoar purpose to rush this country
blindly into war at a cost of $300,009,000
bids him to do. I do not believe
them to pay it because yoa have involved
us in civil war? Sir, I expect to stand by
my country under all circumstances ; and
hence, 1 will save her, if I can, from being
plunged into civil war of indefinite dura
tion, that will require a quarter of a million
of men and exhorbitant taxation, levied on
one-half the American people to subdue
the other half. Remember, this extraordin
ary amount of revenue, lbee extraordinary
numbers of men are to be called for in
eighteen States to fight fifteen ; lor it is use
less to disguise the fact, that wherever you
make the question one of war or peace, the
slaveholding States will be a unit, and will
be eighteen against fifteen. Are we pre
pared for civil war, with all its horrors and
calamities?
I repeat it, it is time that the line of poli
cy was adopted, and the country knew it.
In my opinion, we must choose, and that
promptly, between one of the three lines of
policy :
1. The RESTORATION AND PRESERVATION
of the Union by such amendments to the
Constitution as will insure the domestic
tranquility, safety and equality of all the
Slates, and thus restore peace, unity, and
fraternity to the whole country,
Or, 2. A peaceful dissolution of the
Union, by recognizing the independence of
6uch States as refuse to remain in the Union
without such constitutional amendments,
and the establishment of a liberal system of
commercial and social intercourse with,
them by treaties of commerce and amity.
Or 3. War, with a view to the subjuga
tion and military occupation to those States
which have seceded or may secede from
the Union.
1 repeat, that in my opinion, you must
adopt and pursue one of these three lines of
policy. The sooner you choose between
them and proclaim yourchoice to the coun
try, the better for you, the belter for ns, the
Delter lor every mend ol hbertv and consti- !
tutional government throughout the world.
In my opinion, the first proposition is the
best, and the last the worst.
I am in favor of such amendments to the
Constitution as will take that question out
of Congress, and restore peace to the coun
try. That may be done by non-intervemion
by popular sovereignty, as it is called ; I
or by the Crittenden amendment, making ;
an equitable partition of the territory be- !
tvveen the two sections, with a self-execu-
. -I Lit!.!. -I.
I CIU8B i)ro"'"ng ii on one sine anu ,
j Protecting it on the other. It may be done
! ,n vanou9 was- 1 Prefer 6Uch an amica-
I bIe settlement to peaceable disunion ; and I .
i lcic u a uiuusiUiu nines io civil war. 11
: . .. i . : i ir
we can adopt Buch amendment as will be
satisfactory to Virginia, Norih Carolina,Ten
e3see, and the border States, the same plan
ol pacification which will satisfy them will
create a Union party in the cotton States
which will soon embrace a large majority
of the people in those Stales, and bring
J them back of their own free will and ac
cord ; and thus restore, strengthen, and per
petuate the glorious old Union. I repeat,
whatever guarantees will satisfy Maryland
and the border Slates (the States now in
the Union) will create a Union pany in the
seceded States that will bring them back by
ihe voluntary action of their own people.
You can restore and preserve the Union in
that mode. You can do it in no other.
