The star of the north. (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, December 26, 1860, Image 1
r 1 r - - CJ r v x lj l u Viz IF. II. JACOB r, Proprietor. VOLUME. 11 "SflR OF THE NORTH rCBLISHSD ITIRT WICKISPi'T ;BT WX II. JACU6 Office on Mala St., 3rd Sqnare below Jlarfcet, TERMS: Two Dollars per annum if paid 'within six months from the time of subscri bing : two dollars and fifrycents if not paid within the year. No subscription taken for la less period than fix months; no discon tinuances permuted until all arrearages are rpaiu, aniess at tne option of the editor. The terms of advertising will h One square, twelve lines, three times, 31 00 ""j ouuseuuciii insertion, . ..... 25 One square, three months, ! ! 3 00 year, 8 lH) i Choice Poetrn. DU YOU TtiLU 11 E IS MAKRIEB ! Madam ! you are very pressing, And I can't decline the task-; With the slightest gift of guessing, Yoa will hardly need o ask. Don't you see a hint of marriage In b'.a seber-sided face? Ia his rather earless carriage And extremely rapid .pace ? If he's not committed treason, Or some wicked action done, Can you see the tautest reason Why a bachelor should run ? Why should he be in a flurry? But a 4oving wife to greet, Is u circumstance to hurry The iost -dignified to leet ! When afar the man has spied 'her, 4f the grateful, happy elf, Does not haste to be beside her ; Ha must be beside himself ! it is but a tride, may be But observe his practiced tone, When he calms your stormy baby, Just as it were his owu I tJo you think a certain meekness You have mentioned in his looks, Is a chronic opt're weakness That has come ol reading books Did you ever ee his vision Peering underneath a hood, Save enough lor recognition. "Could a Capuchin be colder When he glances as he must, , At a finelj rounded shoulder, Or a proudly swelling bust ! Madam! think of every feature, Then deny it if you can He's fond cotinutmal creatare, And a very married man. TUAXKSGn TVG SERMON BT - REV. JOHN CHAMBERS, . AOVEJiBER 29, ISM. After the opeuing exercises, as applica ble to the occasion, the 8th chapter of Ueu teronomy was road, and the speaker re marked : la common with multitudes of our breth ren in our Commonwealth and in our sis ter States, we come together this beautiful , morning to express to the Sovereign and Lord of the Universe the gratitude of our hearts for the blessings and mercies which Lave followed us during the past year. No nation has greater cause for thankfulness tor the multitude of favors and blessings which have been lavished upon us, for the harvests which have been reaped, for the almost universal health, and for tfce free dom from pestilence. If famine has visited is it has been on the outskirts of the land, while the great heart contains within itself enough for nil. Remembering these, and to call upon God to deliver us from coming evil, we can go before His Throne to-day. Let as pray. THE PRATER. W acknowledge Thee, Eternal God Father, Son and Holy Ghost, as our God, Creator, Preserver and Benefaotor we acknowl dge Thee as the God and Father, Pre server and Benefactor of our Fathers be fore us, and amid all the crowding memo :es of the- past, we stand before the throne ' of the great Eternal One, in the name of Christ, to give thanks lor the blessings of the past year. We thank Thee that the fruits of the earth hare been superabundant; for the cattle which have roamed our hills, that health, peace and prosperity have attended as in all the relations of life ; that famine and pestilence have not stalked in our midst, and that the sword has remained in its sheath. We desire to call upon our souls and all that m within os, to bless and magnify so good, so gracious, so kind a God. We are forced to confess our much ungrate fulness, and we deplore in Thy presence tha want of earnestness and heart on the the part of Thy servants ; but we humbly , thank Tbee that Thou hast still remem- '. bered mercy, and implore Thee that the futnre may transcend the past infidelity and holiness of living Bless all efforts ( made in bringing to pass that day when Thy name shall be great among the Gen tiles. Bles alf methods of instruction among the youngthe college, the acade tnical institutions. May the Bible go far and near till it shall be the companion of all on earth.- Give parents wisdom from on high in training up their children; that there may be in this nation the riche-t . developments of morals, in order to fit all for the stilt grander developments when ' man shall raise in the last day in infinite lore and kindness; stay vice in every ' form, stay the tide of evil on the dissipa tier,, licentiousness and drunkeuess of our people. 