E NOEfi 4 . r 1 1 r IF. U. JACOBI, Proprietor. TriUh and night God and our Country. Two Dollars per ' Annas. VOLUME 13. BLOOMS BURG. COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY JULY 24, 1861. NUMBER 29. s F 5 i f STAR OF THE NORTH rUBLIBHKD KTBRY WIDNX8DAT BT - -: W. II. JACOB r, Olflee on Main St., 3rd Square below Market. TERMS: Two Dollars per annum if paid within fix months from the time of subscri bing : two dollars and fifty cents if not paid .wiihiu the year. No subscription taken fur .a less period than fix months; no discon tinuances permitted until ail arrearages are paid, unless at the option oi the editor. The terms qfadvertisihg will be as allows : One square, twelve lines, three times, 81 00 Every subsequent insertion, ...... 25 One square, three mouths, 3 00 One year, . . 8 Oo Crjoite poetrn. BITTERNESS. We sat among the ripe white sheave; The western kie were golden red ; We had a book : we turned the leaves ; Bat not a word we sa id. A sudden lull a thrilling pans ; We seemed at once one thought to have, We Utile could divine the cause That such a moment gave. A minute that comes once and goes; That most be snatched at once or lost; O foolish heart! but something rose In me. Our fate was crossed. We rose up from the shining sheaf ; We looked back at the setting sun : We scarcely spoke we seemed to grieve The golden day was done. And on the morrow I was gone, We could not speak for paultry fear The morrow will go gliding on, And we find each a bitter one, Nor meet for many a year Soldier Trinlers. THEY KC POSSESION OF AN OFFICE AND MACE THEIR MARK. TT. boys of the Iowa Regiment found a Secession press lying around loose upon their entrance into Macon City, the editor thereof having vamosed. Regarding it as a great ' waste of the raw material," Frank B. Wilkie, was entlalleJ as editor, and a half dozen of the volunteers detailed as printers of the concera, and forthwith a regimen tal newspaper was inaneurated. The first and only number contains the saltatory and valedictory of the editor, a proclama tion by the Colo iel, an account of a Mas presentation by the ladies of Macon, and the ceremonies ol raisin the same in the camp, with notices of speeches by O'Con nor and others on th occasion besides sev eral spicy editorial and a valedictory by the editor, moMly addressed to the propri etor of the priming office. Here is the val edictory : Johnson, wherever you are -whether Inrking in the recesses of the dim woods or fleeing a fugitive on the open plain nnder the broad canopy of Heaven Good bye! We never saw your countenance, never expect to. never want to, but for all that, old fellow, we won't be proud, so Johnson, good bye, ard take care of yourself ! We're going to leave you, Johnson go ing to leave you withiout as much as Sook inj into your honest eyes, or clasping your manly hand, and even without so much as giving utterance to your face of God bless you. We're right sorry, we are, that you didn't stay with ns and attend to our domes tic and other affairs, and not leave every thing, to skulk away and lose yourself nev er to return. Oh, Johnson, why did you how could you do this? Johnson, we leave yoa to-night we'er going where bullets are thick and rousqui toes are thicker we may never return if we do not, old boy,, remember ns. We sat at your table; we stole Latin from your "Dictionary of Latin Quotations ;" we wrote Union articles with your pen, your ink and jour paper; we printed them on your press; our boys set 'em op with ) oar types ; they used yonr "galleys," your"shooting sticks," your "chases," yoar "quads," your "spa ces,M your Mrulea," your everything ; we drank sores poor whisky out of your bottle; and now, Johnson, after doing all this lor you, you won't forget us, will you 1 Keep us is mind, remember us in your evening prayers, when yoo say ihem, if yoa do say them ; and if yoa put up a petition at mid-day, don't forget as then ; or if yoa wake in the solemn stillness of the night and implore a benison upon the absent, re member us then ! Once more, Johnson oar hearts pain cs to say it that sorrowful word but once more, and forever, Johnson, good bye ! If you come our way, call. Johnson, adieu ! Judging from the subjoined paragraph, the "boys" were a jolly set of fellows: Strang I, is not often that one enters printing effice conducted under precisely the circumstances of the one in which The Union is now being issued. Men in uni form stand at the cases a row of gleaming muskets in slacks is before the door, be side which paces a sentinel with a loaded piece the editors table is ornamented with a revolver, two bottles of well something to sustain a -drooping spirit weighed down by the responsibilities of his