PRESIDENT'S IIESSAGE.
Tcnand for Forjf BnndrVtTTlioss&iid Men
and Fcnr Hundred millions of Collars
Fellow Citizens of the Senate I
and of the House of Representative t :
Having been convened on id extraordin
ary occasion, authorized by the Constitu
tion, your attention i not called to any or
dinary eubject of legista'tron. -
At the beginning of the present Presiden
tial term, four months ago, the functions of
the Federal Government were found to be
generally ' "suspended, within the several
States ol South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Mississippi, Lou-isana and Florida, except
ing those only-of Ihe Postofiice Department.
Within these States all the forts, ar.enals,
dockyards, custom houses, and the like, in
cluding the moveable and tationary prop
erty in and about them, had been seized
and held in open hostility to this Govern
ment, excepting only Forts Pickins, Taylor
and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast,
and Fort Sumpter, in Charleston harbor,
South Carolina.
The forts thus seized had been put in
improved condition, new ones had been
built.and armed forces had been organized,
and were organizing, all avowedly with the
same hostile purpose. The forts remaining
in the poseesion of the Federal Govern
ment in and near these States were either
besieged or menaced by warlike prepara
tions, and especially Fort Sumpter was
nearly surrounded by well protected hostile
batteries, with gans in quality to the best
of its own, and outnumbering -the latter,
perhaps, two to one.
A disproportionate nhare of the Federal
markets and rifles had somehow found their
way into these States, and had been seized
to be used against the Government. Accu
mulations oflhe public revenue lying with
in them has been seized for the same object.
The oavy was Mattered in distant 6eas,
leaving but a small portion -of it within the
reach of the Government. Officers of the
Federal army ai.d navy had resigned in
great numbers, and of Muse resigned a large
proportion had takeu up arms against the
Government. - - ' "
Simultaneously, and in connection with
all this, the purpose to sever the Federal
Union was openly avowed. In accordance
with this purpose an ordinance had been
Adopted in each of these States, declaring
these State3 respectively to be separated
from the National Union. A formula for
instituting a combined government of these
States bad been promulgated, and their ille
gal organization in the character of Confed
erate States was already invoking recogni-.
lion, aid and intervention from foreign pow
ers. Finding this condition of things, and be
lieving it lo be the imperative duty upon
the incoming Executive to prevent, if pos
sible, the consummation of such an attempt
to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of
means to that end become indispensable.
This choice was made and declared in
the Inaugural address. The policy chosen
looked to the exhaustion of all peaceable
measures before a resort to any stronger
ones. It sought only to ho!d the public pla
ces and property not already wrested from
the Goverament,and to collect the revenues,
relying on the rest for time, discussion ami
the ballot-box.
It promised a continuance of the mails at
Government expense to the very peopla
who were resisting the Government, and it
gave repealed pledges againt-t any distur
bance to any of the people or any ol their
rights of all thai a President might consti
' luiionally and justifiably do in such a case.
Everything was foreborne without which it
was deemed possible to keep the Govern
ment on foot. e-. '
On the 5th of Mifrch, the present incum-
bent's first full day in office, a letter from
.Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sum
ter, written on the 2Sih of February, and
received at the War Department on the 4ih
of March, was by that Department placed
in bis hands. This letter proffered the pro
fessional opinion pi the writer thai rein
forcements could not be thrown into that
fort within the time for his release rendered
necessary by the limited supply of provis
ions, and with a view of holding possession
of the same with a force of less than 20,000
good and well disciplined men. 7 his opin
ion was concurred in by all the officers of
his command, and their memorandums on
the subject were made enclosures of Major
Andersons letter.
The whole was immediately laiJ before
Lieut. Gen. Scott, who at once concurred
with Gen. Anderson in opinion. On reflec
tion, however, he took full lime, cousuhiug
with officers of the navy and array, and at
the end of four days came reluctantly bet
decidedly to the same opinion as before,
lie also stated at the same time that no such
sufficient force was (hen at the conirol of
the Goveinment, or could be raised and
brought to the ground wiihin the time in
which the provisions in the fort would be
exhausted.
In a purely military point of viewlhisre
duced ihe dot of the Administration in the
ease to the mere matter of getting the gar
rison safely out of the fort. It was believ
ed, however, ibat to so abandon that posi
tion under the ciicumstances would be ut
terly ruinous; that the necessity under which
it was done could not be fully understood;
that by many it would be considered as a
part ol a voluntary policy; that at borne it
would disorganize the friends of the Union,
embolden its adversaries, and go far to eu
f ure to ihe latter a recognition abroad
That in fact it wonld 'be our national des
truction consummated. This could not be
allowed. ... .
Starvation was not yet upon the garrison,
and ere it would be reached Fori Pickens
might be "reinforced.
'1 his last would be a clear indication of
policy, and would belter enable the country
to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumpter
as a tniiiury necessity. An order was at
once directed lo be sent 'for the lancUn;; of
the troops from the Brooklyn into' Fort
Pickens. This order could not go by land,
but most take the longer and slower route
by ss. .. .. . .
The first return news from the order was
received just one week before ihe fall of
Fort Sumpter. The news itself was that the
officer commanding, the Sabine, to which
vessel the troops had been transferred from
the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi ar
mistice of the late administration, and of
the existence of which the present admin
istration, up lo the time at which the order
was dispatched, had -only too vague and
' uncertain rumors . to fix attention, had re.
fused to land the troops. To now reinforce
Fort Pickens before a crisis could be reach
ed at Fort Sumpter was impossible, render
ed so by the near exhaustion of provisions
in the latter named fort.