1 And, infinite God, grant in eve ry effort to redeem the world from evil, abundant snccess, that all may enjoy free dom frora tin through the redemption of Thy Son. Thanks for all we have; are, and hops for, and for all that ' has been done for us, and continue to bless ns, and may we continue to remember Thee in this great land. And while we thus thank and adore Tbee for all Thou hast dose for us, we come before Thee "with ' sorrow we are almost driven to the riv ers of Babylon, and bang our harps apon the bending willows. Alas, that so much discord shonld exist in this favored land." ' Our earnest prayer is, that the resurrec tion power and divinity that watches over the sleeping duet of Mont .Vernon, may - watch uver ibis laud so deal it) him. who BLOOMSBURG. COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY DECEMBER M, 1860. there resoses. Mr;fi n,it spoiling hand fall on us may may no the tur crerywnere to be heard, and the waves which dash against the shores of u.ut 'puDiic De stilled and calm as the sleeping babe. Oh, -Father, put 'it into tne mind of ever man in this wide land to obey, to the very 'tetter and spirit the iaws and Constitulion thereof. We have not done so-we know we have not; arrd in the sprnt of -exhalted patriotism, that spirit which knows nothieg but the rich est, largest fraternal love, may we have the manliness to confess to each other the wrong we 'have done unite trs with hooks of eternal steel and such bonds of love, that no misrule, noevil, shall change the purpose of our law, and strike orfft siat or tear one stripe from our glorious flag, ull Gabrisl, standing with one foot I in the sea, and one on solid land, shall proclaim Time to be no more; and not till then, may the glories of our Repub lic be marred by any unhallowed act -of man. And, now, to the (Father, the "Son and "Holy ui.uoi w win render praise now and ever. Amen! The llth and !2th verses of the 21st chapter of Isaiah were taken as the text : Watchman, what of the night ? Watchman. what of the night f The Watchman said, The morning cometh, and also the night ; if ye will inquire, inquire ye ; return, 'come. THE SESSION. No man can feel the responsibility of his position more than I do now. I stand in the presence of a large audience of fellow-citizens and fellow-Christians I as a minister of the Lord Jesus Christ, devoted as I trust to the interests of my Master's kingdom, .and considering the claims of the Bible as paramount to all other considerations of earth 1 stand before you, equal with your selves as a citizen of the grandest republic on this earth. As this latter I am as close ly identified with the Constitution and the laws of my country as with the Bible and religion of GodFathe'r,Son and Holy Ghost. Consequently, I cannot be obtuse in my .-.invonvu taiurvui vuiuiiiuu cuunny, com mon Christianity and common communion, counting, as 1 do, Christianity thing We ought to love over and above all things, and the support of which will make us patriots ir heart, life and death, if need be. The question which we design then to consider this morning is How is our Union to be perpetnated? I am aware that on this, as on all sub jects, there exists diversities of opinion. I am aware that some, nay. many say, there is no danger, no cause for alarm or excite ment. From this , opinion I would most kindly and respectfully dissent. If I did not feel in my heart, and conscientiously, honestly, believe my country in danger, fearful danger, I would not occupy your time nor consume my strength in speaking on a subject of such magnitude. We say. then, no sane man can shut his eyes to the danger, and we ought to know it, and know it now. I desire not to speak as an alarmist or for effect the facts are palpable, clear and visible to all, I know it is said, and by many, that it is impossible this Union should be dissolved. Wherein lies the impossibility ? The pow er of constructing is capable of dissolving Let us look at the facts. Some years ago every one said there was no danger of the Church of God being divided. Is the Church of God divided ? Let us look at the Methodist church, that mighty combination of mind and heart, which has made itself fell and known frora the Atlantic to the Western borders, and from the cold frosts of a winter, which congeals even the wa ters of the sea, to the distant Southern re gions of sunny beauty and is not the Methodist church divided. Take the New School Presbyterian church, a noble body of intellect and heart, and is it not divided, North and South. Take the Baptist church, the grand auxil iary in the empire of morals and religion, and is it not divided? What divided the Methodist Church, and what the New School Presbyterian filled up, as it is, with men of gigantic minds and far reaching benevolence ; and what the Bap tits, that indefatigable body of Christians spirits; why are they divided and stand aloof, even to denying the elements of