position (edi torial) and the dangers of war, a meer ehanm, and a pile of ancient ' exchanges. Military uniforms bang ; around the - walls, bayonet sheaths litter the floor, revolvers and bowie knives bristle in every belt; and in short, the only resemblances to a printing ofSea are the click of types and the familiar music of the press. We hope that our friends here will not fail to call and mark the peculiarities of this ns .v regime. Over one hundred thousand letters sent North from Washington week before last two-thirds of ttera were written bv or," Q R E AT SPEECH ".' or 1103. STEPHEN A, D0UGL1S. In the United States Senate, on the lbtk of March, 1861, the Last One He Delivered tn the Halls cf Congress, and the Last Official Act oj His Lije. in this state of the case, for the purpose of quieting the apprehension of the coun try, and demonstrating, first, that the Presi dent does not meditate war ; and secondly, that he has no means for prosecuting a warfare upon the seceding States, even if he desired, 1 bring in this resolution. Attempts are made to prevent its consideration. It is suggest ed that the discussion of it at this lime would be, if not improper, at least injurious. What bad effect can result from answering the inquiries contained in the resolution ? If the policy of the Administration be peace, and if the answer be such as I anti cipate it will be, it will quiet the country ; it will relieve these apprehension ; it will cause rejoicing throughout the length and breadth of the land. If, on the contrary, the policy be war, it is due lo the people of the United States that that fact should be known,nd that we be informed whither we are drifting, in order that we may see whelh er we are willing to be drawn into war ir regularly, without the sanction of Congress or the consent of the country. I believe that the answer to this resolu tion will quiet the country, and restore good will and good feelings among the people of the different sections. I repeal the convic tion that Mr. Lincoln does not meditate war. Certain ! am that, under the laws as they now exist, he cannot consistent w.th his oath do any act that will produce collision between the seceeding States and the Federal Government. In the first place he has no power, under the existing laws, to collect the revenue on ship-board, as is suggested by the partisan press. By the laws of the land, the reven ue must be collected at the ports of entry, and in the cut-torn houses designated by law, and cannot be collected anywhere else, except in specific cases provided in the law itself. By reference to the act of the 2d of March, 1799, it will be teen that Sooth Car olina is divided in three collection districts ; that three port, of entry are established ; one at Georgetown, one at Charleston, and one at Beaulon ; and a collector, surveyor, and naval officer, ars to be appointed "to reside at ( An letton." The custom hoao officers are required to reside at the ports of entry designed in the law. So it is with all the collection districts in all the other State. Another section section eighteen of the (aw makes it unlawful to enter goods or collect revenue elsewhere than the "ports of entry" designated in the law. It epresly prohibits the collection of reven ue or the entry of goods at any other place -Then, a subsequent section section eigty five of the same la.v makes one exception to this rule ; and that is in case a vessel is prevented by ice from approaching the pier or wharf at the port of entry, the captain on application to the collector, may receive a permit to land the goods, and pay the du ties at any place in the district designated in the permit. The only case, then, where revenue can lawfully be collected, or goods lawfully entered, at any other, point th?n the port ol entry designated in the law. is where the vessel is obstruced by ice from approaching the wharf at such port. It has been su2gesied, and the people of the country North and South, have been led to believe, that it is the purpose of this Administration, without authority o! law, to order revenue cutters down to those south ern ports, and :o collect revenue on board ol them. I wish to call the attention of the Senate and the country to the fact that the law forbids the collection of revenue on ship board or anywhere else, except at Charleston, at Savannah, at New Orleans, and at each one of the ports designated in the law. The President of the United States would subject himself justly and "lawfully to im peachment if be should attempt to collect the revenue on shipboard, or in any other place," than that authorized by law. The law in this respect stands now just as it did when General Jackson in 1832, called on Congresb for