In precalion against such a conjuncture,
the Government had a few days belore com
menced preparing an expedition as well
adapted as might be to reiieve Fort Sump
ter, which expedition, was intended to be
oltimalely oed or not, according to circum
stances.-" "The "eironge.-t anticipated case
tot using it was now presented, aad it was
reiolved to send it forward , .
As L-d been intended in this contingency
it was also revived to inform the Governor
of Soath, Carolina thai ha might ex pel t an
attempt, would be, made to provision the
Fort, an J thai if the attempt should not bd
resisted, ihera would t e no effect to throw
ia men, arms ox ammunition without fur
ther noucf, or i.-i case oi an attack upon he
f,f - r- if J an.l bom'-iard-
It is thus seen that the assault and reduc
tion of Fort Sumpter was in no sense a
matter of self-delence on the pari of the
assilants. They well knew that the gar
rison in the fort could by no possibility
commit aggression upon them. They knew
they were expressly notified that the giving
of bread to the few brave and hungry men
of the garrison was all that would on thai
occasion be attempted, 'unless themselves
by resisting so much should provoke more.
They knew thai this government desired
to keep the garrison in the fort, not to as
sail them, but merely to maintain visible
possession, ai d thus lo preserve the Union
Irom actual and immediate dissolution,
trusting, as heretofore stated, to time, dia
enssion and the ballot box for final adjust
ment; and they assailed and reduced the
fort for precisely the reverse object to
drive out the visible authority of .the Fed
eral Union, and thus force it to immediate
dissolution. That this was their object the
Executive will understand.
And having said to them in an inaugural
address "you can have no conflict without
being yourselves the aggressor," he took
pains not only to keep I he if declaration
good, but also to keep the case eo free from
the power of Virginia's ophistry, as that
the world should not be abie to understand
it. ; By -the affair at Fort Sumpter, with the
surrounding circumstances, thai point was
reached.
Then and thereby the assailants of the
government began the conflict of arms,
without a gen in siht or in expectancy to
return their fire, save only the few in the
lort, sent to that harbor years before for
their own protection, and still ready to give
that protection in whatever was lawful. In
this ast, demanding all else, they have for
ced upon the country the distinct issue
immediate dissolution or blood. And this
issue embraces more than the fate of these i
United States. It presents to the whole
family of man the question whether a con
stitutional republic or democracy, a govern
ment of the people by the samj people can
or cannot maintain its territorial integrity
against its own domestic foes. It presents
the question whether discontented individu
als, too lew in numbers to control the ad
ministration according lo organic law in any
case, can always upon the pretences made
in this case, or other pretences, or arbirtari
ly without any pretence, break up their
government, and thus practically put an
end to free government upon the earth.
It forces us to ask : Is there in all Re
publics this inherit and fatal weakness?
Must a Government of necessity be too
strong for the liberties of its own people, or
too weak to maintain its own existence ?
So viewing the issue no choice was left but
to call out the war power of the govern
ment, and so to resist force employed for
its own destruction by force for its preser
vation. This call was made, and the response of
the country was most gratifying, surpassing
in unanimity and spirii the most sanguine
expectations. Yet none of the States com
monly called slave Slates, except Delaware,
gave a regiment through regular State or
ganization. A few regiments have been organized
witi. in some other of these States by indi
vidual enterprise and received into the gov
ernment service. Of course the seceded
States, so called, and to which Texas has
been joined about the time of the inaugura
tion, gave no troops to the cause of the
Union.
The Border Slates, so called, were not
uniform in their action some of them be
ing almost for the Union, while in others,
as Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee an !
Arkansas, the Union sentiment was very
nearly. repressed and silenced.
The course taken ir. Virginia was the
most remarkable, perhaps the most impor
tant. A convention elected by the people
of that Slate to consider their relative posi
tion toward the Federal Union was in ses
sion at the capital of Virginia when Fort
Sumpter fell.
To this body the people had chosen a
large majority of proteased Union men, and
almost immediately after the fall of Fori
Sumpter, many members of that majority
went over to the original minority and wiih
them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing
the Stale from the Union.
Whether this change was wrought by
their great approval of the assaull on Fort
Sumpter, of their great re-entment at the
Government's resistance to that assault is
not definitely known.
Although they submitted the 'ordinance
for ratification lo a vote of the people, lo be
taken on a day then somewhat more than
a month distant, the convention and the
Legislature which was also in session at
the same lime and place, with leading men
of the State not members of either, irnrne
diateiy commenced acting as if the Slate
were already oul of the Union.
They pushed military preparations vigo-rou.-ly
forward all over the State; they eeiz
ed the United States armory at Harper's
Ferry, and the navy yard at Gosport, near
Norfolk ; they received, perhaps invited in
to iheir S:ate, large bodies cf troops, with
their warlike appointments, from the so
called seceded States.
They formally entered into a treaty of
temporary aliiauce and co-operation with
the so-called Confederate States, and sent
members to iheir Congress at Montgomery ;
and finally they permitted the insurrection
ary government to be transferred lo their
capitol at Richmond.
-The people of Viginia have thus allowed
this great insurrection to make its . nest
within her borders, and the government has
no choice but to deal with it where it finds
it.'