War is disunion. War ie final, eternal
separation. Hence, disguise it as you may,
every Union man in America must advo
cate such amendments to the Constitution
as will preserve peace and restore the Un
ion; while every disunionist, whether open
ly or secretly plotting its destruc tion, is the
advocate of peaceful secession, or of war,as
the surest means of rendering re-union and
re-constmction impossible. I have too
much respect for any man that has stand
ing enough to be elected a Senator, to be
lieve that he is for war, as a means for pre
serving Ihe Union, I have too much respect
for his intellect to believe for one moment,
that there is a man for war who is not a dis
unionist per te. Hence, I do not "mean, if I
can prevent it, that the enemies of the Un
ion men plotting to destroy it shall diag
this country into war under the pretext of
protecting the public properly, and enfor
cing the laws, and collecting 'he revenue,
when their object is disunion, and war the
means of accomplishing a cherished pur
pose. The disunionists, therefore, are divided
in two classes ; the one open, tbe other se
cret disunionists. The one in favor of
peaceful secession and a recognition of in
dependence; the other is in favor of war, as
the surest means of accomplishing the ob
ject, and of making the separation final,
eternal. 1 am a Union man, and hence,
against war. But we are told, and we hear
it repeated everywhere, that we must find
out if we have got a Government. "Have
we a Government?" is the question; and
we are tptj we maBt (est that question by
using the military power lo put down all
discontented spirits. Sir, this question,
' have we a Government?" has been pro
nounced by every tyrant wbo baa tried to
keep his feet on the' necks of the people
since the world began. When the Barons
demanded Magna Charta from King John
at Runnymede, he exclaimed, "have we a
Government ?" and called for his army to
put down the discontented barons. When
Charles I. attempted to collect the ship
money in violation of the constitution of
England, and in disregard of the rights of
tbe people, aud as resisted by them, he
exclaimed, "have we a Government ?'? We
from the throne of England for trampling
on the liberties of the people, he called for
his array, and exclaimed, ,:let us show that
we have a Government?" When George
III. called upon his army to put down the
rebellion in America, Lord North cried lust
ily, "no compromise with traitors ; let us
demonstrate that we have a Government "
When in 1848, the people rose upon their
tyrants all over Europe, and demanded
guarantees for their rights, every crowned
head exclaimed, ''have we a Government?"
and appealed to the army to vindicate their
authority and to enforce the law.
Sir, the history of the world does not fail
to condemn the folly, weakness and wick
edness of that government which drejv its
sword upon its own people when they de
manded guarantees for their rights. This
cry that we must have a government, is
merely following the example of the beso
ted Bourbon, who never learned anything by
misfortune, never forgave an injury, never
lorgot an affront. Must we demonstrate
that we have not a government, and coerce
obedience without reference to the justice
or injustice of the complaints ? Sir, when
ever ten million of people proclaim to you,
whith one unanimous voice, that they ap
prehend their righ:s, their firesides, and
their family alters are in darger, it becomes
a wise government to listen to the appeal,
and to remove the apprehension. History
does not record an example where any hu
man government has been strong enough
to crush ten million people into subjection
when they believe their riahts and liberties
were imperiled, without first converting the
gavernment itself into a despo'.ism, and de
stroying the last vistage of freedom.
Let us take warning from the examples
oflhepast. Wherever a government has
refused to listen lo the complaints of the
people, and attempted lo put down their
murmurs by the bayonet, they have payed
the penalty. Of all those who listened to
the people in 18-18, and granted charters of
liberty, and took an oath to sjpport them,
only one has been faithful; and he has
been rewarded for his fidelity, the olhers
will pay the penalty of their perfidy. The
King of Sardinia granted a constitution, tnok
an oath to support it and to-day he is King
of Italy. It George III had listened to the
murmurs of our fathers, and granted their
just demands, the war of the Revolution
would have been averted, and the blood man of any intellectual sensibility, with a
that was spilled would have been saved. j long chaos of bloodshed, darkness, anarchy,
If we consider this question calmly, and which was to take its rise from trie appaent
make such amendments as will convince J ly trilling acts of this one morning So pre
the people of the Southern States that they j pared, we r.ped not much wander at what
are safe and secure in their person, in their j followed. Ca?-ar was yet linuering on the
property, and in their family relations,
wnnin uie union, we can restore anu pre- tar distant trom riimselt, an apparition was , rPajy made for the year end" Jane 30
serve it. If we cannot satisfy the people of j descried in a sitting posture, and holding ; for the force now in the field, Is staled at
the border States that they may remain in j in its hand what seemed a flute. This S185.29G, 397. The report recommends a
the Union with safety, dissolution is inevi- j phantom wa of ur.usnal size., and of beauty re-organization of the militia and of the sys
table. Then the simple question comes ; more than human, so far as its lineament tern of education at West Toint. An Afesis
back, what shall be the policy of the Union could be traced in the early dawn. What tant Secretary of War is also asked for.