additional legislation to enable him to collect revenue at the port of Charleston. Then General Jackson had no power to remove the custom-house from the City of Charleston to ship-board in the harbor. He had no power to order the col lection of revenue anywhere else thati at the place designated by law. Because ot the absence of legal authority to do this, he called on Congress to pass a law, which authorized him to collect the revenue on land or ship-board, anywhere within the the harbor other than at the place designa ted at the port of entry. Congress passed the law known to the country now as the "force bill." The force bill was passed March 2, 1833 ; and the first and fifth sec tion which gave authority to collect the revenue at any place in the harbor, and the power to use military force, expired at the end of the next session of Congress by the express. limitation of the act. Hence the law stands now just as it did before the force. bill was passed ; and there is no more authority to collect revenue on shipboard now than there was before the passage of the act of 1833. Yon cannot under law, collect the revenue anywhere else either xn shipboard or on land. Then, when danger is there bf any collision between this gov ernment and the seceded States upon the question of collecting "revenue? There is cone, unless Senators suppose that the President of the United States is going to Mr. Lincoln is going to do any such thing. But we are told that the country is to be precipitated into war by blockading all the southern ports ; .blockading ports within the United States ; blockading our own ports with our own army and navy ! Where is the authority for that ? What law authorizes the President ol the United States to blockade federal ports at discretion 1 He has no more authority to blockade New Or leans or Charleston than he has to block ade New York or Boston; and no more legal right to blockade Mobile than Chicago. Sir, I cannot consent that the President of the United States may at his discretion blockade the ports of the United States or any other country. He can do only what the Constitution and laws authorize him to do. "He dare not attempt to obstruct the navigation at the mouth of the Mississippi river," or at Moble, or at any other port in the seceded States, or even those that re main loyal to the Constitution and the Uni on; The intimation that he is to do this implies a want of respect for the integrity of the President, or an ignorance of the laws of the land on the part of those who are disturbing the harmony and quiet of the country by threats of illegal violence. Mr. King Will the Senator allow me to ask him a question in relation to his matter ? Is it rot the duty of the President to pre vent smuggling in all the ports of this Union ? Mr. Douglas. I not am talking about smuggling. It is his duty to enforce the laws of the land in respect to smuggling. But, sir, it is not his duty to prevent smuggling in any other mode or. by any other means than those provided by law. Will the Senator from New York intimate to the Senate and to the country that, under the pretext of preventing smuggling, the President can close a port created by law, and stop all commerce connected with it ? Will he intimate that, under suspicion that if the revenue cutter allows a vessel to en ter the port of New Orleans she will not pay any dutias, therefore the President will prevent her going there ? The law gives no such power, no such discretion. The suggestion, therefor, of ',he Senator from New York, that these ports of the United States are to be blockaded by the Navy at the discretion of the President, under pre tense of preventing smuggling, only shows how loosely even Senators talk about the powers and duties of the President, lt js no nse to araoe the question. There is no law that authorizes it. To do the act. "or ' attempt it u.nnM f t,n "rrvri crimes and usurpations that would justly subject the President of the United Stales to impeachment." But we are told that the President is go ing to enforce the laws in the seceded States. How ? By calling out tbe militia and using the Army and Navy! These terms are used as freely and as flippantly as if we were a military government where martial law was the only rule of action, and the will of the monarch was the only law on the subject. Sir, the President "cannot use the Army or the Navy, or the militia, for any purpose not authorized by law." What is that ? If there be an insurrection in any Slate "against laws and authorities thereof," tbe President can use military to put il down ''only when called upon by the S'ate Legislature, if it be in session, or il it cannot be convened, by the Governor." He cannot interfere