And it has the less regret, as the loyal
citizens have, in due form, claimed its pro
tection. Those loyal citizens this . Govern
ment is bound to recognize and protect as
being Virginia. '
In the Border States, so called-in fact,
ihe Middle Slates there are those who fa
vor a policy which they call armed neutral
ity, that is the arming of those States to
prevent ihe Union forces pissing one way,
or the disunion the other, over their soil.
This would be disunion completed. Fig
uratively speaking, it would be the building
of an impassable wall along the line of ep
aration ; - and yet not quite an impassable
one, for under ibe guise of neutrality, it
would tie the hands of the Union men and
freely pass supplies from among them to
the insurrectionists which it could hot do as
an open enemy. At a stroke it would take
all the trouble off the hands of secession ex
cept only what proceeds from the external
blockade.
It would do for the disanionisls that
which of all things they most desire feed
them well and give them disunion without
a struggle of their own. It recognizes no
fidelity to ihe Constitution no obligation
to maintain ihe Union; and while very
many who have favored it are doubtless
loyal citizens; it is nevertheless veiy inju
rious in effect. '
Recurring to the action of the Govern
ment, it may be stated that at first a call
was made for 75,000 militia, and rapidly
following this a proclamation - was issued
for closing the ports of ihe insurrectionary
dis'ricts by proceedings in. ihe nature of a
blockade. So far all was believed to be
strictly legal. ' '''
t At ibis poiai the insurrectionists anaounc
ed their purpose to enter opoa the practice
of privateering, . , , - r
Oiher callls were made for volunteers to
serve three years, unless Sooner discharg
ed, ar..l :.: for a large addition to tha reg-
not,were ventured upon whatappeared under
to be a popular demand and ja public ne
cessily, as now,that Congress would rapidly
ratify them, it is believed that nothing has
been dona, beyond the constitutional com
(potency of Congress. -;
; Soon after the first call or militia, it was
considered a duty lo authorize the com
manding general, in proper cases, accor
ding to his discretion,. to. suspend the. privi
lege of the writ of habeas corpus ; or, in oth
er words, lo arrest and detain, -without re
sort to the ordinary processes and forrrrs of
law, such individuals as he might deem
dangerous to the public safety. This au
thority has purposely been exercised but
verv sparingly.
Nevertheless, the legality and propriety
of what has been done under it are ques
tioned, and the attention of the country has
been called to the proposition that one who
is sworn to take care that the laws be faith
fully executed, should not .himself violate
them.
Of course some consideration was given
to the questions of power and propriety bo
fore this matter was acted on. f The whole
of the laws whieh were required to be faith
fully executed, were being resisted and fail
ing of execution in nearly one third of the
States. Mast they be allowed to finally fail
of execution, even had it been perfectly
clear that by the use of the means necessa
ry to their execution some single law, made
in such extreme tenderness of the citizens'
liberty that practically it relieves more of
the guilty than of the innocent, should to
a very limited extent be violated ? To state
the question more directly, are all the laws
but one to go unexecuted, and tho govern
ment itself go to pieces, lest that one be vi
loated? Even in s-uoh aoaee would not tho
official oath be broken if the government
should be overthrown, when it was believed
that disregarding the Bingle law would tend
to preserve it X . ' .
But it was not believed that this question
was presented. It was not believed that
any law wac violated. Tho provisions of
the Constitution that the privilege of the
writ of habeas eorrms shall not bo suspended
unless in cases of rebellion or invasion the
publio safety may require it, is equivalent
to a provision that such privilege may be
suspended when in cases of rebellion or in
vasion the publio safety does require it. It
was decided that we have a case of rebellion
and that the public safety does require the
qualified suspension of the privilege of tho
writ, which was authorized to be made.
Now it is insisted that Congress and not
the Executive, is vested with this power.
But the Constitution itself is Bilent aa to
which or who is to exercise the power, and
as the provision was plainly made for a dan
gerous emergency, it cannot be believed that
the framers of the instrument intended that
in every case the danger should run its
coarse antil Congress could be culled togeth
er, the very assembling cf which might be
prevented, as was intended in this cae by
the rebellion.
No more extended argument is now offer
ed, as an opinion at some length will proba
bly be presented by the Attorney General.
Whether there shall be any legislation upon
the subject, and if any, what, is submitted
entirely to the better judgment of Congress.
The forbearance of this government has
been so extraordinary and so long continued
as to lead some foreign nations to shape
their action as if they supposed the early
destruction of our national Union was prob
able. While this, on discovery, gave the
Executive some concern, he is now happy to
say that tho sovereignty and rights of the
United States are nqgr everywhere practi
cally respected by foreign Powers, and a
ecneral sympathy with the country ia man
ifested throughout tho world.
The renorts of the Secretaries of the
Treasury, War and Navy, will give the in
formation in detail deemed necessary and
convenient for your deliberation and action,
while the Executive and all the Departments
will stand ready to supply omissions, or to
communicate new facts considered import
ant for jou to know.
It is now recommended that yon give the
legal means for making this contest a short
and decisive one ; that yon place at the con
trol of the government for the work at least
400,000 men and ?4C0,000,000. That nnm
ber of men is about one-tenth of thoso of
proper ages within the regions were appar
ently all are willing to engage, and the 6um
is less than the twenty-third part of the
money value owned by the men who seem
ready to devote tho whole.