the body of Jesus, the one to the other. The ground we take is, if yon can sever bonds of fellowship, of Christian brotherhood, of holy communion, and if you can so sectionalize the church that you can leave those great bodies divided if yoa have great bands of Christianity and patriotism bound, welded together, and all'are broken asunder, why should Dot merely political, social bonds, be broken asunder ? . If, after all, the influence of the spirit of God, which change and enlighten tha sav age ; if after the action of thi3 religion, and after man has felt its mollifying influence, we find things as they are, what is there to prevent the severing of the political bands which nnile these States. The cause which does the one will do the other, and the canse which has done it is this day sev ering these States. The question then is, what can be done to avert so great a calam ity 1 And the cry is coming op in the morning, and it ceaseth not at night, 'Watchman, what of the night?" It ia ad dressed to the men of God as they look forth from the turrets of the citadel of salva tion, coming from the North, the East, and the West,' and from the centre, and the an Bwer is, "The morning cometh, and also the night If ye will inquire, inquire ye . return, come." ' 1 have already said that the dissolution of this Union would bea Calamity. .It would tea great one, because ;nimin Truth would not only be calamitous to ourselves but to the world of man. Is there a philan- throp.c heart on earth that is not beating and looking for our Union abiding Is there a down-trodden man on ear.h who look, not tor the day when the light of the Ameri - can republic -shall fall on his benighted . nuw men is mis calamity to oe preveniea i answer. . 1 m First. By a rigid and universal adher ance to the letter and spirit of the Constitu tion of the United Slates. Let the princi ples thereof be carried out to the death, if necessary. Not only on the part of the civil authoities, but equally on the part of each citizen; for one citizen is as equally oouna to obey the laws as another, and let this Tact be impressed on the public mind T u no can deny this fact? Why have we this vorrvpact, why this agreement, why those fathers bowing, at the advice of Ben jafrrin Franklin, before the divine presence lor guidance ? .Was it not that each man was to obey the compact? The -Constitu tton 'is to you and tome, in a political light what 'the Bible is in a religions light, and yon and I have rfo more the right to infringe on the Constitution -and laws, than to array ourselves against the principles of this re- ngion I remark, secondly, tet 471 those States which have in any way, or to any extent, passed laws nullifying the Constitution, repeal them, and at once. They owe it to 4he nation and to God. If one Stare may legislate against the General Government, another may do so likewise, and we are in the midst of anarchy and bloodshed speedily. The question arises, have the States a right to legislate against the General Government? From whence do they derive this right ; and iftheyhareit not, and the repeal of those laws will tend to calm the political heart and be the pouting out of oil from the great horn of brotherhood on the troub- Jo.l - r . - you wrong your brother, is it not charac teristic of the very soul of the Christian and patric rrnme forward, confess the error and shake hands in love? Thirdly Let all the Stales unite in the spirit of fraternal love, that each State as well as each citizen of each Siate,may have the full enjoyment of their Constitutional and legal rights, no more, no less. You expect, and rightfully expect, that the rights guaranteed you by the Constitution and laws, shall be respected by the citizens of all the o:her States of this Union. What then you demand from others, you are bound to render to others. If by the Con stitution and laws certain things are declar- ded to be property, are you not bound to rec- j I speak of this brotherhood of States ! say ognize it as such. For illustration, let us J "Render it to him to whom it rightfully be snppose you to go to one of the Virginia longs;" and then, my brethren, should we springs, taking with you a carriage and be permitted to stand on the threshold of an horses, and a law had been passed in that , other Thanksgiving, may it be under the State which would justify your horses and unsullied flag of our Union ; and when the carriage in being seized as soon as you en- question comes, "Wactbman, what of the tered their borders things which, by the night ?:' the reply shall ring out in loudeM, Constitution and law, have been declared to clearest tones, o'er mountain top and thro' be property. Would yoa not feel that yocr deep valley "The morning has come, the le-jal rights had been violated ? Whatever, nigkt