except wnen requested. If, on the contrary, the insurrection be a gainst the laws of the United States instead of a Stale, then the president can use the military only as a posse commilatus in aid of the marshal in such cases as are so extreme that judicial authority and the powers of the marshal cannot put down the obstruction. The military cannot be used in any case whatever except the aid of civil process to assist the marshall to execute a writ. I shall not quote the laws upon this subject but if gentlemen will refer to ihe acts of 1795 and 1807, they will find that by the act of 1795 the militia only could be called out to aid in the enforcement of the laws when resisted to such an extent that the marshal could not overcome the obstruction. By the act of 1808, the President is author ized to use tbe Army and Navy to aid in enforcing the laws in all cases where it was before lawful to use militia. Hence the military power no matter whether navy reg ulars, volonteers, or militia, can be used only in aid ot the civil authorities. Now, sir, how are you going to create a case in one of those seceded States where the President would be authorized to call out the military? Yoa must first pro cure a writ from the judge describing the crime ; yoa must place that in the hands of the marshal, and must meet such obstruc tions as render it impossible for him to ex ecuteit; and then, and not till then, can yoa call upon the military. Where is yourl judge in tbe seceded State6? Where is your marshal ? You have no civil authori ties there, and the President, in bis inaugu ral, tells you he does not intend to appoint any. He said he intended to use the power confided to him, lo bold, and possess the forts, and collect the reveaue ; but beyond this be did not intend to go. Yoa are told, therefore, in the inaugural, that be is going to appoint no judges, no marshals, no civil officers, in the seceded Stales, that can exe cpte the law; and becee we are told that be does not intend to use tbe Army, the Navy, or tbe militia, for any such purpose. It is yoar purpose to rush this country blindly into war at a cost of $300,009,000 bids him to do. I do not believe them to pay it because yoa have involved us in civil war? Sir, I expect to stand by my country under all circumstances ; and hence, 1 will save her, if I can, from being plunged into civil war of indefinite dura tion, that will require a quarter of a million of men and exhorbitant taxation, levied on one-half the American people to subdue the other half. Remember, this extraordin ary amount of revenue, lbee extraordinary numbers of men are to be called for in eighteen States to fight fifteen ; lor it is use less to disguise the fact, that wherever you make the question one of war or peace, the slaveholding States will be a unit, and will be eighteen against fifteen. Are we pre pared for civil war, with all its horrors and calamities? I repeat it, it is time that the line of poli cy was adopted, and the country knew it. In my opinion, we must choose, and that promptly, between one of the three lines of policy : 1. The RESTORATION AND PRESERVATION of the Union by such amendments to the Constitution as will insure the domestic tranquility, safety and equality of all the Slates, and thus restore peace, unity, and fraternity to the whole country, Or, 2. A peaceful dissolution of the Union, by recognizing the independence of 6uch States as refuse to remain in the Union without such constitutional amendments, and the establishment of a liberal system of commercial and social intercourse with, them by treaties of commerce and amity. Or 3. War, with a view to the subjuga tion and military occupation to those States which have seceded or may secede from the Union. 1 repeat, that in my opinion, you must adopt and pursue one of these three lines of policy. The sooner you choose between them and proclaim yourchoice to the coun try, the better for you, the belter for ns, the Delter lor every mend ol hbertv and consti- ! tutional government throughout the world. In my opinion, the first proposition is the best, and the last the worst. I am in favor of such amendments to the Constitution as will take that question out of Congress, and restore peace to the coun try. That may be done by non-intervemion by popular sovereignty, as it is called ; I or by the Crittenden amendment, making ; an equitable partition of the territory be- ! tvveen the two sections, with a self-execu- . -I Lit!.!. -I. I CIU8B i)ro"'"ng ii on one sine anu , j Protecting it on the other. It may be done ! ,n vanou9 was- 1 Prefer 6Uch an amica- I bIe settlement to peaceable disunion ; and I . i lcic u a uiuusiUiu nines io civil war. 11 : . .. i . : i ir we can adopt