A debt of $000,000,000 now is a less sum
per head than was tho debt of our own Rev
olution when we came out of that struggle,
and the money value in tho country now
bears even a greater proportion to what it
was then than does the population, iiurely
eaeh man has as strong a motive now to pre
serve our liberties as each had then to estab
lish them ? A right result at this time will
be worth more to the world than ten times
the men and ten times the money. The ev
idence reaching us from the country leaves
no doubt that material for the work is a
bundant, and that it needs only the hand of
legislation to give it legal sanction, and tho
hand of the Executive to give it practical
shape and efficiency.
One of the greatest perplexities of the
government is to avoid receiving troops fast
er than provided for them. In a word, the
people will save their government, if the
government itself will do its part only indif
ferently well. It might seem, at first tbo't,
to be of little difference whether tho present
movement at the south be called secession
or rebellion. The movers, however, well
understand the difference. At the begin
ning they knew they could never raise their
treason to any respectable magnitude by any
name which implies violation of law. They
knew their people possessed as much of mor
al sense, as much of devotion to law and or
der, and as much pride in and reverence for
the history and government of their com
mon country as any other civilized and pa
triotic people.
They knew they could make no advance
ment directly in the teeth of these strong
and noble sentiments. Accordingly, they
commenced by an insidious debauching of
the publio mind. They, invented an ingen
ious sophism which, if conceded, was, fol
lowed by perfectly logical steps through all
the incidents to the complete destruction of
the Union. The sophism itself is that any
State of the Union may, consistently with
tho national Constitution, and therefore law
fully and peacefully, withdraw from the
Union, witbont the consent of the Union, or
of any other State. The little disguise, that
the supposed right is to be exercised only
for a just cause, becanse they themselves are
to be the sole iudges of its justice, is too
thin to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus tagar-coated, they
have been drugging the public mind of their
section for more than thirty years, .and no
til at length they have brought many good
men to a willingness to take up arms against
the government the day after some assem
blage of men bave enacted the farcical pre
tense of taking their State out of the Union,
who could have brought to no such thing the
day before, ; This sophism derives much,
perhaps the whole of its currency, from the
assumption that there is some omnipotent
and sacred supremacy pertaining to a State,
to each. State of our Federal Union. Our
Stales have- neither more nor less power
than that reserved to them In the Union by
the Constitution no one of them ever having
been a State o'ut of the Union. The origi
hal ones passed into the Union even before
..t.A-ratj.'.r:-jrr?fit.J.tr?'?l ? e T n 3 -
Union directly from a condition of depend
ence, excepting Texas.;. .And even Texas, in
its temporary independence, was never des-
ignaied a State. The new ones only took
tbe qesignation of States on coming mtotbe
Union ; while that name was first adopted
for the old ones in and by the Declaration of
Independence. Therein the United Colonies
were declared to bo free" and independent
States.
But even then the object was plainly not
to declare their indepencence of odb anoth
er, or of the Uuion, but directly the contra
ry, as their mutual pledge and their mutual
action before, at the time, and afterwards,
abundantly show. The express plighting
of faith, by each nd all; of the original
thirteen, in "the articles of confoderacion,
two years later, that 'the Union shall be
perpetual,7' is most conclusive Having
never been States, either in substance or
in name, outside of tbe Union, whenoa this
uiasical omnipotence of State rights, assert
ing a claim of power to lawfully destroy the
Union itself? Much is said about the sov
ereignty of the States, but the word even is
not in the national Constitution, tior as is
believed, in any of the State Constitutions.
What is a sovereignty in the political eenso
of the term f Would it bo far wrong to de
fine it "a political community without a po
litical superior?" Tested by this, no one
of our States, except Texas, ever was a sov
ereignty, and even Texas gnvo up the char
acter on coming into the Union, by which
act she acknowledged the Constitution of
the United States, and tho laws of tho Uni
ted States, made in pursuance of the Con
stitution, to bo for her the supreme law of
the land. The States have their status in
the Union, and they havo no other legal
status. ; If they break from this, they can
only do bo against law and by revolution.
The Union and not themselves separated,
procured their independence and their lib
erty. By conquest or purchase, the Union
gave each of them whatever of indepen
dence and liberty it has.
The Union is older than any of tho States,
and in fact, it created them as States. Ori
ginally, some dependent colonies mado the
Union, and, in turn, the Union throw off
their old dependence for them, and made
them States, sucli as thoy are ; not one of
them ever had a State Constitution indepen
dent of tho Union. Of course it is not for
gotten that all the new States framed their
Constitutions before they entered the Union;
nevertheless dependent upon, and prepara
tory to coming into the Union. Unquestion
ably the States have tho powers and rights
reserved to them in and by the national Con
stitution; but among these, surely, are not
included all conceivable powers, however
mischievous or destructive, but at most such
only as were known in the world at tho time
as governmental powers, and certainly a
power to destroy the government itself was
never known as a governmental or merely
administrative power.
This relative matter of national power
and State rights as a principle, is no other
than the principle of generality and locality
Whatever concerns tbe whole should be con
fided to the whole, to the general govern
ment; while whatever concerns only the
State should be left exclusively to the State
This is all there is of original principle about
it. Whether the national Constitution, in
defining boundaries between tho two, has
applied the principle with exact accuracy.is
not to be questioned. We are also bound
by that defining without question. What is
now combatted is the position that secession
is consistent with the Constitution, is law
ful and peaceful. It is not contended that
there is any express law for it, and nothing
enooldeverbe implied as law which leads
to unjustor absurd consequences.