forever fled !" therefore, may be 6aid to the contrary, 6P j , x long as the right of the Southern Slate to - SpJEEGll OF 1 IIE HO. WILLIAJL B1GLER, hold slaves, and consider their time and) in the Senate dkc. II service as property, is recognize by the j 0U the State Of the Union. Constitution and laws, just so long are the j Free States bound to consider it such. If 1 took the floor, Mr. President, yesterday they are bound to rendition cf what we le- J afternoon for the purpose of making a few gaily claim as property, are we not bound j remarks on the present unhappy condition to like rendition of what they, wim equal of the country. I intended then only to say justice, claim as theirs ? Now lam addres- what was necessary to indicate my own sing my countrymen and fellow-freemen position on the great question which is agi I go for equal rights, and will stand by my tating the people of this country. That is determination, though I am hewn down by J my only purpose this morning. I shall inches; and I maintain that we are bound 1 reserve for some subsequent occasion, when Jo yield to the sister States what we de-' perhaps this whole subject will be more mand of them. I am not a lawyer, but' fully before us, the discussion of the main, common sense teaches me that which is my property I can claim as such at any time or in any place. If I am mistaken in this, the mistake is of the head and not the heart. Hence, taking it for granted that what the Constitution recognizes as my rightful property is such, no State has the right to nullify or change that decision. Have they, my. brethren ? and what is it but rebellion on the part of those who do such things ? ' Fourth As Christians, it is our duty to follow the advice of Jesus, as given in Jhe 21st verse of the XXlId chapter of Matthew. No man can follow the injunctions of Christ and his Apostles without obeying the pow ers that be, as ordained by God. They were endeavoring to eusoare the Son of God who, from the time he entered upon the duties of life until he left the world, walked upon the straight lines of right and justice. They brought him a penny. ''Whose is this image and superscription?" They say nnto him, "Caesar's." Then said he "Ren der unto Caesar the the thing9 that are Cae sar's, and unU God the things that are God's.' Mark the wisdom of the Son of God. If we but follow bis example and teachings, nine-teen-twenlieths of our troubles would be blotted out. I deplore to say, also, had the pulpit but done its duly, the country would not have been in this state. If the Chris tian community would bnt comply with the very spirit of this command, reader that i yeild to the requirements of the - power that be, such confusion would not prevail as we now see ; and I urge upon yoa, and particularly upon the brotherhood of this church, to adhere to the death to the Con stitution and laws. I have planted my feet on this rock, and it would require a thunder bolt of heaven's lightning to move me. Of all people on 'earth, we should obey the laws of our land. Men of as pure -minds, as yatriotio hearts as God eyeLjl4l aud Right God and our Country. within the human frame-men who loved 1 peace, far-sighted, nobleihetfrted men.made them, and that, too, under the auspices of God. Who amended that Constitution The sons of those 'htmored sires, assembled , in solemn convocation. Then let each State carefully mind its own business, and per orm t -rniriitnf;nnn. i-:.: j in tne spirit of reciprocity. If we find com pliance uncomfortable, 'it is ours to modify and change, but so long as the fourth arti cle, or any other article, is on the page of the Constitution, let us see, as Pe'hnsylva nians, as brothers, that article complied with and carried out. Once more let us remember we are a na tion of brothers. What a thought ! That "when the Revolutionary struggle was made, which burst the political fetters which bound us to Great Britian, no blood flowed more freely or more patriotically than the blood of bCr Southern fathers. There was no spot where the Southe rn was to be seen blending his lot with those of the North and East and West. Remember, too, that their blood flows in our veins, and our i blood in their veins. In God's name, then I ask, shall this fraternal blood rush in dead ly conflict, into one river of death, 'to wash out forever every hope of political, -civil and religious liberty ? Shall bTOther irnbrie his hand in brother's blood, and the moth ers of this nation weeD over ih sin'.n r their own household? Shall one star be lost from that proud national banner or one stripe be torn from its concecrated folds ? or shall that noble American eagle, which for threescore years and ten aye, more- has soared ovr this happy, this wonderful ly prosperous countTv, as he rises from his eyre to