Buch amendment as will be satisfactory to Virginia, Norih Carolina,Ten e3see, and the border States, the same plan ol pacification which will satisfy them will create a Union party in the cotton States which will soon embrace a large majority of the people in those Stales, and bring J them back of their own free will and ac cord ; and thus restore, strengthen, and per petuate the glorious old Union. I repeat, whatever guarantees will satisfy Maryland and the border Slates (the States now in the Union) will create a Union pany in the seceded States that will bring them back by ihe voluntary action of their own people. You can restore and preserve the Union in that mode. You can do it in no other. War is disunion. War ie final, eternal separation. Hence, disguise it as you may, every Union man in America must advo cate such amendments to the Constitution as will preserve peace and restore the Un ion; while every disunionist, whether open ly or secretly plotting its destruc tion, is the advocate of peaceful secession, or of war,as the surest means of rendering re-union and re-constmction impossible. I have too much respect for any man that has stand ing enough to be elected a Senator, to be lieve that he is for war, as a means for pre serving Ihe Union, I have too much respect for his intellect to believe for one moment, that there is a man for war who is not a dis unionist per te. Hence, I do not "mean, if I can prevent it, that the enemies of the Un ion men plotting to destroy it shall diag this country into war under the pretext of protecting the public properly, and enfor cing the laws, and collecting 'he revenue, when their object is disunion, and war the means of accomplishing a cherished pur pose. The disunionists, therefore, are divided in two classes ; the one open, tbe other se cret disunionists. The one in favor of peaceful secession and a recognition of in dependence; the other is in favor of war, as the surest means of accomplishing the ob ject, and of making the separation final, eternal. 1 am a Union man, and hence, against war. But we are told, and we hear it repeated everywhere, that we must find out if we have got a Government. "Have we a Government?" is the question; and we are tptj we maBt (est that question by using the military power lo put down all discontented spirits. Sir, this question, ' have we a Government?" has been pro nounced by every tyrant wbo baa tried to keep his feet on the' necks of the people since the world began. When the Barons demanded Magna Charta from King John at Runnymede, he exclaimed, "have we a Government ?" and called for his army to put down the discontented barons. When Charles I. attempted to collect the ship money in violation of the constitution of England, and in disregard of the rights of tbe people, aud as resisted by them, he exclaimed, "have we a Government ?'? We from the throne of England for trampling on the liberties of the people, he called for his array, and exclaimed, ,:let us show that we have a Government?" When George III. called upon his army to put down the rebellion in America, Lord North cried lust ily, "no compromise with traitors ; let us demonstrate that we have a Government " When in 1848, the people rose upon their tyrants all over Europe, and demanded guarantees for their rights, every crowned head exclaimed, ''have we a Government?" and appealed to the army to vindicate their authority and to enforce the law. Sir, the history of the world does not fail to condemn the folly, weakness and wick edness of that government which drejv its sword upon its own people when they de manded guarantees for their rights. This cry that we must have a government, is merely following the example of the beso ted Bourbon, who never learned anything by misfortune, never forgave an injury, never lorgot an affront. Must we demonstrate that we have not a government, and coerce obedience without reference to the justice or injustice of the complaints ? Sir, when ever ten million of people proclaim to you, whith one unanimous voice, that they ap prehend their righ:s, their firesides, and their family alters are in darger, it becomes a wise government to listen to the appeal, and to remove the apprehension. History does not record an example where any hu man government has been strong enough to crush ten million people into subjection when they believe their riahts and liberties were imperiled, without first converting the gavernment itself into a despo'.ism, and de stroying the last vistage of freedom. Let us take warning from the examples oflhepast. Wherever a government has refused to listen lo the complaints of the people, and attempted lo put down their murmurs by the bayonet, they have payed the penalty. Of