The nation purchasod with money the
countries out of which several of theso
States were formed. Is it just that they
shall go off without leave and without re
funding? The nation paid very largo sums
in the aggregate, I believe, a hundred
millions to relievo Florida of the aborigi
nal tribes. Is it just that sbo shall now go
off without consent or without making any
return ? The nation is now in debt for mon
ey applied to the benefit of these so-called
seceded States in common with the rest. Is
it just either that creditors shall go unpaid,
or the remaining States pay the whole ?
Part of the present national debt was con
tracted to pay tho old debts of Texas. Is
it just that eho shall leave and pay no part
of this herself?
Again, if one State may secede, bo may
another, and when all shall have seceded,
none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite
just to creditors? Did we notify them of
this sage view of ours when we borrowed
their money ? If we now recognize this
doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in
peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if
others choose to go, or to extort terms upon
which they will promise to remain.
The seceders insist that our Constitution
admits cf secession. They having assumed
to make a national constitution of their own,
in which, of necessity, they have either dis
carded or retained the right of secession, as
they insist it exists in ours, if they have
discarded it, they thereby admit that on
principle it ought not to be in ours. If they
have retained it, by their ovsn construction of
ours, tney snow tnat to bo consistent tney
must secede from one another whenever thty
shall find it the easiest way of settling their
debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust
object. The principle itself is one of disin
tegration, upon which no government can
endure.
If all the States save one should assert
the power to drive that one out of the Union,
it is presumed the wholo class of ecceder
politicians would at once deny the power
and denounce the act as the greatest outrage
upon State rights. But suppose that pre
cisely the samo act, instead of being called
driving: the one out, should be called the se
ceding of the others from that one, it would
be exactly what the seceders claim to do,
unless, indeed, they make tho point that the
one, because it is a minority, may rignttul
ly do what the others, because they are a
maiority, may not rightfully do. luese
politicians are subtle and profound on the
rights of minorities ; they are not partial to
that power which made the Constitution,
and speaks from the preamble calling itself
"The Peoplo."
It may well be questioned whether there
is, to-day, a majority of the legally qualified
voters of any fctate, except, perhaps, soutn
Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is
much reason to believe that tbe Union men
are the maiority in many, if not in every
other one of tbe eo called seceded States.
As tho contrary has not been demonstrated
in any one of them, it is ventured to affirm
this even of Virginia and Tennessee, for the
result of an election held ic military oamps.
where the bayonets were all on one side of
the cucition voted upon, can scarcely be
considered as a demonstration of popular
sentiment. At such an election all that
large class who are not at once for the Union
and against coercion,, would be coerced to
vote against the Union.
It may be affirmed, without extravagance
that the free institutions we enjoy have de
veloped the power and improved the condi
tion of par whole people beyond any exam
Die in the world. Of this we now have a
striking and impressive illustration. So
large an army as tho government has now
on foot was never before known, without a
soldier in it 'but who had taken his place
there of his own freo choice. '
But more than this. There are many re
inments whoso members, one and another,
possess full practical knowledge of all the
nro. pefArpa. r-rrfessiin?, and whatever
the world ; and there is scarcely one from
which there could -not be selected a Presi
dent, a Cabinet, a Congress, or perhaps a
Court, abundantly competent to administer
the government itself. Nor do 1 say this
is not true also in the doings of our late
friends, now adversaries, in this contest.
But if it is, so much the better the reason
why the government, which has conferred
such benefits on both them and us, should
not be broken up. Whoever, in any section,
proposes to abandon such a government,
would do well to consider in deference to 1
what principle.it is that ho does it ; what
better he is likely to get in its stead ; wheth
er the substitute will give, or be intended
to give, bo much of pjood to the people.
There are some fore-shadowings on this sub
ject. Our adversaries have adopted somo
declarations of independence, in which, un
like tho good old one penned by Jefferson,
they omit the words, '"All men are created
equal." ' Why ? They have adopted a tem
porary national constitution, in the pream-,
ble of which, unlike our good old one, sign
ed by Washington, they omit "We, the peo
ple," and substitute "We, the deputies of
the sovereign and independent States."
Why ? Why this deliberate pressing out of
view the rights of men and the authority of
the people?
It . '.SFt 1. ""
xnis is essentially a people a contesr. uq
the side of the Union it is a struggle for
maintaining in the -world that form and
substance of government whose leading ob
ject is ti elevate the condition of men ; to
lift artificial weights from all shoulders : to
clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all ;
to anord all an unfettered start, and' a fair
chance in tho raoe of life. Yielding to par
tial and temporary departures from neces
sity, this is the leading object of the gov
ernment for whose existence we contend.
I am most happy to believe that the plain
people understand and appreciate this. It
is worthy of cote that while, in this ihe
government's hour of trial, large numbers
of those in the army and navy who have
been favored with the offices have resigned
and proved false to the hand which had
pampered them, not one common soldier or
common sailor is known to have deserted
his flag. Great honor is due to those officers
who remained true, despite tho example of
their treacherous associates. But the great
est honor, and most important fact of all,
is the unanimous firmness of the common
soldiers and common sailors. To the last
man, so far as known, they have successful
ly resisted the traitorous efforts of thoso
whose commands but an hour before they
obeyed as absolute law. They understand,
without any argument, that the destroying
of the government which was made by
Washington means no good to them.