men of this country ? Shall it be peace, or 1 is singular, however, in the story, on any The arms made at onr national manufac
shall it be war? What man in all America j hypothesis which would explain it out of tories compare, he says, most favorably
with a heart in his bosom, who knows the . Cicsar's individual condition is, that others with the best made for foreign governments,
fact connected with Fort Sumpter, can hes- , saw it as well as he ; both pastoral laboreis and recommends ihe making of those arms
itate in saying lhat duty, honor, patriotism, (who were present probably, in the char- i we may require, and which the national
humanity, require that Anderson and his ' acter ol guide,) and some of ihe sentinels armories cannot supply, by private mano
gallant band should be instantly withdraw!;? ( stationed it the passage of ihe river. ; facturer in place of foreign ones. As the
Sir, I am not afraid to say so. I would j These men fancied even that a strain of rifle cannon is so efficient, arrangements
scorn to take a party advantage or manufac- muvic issued from the aerial flute. And have been made for rifling a large portioa
ture partizau capilol out of an act of patri- i some, both of the sheperds and Roman ol- of the guns now on handT
Otism i illpr whn upre hnli?fr lhan lh rpst aH. I
Peace is the only policy lhat can save vanced towards ihe figure. Among this '
the country. Let peace be proclaimed as ' party, it happened that there were a few!
the policy, and you will find lhat a thrill of Roman trumpeters. From one of these the
joy will animate the heart of every patriot ' phantom, rising as they advanced nearer,!
in the land; confidence will be restored ; suddenly caught a trumpet, and blowing a
business will be revive! ; joy will gladden blast of superhuman breath, plunged into
every heart; bonfires will blaze upon the ' Rubicon, passed to the other bank and
hill-lops and the valleys, and the church j disappeared in the dusky twilight ot the
bells will proclaim the glad tidinqs in every i dawn Upon which C;esar exclaimed:,
city, town, and village in America, and the ( it j3 finished the die is cast let us fol
applause of a grateful people will greet you ; 0w whithpr the guiding portents of Heaven
everywhere. Proclaim ihe policy of war, ' and tr,e malice of our enemy, alike sum-
and there will be gloom and sadness and
despair pictured upon the face of every pa -
triot in the land. A war of kindred, family, j rapture of passionate and vindictive ambi- 5
and friends; father against son. mother t;on pUced himself and his retinue upon
against daughier, brother against brother, to ; Ilalian anjj as if by inspiration from '
subjugate one half of this country into obe- j Heaven, in one moment, involved himself
dience to the other half; if you do not mean j aml fol!owers m ,reaSon, raised the stan- :
this, if you mean peace, let tnis be adopted, I ?arj of revot) put his ,00t upori the neck
and give the President the opportunity, ; of ,he icTincibe republic, which had hum
through the Secretary of War, to speak the ! M.t all ih i-; t , r.i.,,i -
word -peace;" and thirty million people will
hlPs him with their nravers. and honor
bless him with their prayers, and honor
him with their shouts of joy.
Hicu Life. Madrid, ihe capital of Spain,
is the highest of (he European capitals ;
22,000 people dwell at the elevation of 22,
000 feet, og a naked desert plain, chilled by
a biting breeze nine months of the year,
and are baked the remaining three. The
highest permanent residence in Europe is
in the pass of Santia Maria 9 272 feet. In
the Andes of South America, where a trop
ical temperature prevails, man dwells much
more aloft than in Europe. Potosi, the
highest ciny on the globe on the celebrated
meialliferious mountain, is 13,150 leet
above the sea, and a post-house at Rum
ilhaus is 15,540 feet, which is but a trifle
below the peak of Mount Blanc, where
mortal never staid more lhan two hours.