all those who listened to the people in 18-18, and granted charters of liberty, and took an oath to sjpport them, only one has been faithful; and he has been rewarded for his fidelity, the olhers will pay the penalty of their perfidy. The King of Sardinia granted a constitution, tnok an oath to support it and to-day he is King of Italy. It George III had listened to the murmurs of our fathers, and granted their just demands, the war of the Revolution would have been averted, and the blood man of any intellectual sensibility, with a that was spilled would have been saved. j long chaos of bloodshed, darkness, anarchy, If we consider this question calmly, and which was to take its rise from trie appaent make such amendments as will convince J ly trilling acts of this one morning So pre the people of the Southern States that they j pared, we r.ped not much wander at what are safe and secure in their person, in their j followed. Ca?-ar was yet linuering on the property, and in their family relations, wnnin uie union, we can restore anu pre- tar distant trom riimselt, an apparition was , rPajy made for the year end" Jane 30 serve it. If we cannot satisfy the people of j descried in a sitting posture, and holding ; for the force now in the field, Is staled at the border States that they may remain in j in its hand what seemed a flute. This S185.29G, 397. The report recommends a the Union with safety, dissolution is inevi- j phantom wa of ur.usnal size., and of beauty re-organization of the militia and of the sys table. Then the simple question comes ; more than human, so far as its lineament tern of education at West Toint. An Afesis back, what shall be the policy of the Union could be traced in the early dawn. What tant Secretary of War is also asked for. men of this country ? Shall it be peace, or 1 is singular, however, in the story, on any The arms made at onr national manufac shall it be war? What man in all America j hypothesis which would explain it out of tories compare, he says, most favorably with a heart in his bosom, who knows the . Cicsar's individual condition is, that others with the best made for foreign governments, fact connected with Fort Sumpter, can hes- , saw it as well as he ; both pastoral laboreis and recommends ihe making of those arms itate in saying lhat duty, honor, patriotism, (who were present probably, in the char- i we may require, and which the national humanity, require that Anderson and his ' acter ol guide,) and some of ihe sentinels armories cannot supply, by private mano gallant band should be instantly withdraw!;? ( stationed it the passage of ihe river. ; facturer in place of foreign ones. As the Sir, I am not afraid to say so. I would j These men fancied even that a strain of rifle cannon is so efficient, arrangements scorn to take a party advantage or manufac- muvic issued from the aerial flute. And have been made for rifling a large portioa ture partizau capilol out of an act of patri- i some, both of the sheperds and Roman ol- of the guns now on handT Otism i illpr whn upre hnli?fr lhan lh rpst aH. I Peace is the only policy lhat can save vanced towards ihe figure. Among this ' the country. Let peace be proclaimed as ' party, it happened that there were a few! the policy, and you will find lhat a thrill of Roman trumpeters. From one of these the joy will animate the heart of every patriot ' phantom, rising as they advanced nearer,! in the land; confidence will be restored ; suddenly caught a trumpet, and blowing a business will be revive! ; joy will gladden blast of superhuman breath, plunged into every heart; bonfires will blaze upon the ' Rubicon, passed to the other bank and hill-lops and the valleys, and the church j disappeared in the dusky twilight ot the bells will proclaim the glad tidinqs in every i dawn Upon which C;esar exclaimed:, city, town, and village in America, and the ( it j3 finished the die is cast let us fol applause of a grateful people will greet you ; 0w whithpr the guiding portents of Heaven everywhere. Proclaim ihe policy of war, ' and tr,e malice of our enemy, alike sum- and there will be gloom and sadness and despair pictured upon the face of every pa - triot in the land. A war of kindred, family, j rapture of passionate and vindictive ambi- 5 and friends; father against son. mother t;on pUced himself and his retinue upon against daughier, brother against brother, to ; Ilalian anjj as if by inspiration from ' subjugate one half of this country into obe- j Heaven, in one moment, involved himself dience to the other half; if you do not mean j aml fol!owers m ,reaSon, raised the stan- : this, if you mean peace, let tnis be adopted, I ?arj of revot) put his ,00t upori the neck and give the