Our popular government has often been
called an experiment. Two points in it oar
people have already settled the successful
establishing, and the successful administer
ing of it. One still remains. Its success
ful maintenance against a formidable inter
nal attempt to overthrow it. It is for them
to demonstrate to the world that those who
can fairly carry an election can also sup
press a rebellion ; that ballots are tbe right
ful and peaceful successors of bullets, and
that when ballots have fairly and constitu
tionally decided there can be no successful
appeal back to bullets ; that there can be no
successful appeal except to ballots them
eelves at succeeding elections. Such will
be a great lesson of peace, teaching men
that what they cannot take by an election
neither can they take by war, teaching all
the folly of being the boginners of war.
Lest thero bo some uneasiness in the
minds of candid men as to what is to bo the
course of the government towards tho
southern States after tho rebellion shall have
been suppressed, the Executive deems it
proper, to say it will be his purpose then,
as ever, ta be guide! by tho Constitution
and the laws, and that he probably will
havo no different understanding of the pow
ers and duties of the Federal government
relatively to the rights of the States and
people under the Constitution than express
ed in the inaugural address.
lie desires to preserve the government
that it may be administered to all as it was
administered by the men who made it.
oval citizens everywhere have the right to
claim this of their government, and the
government has co right to withhold or
neglect it. It is not perceived that m giv
ing it thero is any coercion, any conquest
or subjugation in any just sense of thoso
terms.
The Constitution provides, and all tho
States have accepted the provision, that the
United btates shall guarantee to every state
in this Union a Republican form of govern
ment. But if a state may lawfully go out
of the Union, having done so, it may also
discard the republican form of government ;
so that, to prevent its going out, it is all
indispensable to use every means to tbe end
maintaining the guaranty. When an
end is lawful and obligatory the indispen
sable means to obtain it are also lawful and
obligatory.
It was with the deepest regret that the
Executive found the duty of employing tho
war power m defence of the government,
forced upon him. lie could but perform
this duty or surrender the existence of the
government. No compromise by publio
servants could in this case be a oure. Not
that compromises are not often proper, but
that no popular government can long sur
vive a fatal precedent, that those who carry
an election can only save the government
from immediate destruction by giving up
tho main point upon which the people gave
the election. Ihe people themselves, and
not their servants, can safely reverso their
own uclibarate decisions.
As a private citizen the Executivo could
not have consented that these institutions
ehall perish; much less could he, in betray
al of bo vast and bo sacred a trust as these
free people had confided to him. He felt
that be had no moral right to shrink, nor
even to count the chances of his own life ia
what might follow. In full view cf his
great responsibility, he has eo far done what
he has deemed his duty. You will now,
according to your own judgment, perform
yours. Ho sincerely hopes that your views
and your actions may so accord with his as
to assure all faithful citizens who have been
disturbed in their rights, of a certain and
speedy restoration to them under tho Con-
Biiiuuon ana me laws.
And having thus chosen our course with
out guile and with pure purpose, let us re
new our trust in God, and go forward with
out fear and with manly hearts.
July 4, 1861. Abrauau Lincolv.
Holloway's Pills and Ointment. The
greatest plague of life. Piles and Fistula
Though thousands are afflicted with these
terrible scourges, if any are acquainted with
their cause or nature and resign themselves
to ihe belief that they are iucnrable but
an explanation of their character will satis
fy anv man of common tense that they are
remediable. Piles and their . kindred dis
ease; arise from costiveness, overstraning
or neglected appeals of nature ; by remov
ing these we extinguish the exciting caus
es. Holloway's Tills renovate the stomach
and invigorate the action of the- bowels,and
a few applications of the ointment to the
seat of tho disease w;Il eradicate the piles
lore ver try them and be convinced.
Ths proprietor of a bone-mill advertises
that tho&e sending their own bones to be
ground will be attended to with punctuality
STAR OF THE i 0UT!I.
WM. 11. JACnilYEDUOR.
BLOOMSLTRG, WEDM8D.4V, JILT 10, 1861.
The Mkhmauk. Tho I'reiidnt' Mesge
appears in this wouk'n papi-r Ui tf ;li
Bion of much fther malf.r. V publiaH nil
messages let them eminmn from a AriwxihU
ic President or a Ilepubli an. Thi rn'
sage was written by Mr. I.iricolti, a loo
strong evidence exists to doubt its paternity.
It is noted but for one recommendation,
and that is let the present content be a fchorf
one by placing at the control of the Gov
ernment 400,000 men and 400,000,000 of
dollars. We have no doubt but what Con
gress will grant him a'l the men and money
he asks lo carry on this war. More in our
next on this eubjert.
Congress This body met on the Fourth
of July according to call and organized by
electing Galusha A. Grow, of Bradford, this
State, Speaker, and defeating John W. For
ney, for Clerk, in the choice of Emerson
fc.theridge, of lennessee. iur. urow, as
you all will remember, is from David
Wilmot's district. He has had some parli
menta-'y experience which will enable him
lo discharge the duties, we have no doubt,
with credit to himself as well as ihe assem
blage. He possesses no great abilities, but
by his industry, radicalism and riding the
homestead hobby, has manageo to gam a
prominent position in the Republican party,
where there is a most inh uman dearth of
noble natures.
Mr. Lehman, of the first District, who
contested the seat of Mr. Cutler, has been
sworn in as a Member of tho 37th Congress.
He is a relic, as tho Republicans choose to
call it, of the Buchanan administration.