The Young Wjte. The marriage of mid
dle age is companionship ; the second mar
riage of maturity, perhaps the reparation of
a mistake, perhaps the palid 'ranscrip of a
buried joy; but the marriage of the loving
young is by the direct blessing of God, and
is the realization of the complete ideal of a
lovely human life. Let those who have
found that pearl hold fas: and keep it safe.
Within the door where love dwells no evil
thing should enter ; and the loving bride,
who Wpt; ixJh,2JiJvX
Caesar Crosses tbe Rubicon.
Un the ever memorable night, when Ju-
i-..- i , , .. c ,
Iius Ceesar had resolved to take the first
step, (and in snch a cae the first step, as
regarding the power of retreating, was also
the final slep which placed him in arms
against the State,) it happened that his head
qnarters were at some distance from the lit
tle river, Rubicon, which formed ihe boun
dary of his province. With his usual cau
tion, that no news of his motions might run
before himself, on this night Cacar pave an
entertainment to his friends, in the midst of
which he slipped away unobserved, and
with a small retinue proceeded through the
woods to ihe point of the river at which he
desianed to cros. ,
The night was stormy, anc by the vio
lence of the wind, the torches of his escort
were blown out so that the whole party lost
their road, having probably at first inten
tionally deviated from the main road, until
the early dawri enabled them to recover
their true course. The light was still grey
and uncertain as Cfrsar and his retinue
rode down npon the banks of the fatal river
to cross, which with their arms in their
hands, since ihe farther bank lay within the
territory of the Republic ipso facto pro
claimed any Roman a rebel and a traitor.
No man, the firmest or most obtnse. could
be otherwise than deeply agitated, when,
looking down upon this little brook so in
significant in itself, but invested by law
with a sanctity so awful, and so dire a con
secration. The whole course of future his
tory, and the fate of every nation, would
necessarily be determined by the irretriev
able act of the next half hour.
In these moments, and with this specta
cle before him, and contemplating these
immeasurable consequences consciouly
for the last time that would allow him a re
treat impressed also by the so'emnity and
deep tranqnPi'y nf the silent dawn, while
the exacstion of his niht wanderings pre
disposed Ca?iar, we may be snre, was pro
foundly agiiateJ. The whole elements of
the scene were almot scientifically dispos
ed ; the law of antagonism having perhaps
never been employed with so mnch effect:
the little quiet brook presenting a direct
I antithesis to its grand political character;
, and the innocent dawn, with its pure, un
troubled repose contrasting potently, to a
j hither bank, when suddenly at a point not
j mon ns to go !"' So saying, he crossed the
! riVer with impetuosity: and in a sudden
a empire which was t0 for a lhonsanJ
., , .
anJ haI, a thousand years. In what man
ner lhis Fpec,ta appearance was managed
whether the C:rsar was its author or its
dupe will remain unknown forever De
Quiucey.
In Bangor, Me., there resides a certain
William S , a teamster, who is noted
for his jolity, and also for keeping late
hours,, as he usually goes home at 2 o'clock
in the morning. Well, one stormy night
about a year ago William concluded to go
home early, and, accordingly, he arrived at
his house at jujt midnight. In answer to
his knock, his mother opened a window
and inquired :
"Who is there."
"William," was the reply.
you can't come that;
iiv'j ruiu ciii j
over me ; my William won't be home for cup of life is sweetest at the brim ; the fla
two hours yet." j vor is impaired a we drink deeper; and the
Poor Bill had to wait till his usual time, j dregs are made bluer that we may not strut;-.
- - - - i.;e when i is taken from our lips.
Fun is the most censervative element of!
society, and ought to be cherished and en- j An Eastern establishment .ha has been
couraged by all lawful means. People I largely engaged in the manufacture of bal-
never plot mischief when they are merry
Laugh'er is an enemy to malice, a foe to
scandal, an'l n ffj?ni,Ll'".ii Prp'r r'rnP
The Treasury and War Department.