President the opportunity, ; of ,he icTincibe republic, which had hum through the Secretary of War, to speak the ! M.t all ih i-; t , r.i.,,i - word -peace;" and thirty million people will hlPs him with their nravers. and honor bless him with their prayers, and honor him with their shouts of joy. Hicu Life. Madrid, ihe capital of Spain, is the highest of (he European capitals ; 22,000 people dwell at the elevation of 22, 000 feet, og a naked desert plain, chilled by a biting breeze nine months of the year, and are baked the remaining three. The highest permanent residence in Europe is in the pass of Santia Maria 9 272 feet. In the Andes of South America, where a trop ical temperature prevails, man dwells much more aloft than in Europe. Potosi, the highest ciny on the globe on the celebrated meialliferious mountain, is 13,150 leet above the sea, and a post-house at Rum ilhaus is 15,540 feet, which is but a trifle below the peak of Mount Blanc, where mortal never staid more lhan two hours. The Young Wjte. The marriage of mid dle age is companionship ; the second mar riage of maturity, perhaps the reparation of a mistake, perhaps the palid 'ranscrip of a buried joy; but the marriage of the loving young is by the direct blessing of God, and is the realization of the complete ideal of a lovely human life. Let those who have found that pearl hold fas: and keep it safe. Within the door where love dwells no evil thing should enter ; and the loving bride, who Wpt; ixJh,2JiJvX Caesar Crosses tbe Rubicon. Un the ever memorable night, when Ju- i-..- i , , .. c , Iius Ceesar had resolved to take the first step, (and in snch a cae the first step, as regarding the power of retreating, was also the final slep which placed him in arms against the State,) it happened that his head qnarters were at some distance from the lit tle river, Rubicon, which formed ihe boun dary of his province. With his usual cau tion, that no news of his motions might run before himself, on this night Cacar pave an entertainment to his friends, in the midst of which he slipped away unobserved, and with a small retinue proceeded through the woods to ihe point of the river at which he desianed to cros. , The night was stormy, anc by the vio lence of the wind, the torches of his escort were blown out so that the whole party lost their road, having probably at first inten tionally deviated from the main road, until the early dawri enabled them to recover their true course. The light was still grey and uncertain as Cfrsar and his retinue rode down npon the banks of the fatal river to cross, which with their arms in their hands, since ihe farther bank lay within the territory of the Republic ipso facto pro claimed any Roman a rebel and a traitor. No man, the firmest or most obtnse. could be otherwise than deeply agitated, when, looking down upon this little brook so in significant in itself, but invested by law with a sanctity so awful, and so dire a con secration. The whole course of future his tory, and the fate of every nation, would necessarily be determined by the irretriev able act of the next half hour. In these moments, and with this specta cle before him, and contemplating these immeasurable consequences consciouly for the last time that would allow him a re treat impressed also by the so'emnity and deep tranqnPi'y nf the silent dawn, while the exacstion of his niht wanderings pre disposed Ca?iar, we may be snre, was pro foundly agiiateJ. The whole elements of the scene were almot scientifically dispos ed ; the law of antagonism having perhaps never been employed with so mnch effect: the little quiet brook presenting a direct I antithesis to its grand political character; , and the innocent dawn, with its pure, un troubled repose contrasting potently, to a j hither bank, when suddenly at a point not j mon ns to go !"' So saying, he crossed the ! riVer with impetuosity: and in a sudden a empire which was t0 for a lhonsanJ ., , . anJ haI, a thousand years. In what man ner lhis Fpec,ta appearance was managed whether the C:rsar was its author or its dupe will remain unknown forever De Quiucey. In Bangor, Me., there resides a certain William S , a teamster, who is noted for his jolity, and also for keeping late hours,, as he usually goes home at 2 o'clock in the morning. Well, one stormy night about a year ago William concluded to go home early, and, accordingly, he arrived at his house at jujt midnight. In answer to his knock, his mother opened a window and inquired : "Who is there." "William," was the reply. you can't come that; iiv'j ruiu ciii j over me ; my William won't be home for cup of life is sweetest at the brim ; the fla two hours yet." j vor is impaired a we drink deeper; and the Poor Bill had to wait till his usual time, j dregs are made bluer that we may not strut;-. - - - - i.;e when i is taken from our lips. Fun is the most censervative element of! society, and ought to be cherished and en- j An Eastern establishment .ha has been couraged by all lawful means. People I largely engaged in the manufacture of bal- never plot mischief when they are merry Laugh'er is an enemy to malice, a foe to scandal, an'l n ffj?ni,Ll'".ii Prp'r r'rnP The Treasury and War Department. Tl, - . r . v. c i . u -r ' . . suryandWar Departments are next in iro- ' , r ponance io me message oi toe J resident. Secretary Chase show that the whole amount required for 1862 will be 5318,519. 