Fine company for Mr. Biddle. On the first
day's meeting, Senator Wilson, of Mass.,
gave notice of his intention to offer tho fol
lowing bills :
A bill to ratify and confirm certain acts
of the President, for the suppression of in
surrection and rebellion.
A bill to authorize the employment of
volunteers for enforcing the laws, and pro
tecting public property.
A bill to increase the present military
establishment of the United State?.
A bill providing for the better organiza
tion of the military establishment.
A bill to promote the efficiency of the
army, and
A till for organizing a volunteer militia
force, to be called the National Guards of
the United -States.
War News. Our late advices are of not
much importance. Several little skirmish
es have been had in Virginia, but resulting
in no grat loss to ei;her eide On tho 7th,
forty-five men belongiug to the Third Ohio
regiment, while on a scoutinj expedition,
fell in with an ambuscade of several hun
dred rebels at Middle fork Bridge, and were
surrounded. After a desperate fight they
cut iheir way through, losing one and hav
ing five wounded. Five dead rebels were
found the next day oa the scene of the con
flict. Gen. McCleUan moved toward Laurel
Hill, on the 8th, where a battle was antici
pated wiihin twenty-four hours, at the time
of marching. It was reported that Beaure
gard was at Manassas Junction with a strong
force of the rebel army, and that Wise was
at or near Laurel Hill with an army of some
considerable number quite recently.
Death or Col.Stracb. Col. C. M. Straub
a well-known citizen of Schuylkill county,
died in the city of Washinston about three
weeks ago, at the house of J. A. Ingram, on
Capitol Hill, aged 60 years. He le!. his
homo in Tamaqua in February last, and hU
family knew nothing of his whereabouts
until the tidings of his death were telegraph
ed to ihem. Ho was buried at Washington
Col. Straub formerly Sheriff of Schuyl
kill county, and represented the district of
which it is a part, for one term in Congress.
During the sessions of 1S56, 1857 and 1858,
he held a seat in the Senate of this State.
For the Star cf the Xorth.
Resolutions.
At a meeting of the Military and citizens
of Stillwater and vicinity, on Saturday, Juno
28th, the following preamble and resolutions
were unanimously adopted :
Whereas, The citizens of this community
in general, and the llenton Democratic Un
ion Guards in particular, have been grossly
misrepresented, and ll'hereas, we deem it
consistent with oor honor as men, and our
reputation as citizens, to define our position,
therefore,
Resolved, That we are neither Secession
ists, Traitors, Tories, nor Abolitionists.
Resolved, That we love onr country, its
Constitution and its flag, and we deeply
deplore its present unhappy condition.
Resolved, That we are in favor of a recon
ciliation as soon as it can be effected, on
s rich principles as will be alike honorable
to the North and to the South.
Resolved, That wo deprecate ihe course
persued by the Seceding States, yet we de
spair of bringing them, back into the Union,
or of restoring to our beloved country its
former peace and prosperity by a war of
subjugation.
Resolved, That we consider, the present
efforts to surpress the freedom of speech
and of the presp , as impolitic,as it is uncon
stitutional and tyramcal.
Resolved. That we believe the Democratic
party of the North, the only real Union parly
now in the United states.
Resolved, That the former unparelleled
prosperity of our country, was the out
growth of Democratic principles and upon
these alone, can it be restored and perpet
uated "
Resolved, That we will sustain the present
administration in every Constitutional meas
ure, calculated to settle the present difncul
ties and restore peace & unity to our nation
Rewlved, That the proceedings of this
meeting be published in the Star of the
North, mn-i Columbia Democrat, and that
this meeting do cow adjourn.
- R. J. MILLARD, fYfj'r.
, S. Ki .Mrr, Scc'v.
Ltltcr frcm Camp Miles.
Willu.msport, Mo,-Junk 27th tr$61.
Lew Ihotker: This in to inform ywi that
I an: in :ood !hrlfh, and hope yon we en
joying the ame olensiiiw. When I fat
wrote you, we were in expectation of hav.
ing a "brush" with the enemy ; it being
reporied that thny find a stro-c force be
tween this and Mariinsburg. Virginia, aud'
intended in attack ns. Indeed it looked,
very probable, from the fact that as soon as
we withdrew from ihe Virginia side of tho
Potomac, they sent an advance wiihin oiitf
mile of the river: and up to Tuesday even
ing last they could be een in a etrio of
w nodi and, where it was onpoed thev in
tended to erect a batterv and conceiiir&i .
their forces. If il.'m wan iheir de.ien there
are no evidences of it now that e can ob-
Mrvflf frorrf this side of tl. fiver everithiug
ferrmrfu qij1.
I vll fipf ft wlir ii.m ft.! run no
l,'il V J ..) VIX VvJ i)f MUllv ibJr
mtf it jMmcj icA-y ivufi;cl ki hu
Ue Ut i..j Out Hnn 4A UiiUeii."
otl iiectibanmu fcfeiig ttifct Le m a frel.
ly ti;M jiUce, cteyed ihe ori iA came
to Wii'f&mtp'yf t, Lre Ut has Iffoe&t'y
visited out Cartip wl fl'.ed ite Ikii
'Jhi houe in directly cppoet William.
port, and coramauJi. a turn tw of oor
Camp a well an the to-xn. Here the ras
cals had an excellent ctKtnce to ee what
was going on this side of the river, until
Major Doubieday put an end to their fen, a
few evening ni.ee, by tendir.g three er
four twenty-four pounders, with a couple of
shell, as a salute to their peaceful quarters.