Tl, - . r . v. c i . u -r
' . .
suryandWar Departments are next in iro-
' , r
ponance io me message oi toe J resident.
Secretary Chase show that the whole
amount required for 1862 will be 5318,519.
581. The appropriations already made
amount to S79.7 10,870. To supply the de
ficiency from revenue, be advises the rai
sing of 880,000,000 by tax and 5240,000 Oort
by loans. Modifications of the tariff an
al-o recommended, imposing a luiy of 2$
cents per pound on broA-n sugar, 4 cents
on refined Bugara. 5 cents on coffee, 15 cent
on black lea, and 20 cents on green tea.
As to taxation, he says :
The value of real property is estimated at
SIl.272.053,881, and value of personal prop
erty at 34,830,880535. The proportion of
the property of both descriptions in the
United States, excluding those at present
under insurrection, is 810,900,758,009, of
which sum 7,630,530,603 represents, ac
cord ng to the best estimates, the value of
the real, and $3 270,227.404 tbe value of
the personal property. A rate one-eight of
one percent, advalorem on the whole real
and personal property of the country would
produce a sum ol S20. 128.667.
A rate of one fifth ol one per cent, on the
real and personal property of the Slates not
under insurrection would produce the sum
of S21;800,056; and a rate of ihree tenths ot
one per cent, on the real property alone in
these States would produce $32,891,590
either sum being largely in excess of the
amount required.
The expediency of opening a subscrip
tion for a national loan of S10 000,000is
also suggested lo be issued in the form of
Treasury notes or exchequer bills bearing a
yearly interest of 7 3-10 per centum, to be
paid half yearly, and redeemable at the
pleasure of the United States after three
years from date.
The Secretary also snsgests a retrench
ment of current expenses of Government
by reducing salaries and wases 40 percent,
by abolishing the franking privilege, and a
reduction of postal and other expenses.
The property of those engaged in the in
surrection might also be made to contribute
its share by forfeiture.
The Secretary of War. Mr. Cameron,
hows that the force now in command of
ihe government is 310,000 men, which will
be reduced to 230,003 after the discharge of
three months' volunteers. Mr. Cameron
recommends that the term of enlistment
for the new regiments be three years, and
all who are honorably discharged at the
close of the term receive a bounty of S100
The appropration required beside that a!
Northern Troops and Southern Snoi
The prevalent idea that northern troops
cannot endure a summer campaign in a
southern climate is a humbug. There nev
er wa better campaigning weather in Vir
ginia for a month past. Besides our New
England, New York, Pennsylvania, and
Michigan troops would thrive better in mar
ches, battles and sieves in the Cotton States
lhan the Southerners themselves. Tbe rea
son is, a majority of our Northern soldiers
have been laboring men.
A man who has worked in harvest fields
I all the summer of his manhood, or who has
been sweltering in machine shops or roll
ing mills year after year without thinking
of the state of the thermometer, is not likely
to flinch and faint, if called upon to carry a
gun and knapsack on a forced march in
July.
During this summer the nights have gen-
j ' m
bracing, and ihe evenings balmy. Give the
.-.'!.. V I I .1 - .1. -
soldier boys a rest in the shade for two or
three hours in the heat of the day, and if
they are well clothed nnd fed, they will be
glad to be in motion, and will become con
tinually more cheerful and elastic. The
Southern army is not largely composed of
laboring men, and the chavalry howl dole
fully about ihe laboring of making fortifica
tions. They might do tolerably well in a
fight, but wcnIJ faint on a march and fizzle
atari entrench rr.tiiit. Ihe soldiers of the
Union would thus have important advanta
ges over the rebels on their own ground
! and in their own climate.
Hope writes the poetry of a Voy, but
Memory thai of a man. Man looks for
ward with t-miles, bui backward with sighs.
Such is the wi.e providence of God. The
moral kir.s is tuw employing all its handt
in torniug out a new pattern ol "red white
k
I