gaze upon the sun, be compelled to utter one wild shriek ol horror as he bids farewell ! farewell I to this land of the free, his home of the brave ? God of our fath ers, ibzbid i ,Vir yvir not wrap yourselves in our flag, as in a coat of mail, and stand by your Constitution ? As the sons of the Adames, the Handocks, the 1'inckneys, the Carrolls, With one hand on the a'k of our national covenant, and with the other bear ing aloft the standard of Union, pledge "your lives, your fortunes and your 6acred honor" in their defence. Come, then, mothers for you, too, have an interest come, men, come to day, and speak kindly, and when in the spirit of ac cusation, they bring you a penny, desiring to tempt you, ask "Whose image and su perscription is this?'' and they answer, 'Thy brother's in the Carolinas or the Old Dominion" oh ! how my heart feels when question which it unncessanly presents. Sir, it was too truly remarked by the Sen- ator from Mississippi (Mr. Davis) yester day, that we have fallen on evil times. It is too Badly apparent that this great repub lic of ours is in imminent danger of dissolu tion. The whole political, social, and com mercial system is seriously disturbed, and shows unmistakable evidecces of depres sion and distress. Commerce, trade, aud finances, are disturbed. The banks have ceased to redeem their notes in specie, and the Treasury of the United States is unable to meet the current demands upon iu In deed, sir, a gen eta I gloom seems to have spread over the entire country. Why is all this ? Have the great elements of pros perity, progress, and general thrift in the country, become suddenly exhausted ? No, sir; these were never more abundant than now. What is it, then? Why, sir, dis guise it as you may, this sad picture is the result of a political panic. I almost shrink frora enunciating the precise cause, obvi ous as I think it is to every Senator, and to every intelligent man in the land. The startling cause ia, that men are beginning to doubt the integrity and future existence oi this Union. State after State has taken steps on the subject of withdrawing from this Confederacy. We hear of Legislatures being assembled, conventions of the peo ple being ordered, all to consider the grave question whether our relations are to con tinue or not. It is not singular, then, that we have seen manifestations of deep con- cem and distress in the land. Sir, this is a startling picture ; but it seems to roe it is the part of patriot ism and duty to look it fully in the face. My own impressions first were, that the less that was said here the belter. I have changed that impression. I believe thai the times require that the public men, the the times require ths selected men of th e nation hereLauMJ come up to this great question. Let the people understand what view is taken of it here. For one, I am prepared to separate myself as far as possible from past prejudi - ces and party allegiance, and consider the condition ol the country in a spirit of de- j it is revolution, the consequence to the se votion to irs interest. I most heartily com-, ceding State and to the remaining States mend the noble position of the Senator i will be essentially tha same, and the reme- from Connecticut, Mr. Dixon. Without understanding the desires'bf the men of his fl'Tn nartv. n ha has trJsi na r.nnr.lUP. , , '--"v. ua, irjoiuicoo ui his connection with them, "of his party pre- judices for I believe he is a friend of the President 'elect he has come boldly for ward and taken his position for the Consti tution, for the Uniun as made by the .Con stitution, for the equality of the States, and for justice among the citizens of theSta'es. Sir, I extend to 'him the hand of fellowship, and I meet him in the eamo "spfrit, and un der the same circumstances, for I have no idea how my views will be receiVed on this side of the Chamber. In the spirit of the Senator from Illinois on this side, Mr. Douglas, I go with men of any party, and men of every party wh6 will devote them selves to the great work of rescuing the country from the impending danger. Mr. President, for weal or woe, I m for the Union as made by our fathers. I am for the constitutional Union as h is, and, in the spirit of the remark of the Senator from I California yesterday, 1 "expect lo be of and for life Union as it is to be. Whatever an humble individual like myself can do, or suffer, or sacrifice, in the cause of the Uni on, shall bo freely offered up. But, sir, A-hat can be done ? I think the motion Of t'he Senator from Kentucky; to refer so much of the President's message as refers to this subject to a Select commit tee, is a movement in The right direction. I thank the Senator for it, and I shall cheeT- futly vote forjts adnnnnn.. sm- ed Senator from Virginia, Mr. Mason That honorable