He did not wish to demolish the house
though the owner gave him privilege to
"blow it :o the d I, and all (hat teas in it, if
he een fit." The loads were merely ent
within a respectable distance of the house
but when the balls struck the trees you had'
better believe there was tome tall double
quick time" made op the hill hard by, by
the late occupants of the house. Since then
thero have been no persons seen in ihe
neighborhood. I am inclined to believe
thai the rebels have gone lanher down the
river, as a farmer rode into Camp tne other
day and informed our Colonel that some
four or five miles below our Camp, there
were thirty or forty Secessionists, who cave
aigns of crossing the river, and he becoming
alarmed for the safety of his property, ha
reported accordingly and then reiurned.
Towards evening a Company of hop-emeu
were sent in that direction, but whether
they encountered the rebels or not 1 caimot
say. 1 saw the troop return the next day
wmcri indicated tnat all was quiet.
It 14
titely the rebels thought it best not
to at-
tempi to cross.
Another indication that the enemr or a"
part of ihem are further down the river, in
that on Tuesc ay evening last the 6ih aud
8:h Regiments, in company with 28t mount
ed Riflemen, look the line of march in that
direction. There are a great many reports
in circulation in regard to the urenth of
the enemy : some say that they are from
10 to 12;000 strong, stationed between here
and Martinsburg, or in and around that
place ; while others say that ihere are only
5,000 and that they are ail in Martinsburg,
except about 300 hundred who are prowl
ing along the I'otomac for the purpose of
reconuonerins aim Keeninir an eve !o onr
forces. Whatever their intentions ure re
specting us, of course, we cannot tell ; bm
our officers are wide awake to their move-
meats, and I can assure you, if ever thev
open the ball, we wi I gie them as warm a
reception as cold lead, heated with powder,
is capable of affording.
I ihiLk I ttaled in mv Ian. that Manr
Doubleday's guns were 34 pounders: this
s a mistake, they are but 24. Uut l?l tha
assure you they are as frowning a piece of
mechanism as ever looked an enemy In
the face, aud just as efficient a they are
rowning. '. Accompanyms the bat'ery are
about 60 "Fort Sumpter Boys," and about
U Kegulars. l wouid nonce that thero
are only three pieces of this battery here,
wo gun ot 21 ID. Dalt each, and one mor
ar ot 40 lb. shell ; the balance Laving not
ret arrived.
There is strong talk ol all the three months
men Peing enl back to Harnborg, at tho
expiration of their lime, for the purpose of
receiving their discharge: at which time
those who have any inclination of reinlist-
ng will have an opportunity of doing so,
but only for the term of three years, r.oihin'g
ess.
It 'm thought that the forces now station
ed here will all remain until af er the 4th cf
July. Perhaps immediately after that, ihe
will be ordered to Harrisbnrg, and theic
place hiled wiih three years meT. At lea-t
we have received newj here that the State
authorities were enlisting three years met:,
at Harrisburg, a9 fast z.9 posib.e.
louwrl recollect that our company
S!emmr Phalanx are the only three year.:
men in the I6:h Regiment; atiJ, in fact,
are the only three years men in a:l the Re
giments here, except the regulars; an I whc i
the Regiment are dif-chared, they te!i
u that we can go too, from the fact that vro
were identified with the three months re
quisition the Regiment being nothii.;',
more itself. U hether this is so or not I a-
unable to say : but this I do know, that v--j
took the oath as three years men, and mear t
it so to be. Should wo be held by the Gov
ernment, (and it is immaterial to me wheth
er we are or not) we will get a "ten u r:
furlough" granted us, at the end of
three months, when, if alive and well, I
will pay a visit to my friends
There is not much sickness in Camp ji.-ft
now. iwoorlhree cases ot meaeis
reported in our company, but none tha1 I
know of in any other. The weather u.:. 1
to-day has been extremely warm; f i
morning there is a cool and relres.
breeze aster. The farmers in thi seel ;-i
are beginning to cut their grain. The cr - i
look well, but are suffering for want of i.-
P. S. I was gome to close my letter st
ilus point, but since 1 hav relumed
Camp, (I was in an adjoining wood vr-
ting) I found nine out of our company . :
the hospital. This looks rather discern.-..;-ing,
bat as their diseases are of the liL.:-.
kind, (such as diarrhea, intermittent icr :.
and measels) it is hoped that they
soon recover. Another circumstance ; u
caused considerable commotion in Carr p :
about ll o'clock three horseraea cf
enemy came down the hill lo the eJ-j c
the River, bearing a flag of truco. O
Colonel and Adjutant went over to ?o whnt
Iheir business was. Several letters wcr
handed them, bat what import they we.,
none but those in authority can tell.
conjecture that the letters were sent r
Lieut. Col. Bowman and Mr. Chas-, fi '.V
8th Regiment, who were taken prisoners
by Ihe enemy a short time ago. They w.m ?
reported to have been hung as sp.es, lul
this is untrue. They are held as prion-: .
in Martinsbcrg, and are no docht trail
ed as prisoners of wr and not a spies. y
But as there is no telling among tue pri vates
what the letters meau, I must clcra
without giving you the information un:il tr
next. Yours truly.
JACK.
The election of CoL Biddle to Congies j
from the first District, Philadelphia, is rnr-ia
than an ordinary partizan victory, ft' :
the testimony of the people of a District
trwt has rarely if ever sent a Deosscrit
Congress.