581. The appropriations already made amount to S79.7 10,870. To supply the de ficiency from revenue, be advises the rai sing of 880,000,000 by tax and 5240,000 Oort by loans. Modifications of the tariff an al-o recommended, imposing a luiy of 2$ cents per pound on broA-n sugar, 4 cents on refined Bugara. 5 cents on coffee, 15 cent on black lea, and 20 cents on green tea. As to taxation, he says : The value of real property is estimated at SIl.272.053,881, and value of personal prop erty at 34,830,880535. The proportion of the property of both descriptions in the United States, excluding those at present under insurrection, is 810,900,758,009, of which sum 7,630,530,603 represents, ac cord ng to the best estimates, the value of the real, and $3 270,227.404 tbe value of the personal property. A rate one-eight of one percent, advalorem on the whole real and personal property of the country would produce a sum ol S20. 128.667. A rate of one fifth ol one per cent, on the real and personal property of the Slates not under insurrection would produce the sum of S21;800,056; and a rate of ihree tenths ot one per cent, on the real property alone in these States would produce $32,891,590 either sum being largely in excess of the amount required. The expediency of opening a subscrip tion for a national loan of S10 000,000is also suggested lo be issued in the form of Treasury notes or exchequer bills bearing a yearly interest of 7 3-10 per centum, to be paid half yearly, and redeemable at the pleasure of the United States after three years from date. The Secretary also snsgests a retrench ment of current expenses of Government by reducing salaries and wases 40 percent, by abolishing the franking privilege, and a reduction of postal and other expenses. The property of those engaged in the in surrection might also be made to contribute its share by forfeiture. The Secretary of War. Mr. Cameron, hows that the force now in command of ihe government is 310,000 men, which will be reduced to 230,003 after the discharge of three months' volunteers. Mr. Cameron recommends that the term of enlistment for the new regiments be three years, and all who are honorably discharged at the close of the term receive a bounty of S100 The appropration required beside that a! Northern Troops and Southern Snoi The prevalent idea that northern troops cannot endure a summer campaign in a southern climate is a humbug. There nev er wa better campaigning weather in Vir ginia for a month past. Besides our New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and Michigan troops would thrive better in mar ches, battles and sieves in the Cotton States lhan the Southerners themselves. Tbe rea son is, a majority of our Northern soldiers have been laboring men. A man who has worked in harvest fields I all the summer of his manhood, or who has been sweltering in machine shops or roll ing mills year after year without thinking of the state of the thermometer, is not likely to flinch and faint, if called upon to carry a gun and knapsack on a forced march in July. During this summer the nights have gen- j ' m bracing, and ihe evenings balmy. Give the .-.'!.. V I I .1 - .1. - soldier boys a rest in the shade for two or three hours in the heat of the day, and if they are well clothed nnd fed, they will be glad to be in motion, and will become con tinually more cheerful and elastic. The Southern army is not largely composed of laboring men, and the chavalry howl dole fully about ihe laboring of making fortifica tions. They might do tolerably well in a fight, but wcnIJ faint on a march and fizzle atari entrench rr.tiiit. Ihe soldiers of the Union would thus have important advanta ges over the rebels on their own ground ! and in their own climate. Hope writes the poetry of a Voy, but Memory thai of a man. Man looks for ward with t-miles, bui backward with sighs. Such is the wi.e providence of God. The moral kir.s is tuw employing all its handt in torniug out a new pattern ol "red white k I
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