Senator said he would vote for the resolution as a mere matter of Par liamentary courtesy, becanse Ihe message should be referred to a committee. He said that much, lest his vote might be misun. derstood by his constituentshat they should be under the impression that he had con cluded lhLt a remedy for the present Jiffi rulties which beset the . country could be instituted, while, in his judgment, Con grsss could do nothing on that subject. That honorable Senator must know that, in some way or other, any adjustment that maybe made on this subject must to some extent, be connected with Congress Con-gre:-3 must necessarily be connected with it unless it be the question of secession. which belongs to the Slates only. If it be possi ble lo agree upon an adjustment in the shape of a law, then Congress and the Ex ecutive will perform the whole work. If the committees should find that it required an amendment to the Constitution, then Congress must either adopt that amendment ! and submit it for it approval of the Statef, J or else, when two thirds of the States peti- tion Congress, provision mut be made for ' a c cnveniion of the States; so that, in any sat, Congressional action will be necssa- eve ry. Thai is a reason why there should be I know 110 means ol "resting tne progress ot no hesitation whatever in considering the separation, then, sir, we are truly in a hope question here, and inquiring calmly, sober- I Ies condition. But I am not so despondent, ly and earnestly of each other what can be i 1 have slil1 hoPe lhat l lhere were such in" done to rescue the country. I "ications from the North of n disposition to Sir, I have a word or two to say specially ' deal kindly on the subject ; to hear their to my friends on this side of the chamber ! Southern brethren fairly nnd fully, and an I mean ihose fiom the far off south ; those ! swer, if possible, favorably their demands, with whom I have eo ion$ and cordially j there would be a leeling of reaction in the co-operated here ; for whose rights I Zeal- i South ; that men would rise above the ously contended long before I met them on madness of t he, hour, and stay the fatal this floor; whose cause, lo some ex'ent. in j step, at least for a brief season, and another the late contei-t for President, fifteen hun- j effort would be made lo save the Govem dred thousand Northern men embraced. i ment, and to satisfy the southern States Ii scarcely becomes me to undertake to ' that they can maintain their rights within judge of their case I confess. I am, per j the Union. haps, incapable ot appreciating their pre- Sir, I am not of those who view this dis cise position and feelings. I acknowledge ! ea-e lightly. I am sensible lhat it is deep lhat there has been kept np a war of ag I seated, and to ome extent malignant, but gression upon their feelings, well calcnla j not incurable. It is not my purpose to talk ted to alienate them from the people of the ol distinctive propositions now; but I do North; lhat in some instances their clear say that the bebt possible remedy that would constitutional rights have been vexatiously embarrassed, and at limes defeated ; and furthermore, that the party about to assume the reins of Government, in the late contest from ihe popular elections in the none avowed doctrines which, in my judgement j slave holding States. There are a class of are inconsistent with the equality of the ) men. we all know, in the North, who are States ; for so I regard the doctrine of the exclusion ot the owner of a slave from the common Territories unless he leaves his property behind him. Bin, Mr. President, is dissolution a remedy ? Is that the best and wisest of all the alternatives left ? Has the time come to embrace lhat remedy? I think not. I said before, that it was not for me to speak of what concerned them and their interests; but I say no more fatal step can be taken for the interests of (he great State which I represent here, and, as I verily believe, for every other State in this Confederacy. 1 know, sir, it may be said ft was said yesterday by the Senator from Mississippi, Mr. Brown, that war, and even death, are to be preferred to dishonor, and that a State remaining in the Union less than an equal, denied of its constitutional rights, is in some measure dishonored; but my friend from Mississippi, and those who act with him, should view this question in a more hopelul light. Alter all, Mr. Lincoln is in a minority of nearly nine hundred thousand votes, and in his election the people of the United States have not passed judgement against tha claims of the South to equality and jus- tice. ' - luJgg of those Senators and of their friends at home to a particular point in this case. I do not care to inquire into the question of f the right of secession. Whether it be a , right, or whether, when a State withd lraws. ) dy, if remedy there be, will be trie same But the point 1 wish to make is this even r ! if it ho a rinlit 'a W . . . , . -- n"i a "jum io me o;ner Mates to resort to that remedy until redress ha been sought and denied at the very foun tain of political power and auihority, and ....v... (hci-ko i-uaimeis in wnicn mis Confederacy was formed? I think not. Such precipitate action is not jusl to their friends. Let the Southern Slates ask the people of this Confederacy, separate and aside from ordinary political considerations to consider and adjust this qbestion. Let them ask redress for their grievances at the hands of those who have the power to arant ii, -anu in tne itjrrn prescribed in the com pact under which we live. If redress be denied, if two thirds of the States refuse to call a convention, if three fourths of the Stales decline to approve such amendments to the Constitution as they deerh essential to the protection of their rights and to the maintenance of iheir equality in the Union, then the time will have arrived for consid ering this question of dissolution. But until all other tneans have been exhausted, it should not, 'cannot be, seriously errter lairrpd. Mr. President, lam one of those who be lieve that the remedy for the present dis tracted condition of the country, alter all. must sooner or latier, come from the peo ple, if it is to come at all and be permanent. I do not say that amendments should net be suyTiitied tiere. I k-- J r. ...aTiiicasarei or artju'-lment can pass Congress lhat will meet this ca.-e. It is hardly to be expected that the politicians or partisans of the country brought into posi tion in the midst of party struggles, com mitted to one side ot 'oA'et of the contro verted points, are prepared for this delicate work. It must go into other hands. Let the people select representatives on this single subject alone, and to remedy the de fects which experience has shown, and if needs be, g'vt new guarantees to th ag grieved Stat es. Then, sir, you will have a singleness of purpose, and our Southern friends will ascertain the real sentiment of the Northern people in reference to their rights and position in the Union ; and while I confess that all the evidence seems to be on the other side, I have a belief that in such a test the conservative element of the North would prevail lhat the South would be mel in a spirit of justice, fraternity, and even generosity. But it may be askeJ, as it has been al ready, what is to become of the country in the meantime ? What measures shall be adopted to arrest the progress of dissolution? I confess, Mr. President, I am not prepared to answer that question. That is more es- pecialSy lor our Ir.ends lrom mese Mates ' whictt are m0Tin for recession. If ihey be applied, silence larevfir the war of crim ination in the North, would be to separate this question of slavery, as far as possible, zealous and sincere enemies of slavery, and so long as they can discover the slight est opportunity of interlering to perform what they call a duty, they will keep up these assaults and an unjust war upon the feelings of the citizens of the Southern States. Separate them entirely, so that they can have no connection with it, can in no way influence ihe qustion of where slavery should be or where it shall go, or whether it shall be carried inio our new Territories, I or even from the question of the admis- sion of a State, whether it be free or slave How can lhat be done? Sir, I do not wish to be understood as presenting any view to which I shall adhere with tenacity I threw out general views for what they are worth. I am so convinced of the wisdom and the true policy of fnsrnaining this Confederacy entire, that I will resort to any honorable expedient, any reasonable meas ure to save it. I think the people of the North would go very much further than their representatives on the Republican side believe, in order to accomplish this desirable end. If needs be, sir, let the ter ritory be divided from ocean to ocean ; north of which slavery shall not go, south of which it shall not be disturbed. iLet us have a deep gulf or a high wall between) Wo Dollars per Annan. NUMBER 51. that will not allay the demon of discord, then, insiead of the present provision that Congress may admit Slates into the Union which 'alone will induce a 'ceruiii 'class of people to be anxious to elect anti-slavery men, in order that "ihey may keep out a slave Slate I say, let the Constitution de scribe a State, fix its population and othe'r elements,-and provide Jor its admission by a Proclamation or the 'president upon the establishment of (he facts Then, sir, the North would be separated from this que. won ; tne isorth and ihe South, on this dfs- J turbing element, would be entirely free of of each other; while all (he other relations would remain, and this great Government go on performing its functions. We should retain its power, its pro'wress, dignity, and its influence in the world. Perhaps less radical changes may do. f so, all the Tie President of the United State?-, with patriotic desire to settle this question, has sngsested what he supposed would be sof "fici'ent for ti e exigency. I m'hsit'say', and must say it with regret that I do net think his remedies will meet the case. I think Ihe disease is deeper and wider than tha remedy, in the first place,; the points pre sented by him embrace the controverted points over which parties have strusgled for years, h$ very source rjve'r wbich'tha bitter struggle for ascendancy was made "in the late Presidential contest. And I cati see no reason lo anticipate their adoption by the dominant party in the North. NVr do I think ihey would reach ihe seat of the disease if they were adopted ; for my be lief is, this war of crimination and recrimi nation is the seat of this disease; and if you want permanent peace.you must strike iJlielL?L .gea-CB-tnWNolrtS" ern mind. Honorable Senators yesterday said the hearts of men must be changed. The hearts of men ought to be changed. I trust in God's name that many of them will be changed; but that is no work for politicians or Senators. It will be idle 10 hope lor ari escape in lhat way. You must rep arate ihe agitating cause, if you expect those men who are bitterly anti-slavery to drop the sulject. I am of those who think they ought Id hive done so long ago. No man has gv'en that feeling less countenance than myself. I have never been in a politi cal struggle in ray life that the rights of the South were not a leading issue; and never (alien lhat I did not fall by the weight of a Southern issue. Dut, Mr. President, 1 do not know that t can usefully pursue this subject further. I de;-ire to say, however, in reference 10 own State, notwithstanding its vote for the Re publican candiJate at the tat'e election, that it is a conservative and a just State; lhat our Southern friends can rely with confidence upon the future action of that State. If they ask redress in the form in which t have indicated, or any oiher on which the people can act separate from other consid erations I have not a doubt that they would give all thp guarantees which any reasona ble Southern man would demand. , It may be said lhat, in a minority, as t am, I am not warranted thus to speak, for I should not be regarded as authority; but, sir, every man of intelligence in my State knows lhat other potent influences than the mere distinctive principles of ihe Republi can party weighed in the late election. There were a complication of influences against us, and among them the most po tent, next to this slavery agitation, was the question of the tariff. The operatives in the manufacturing establishment and the mines away down in the earth had felt and believed that the policy of the Democratic party was prejudicial to their interests; and at the late election, though they were nat urally with the Democratic party, they vot ed in a body against us. I doubt not that that vote was forty thousand in Ihe State. No man is warranted, therefore; in assum ing lhat the State of Pennsylvania will ad here to ihe distinctive doctrines of the Re publican party. I do not be'ieve a distinc tive issue on the "irrepressible conflict," as usually interpreted in lhat Slate, would get one hundred thousand votes. No war of aggression is intended by the people of that State. She will respond promptly to' any d5fnahc! for consideration and for re dress made in the proper spirit by her sil ler States; and I doubt n6t shsi wilfavtfitf even the appearance of wrong by 'discard ing certain of her statutes, which, though in the main a dead letter, have been mads ihe subject of complaint. But, Mr. President, I should' be g'aJ, in deed, if Senators on the other side those' who speak for the dominant party would indicate what their present views are. ( think, sir, in the imminent peril that sur rounds us, they vozh to do at least this: It is no ordinary occasion. It is not a fime when men may stand upon a mere partrzati victory. What is a party victory if the' country is to be torn by violence', by lots," and mobs, in your corhmefc?a! cities, on questions of employment s'ito' bread? What is a party triumph worth rf the Government should not endure ? Sir, " worse than a ' delusion. I know, Mr. President, the grave' res'poa-'. sibilities that altscfi to what I say. ( may. be laughed at for much that I have ottered. Be it so. 1 wotifd not have ottered it if C did not feel that the times require that every man, regardless of consequences, should perform his part. I f V a!, pnlgrtopai iL J.