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Choice Poetrn.
DU YOU TtiLU 11 E IS MAKRIEB !
Madam ! you are very pressing,
And I can't decline the task-;
With the slightest gift of guessing,
Yoa will hardly need o ask.
Don't you see a hint of marriage
In b'.a seber-sided face?
Ia his rather earless carriage
And extremely rapid .pace ?
If he's not committed treason,
Or some wicked action done,
Can you see the tautest reason
Why a bachelor should run ?
Why should he be in a flurry?
But a 4oving wife to greet,
Is u circumstance to hurry
The iost -dignified to leet !
When afar the man has spied 'her,
4f the grateful, happy elf,
Does not haste to be beside her ;
Ha must be beside himself !
it is but a tride, may be
But observe his practiced tone,
When he calms your stormy baby,
Just as it were his owu I
tJo you think a certain meekness
You have mentioned in his looks,
Is a chronic opt're weakness
That has come ol reading books
Did you ever ee his vision
Peering underneath a hood,
Save enough lor recognition.
"Could a Capuchin be colder
When he glances as he must,
, At a finelj rounded shoulder,
Or a proudly swelling bust !
Madam! think of every feature,
Then deny it if you can
He's fond cotinutmal creatare,
And a very married man.
TUAXKSGn TVG SERMON
BT -
REV. JOHN CHAMBERS,
. AOVEJiBER 29, ISM.
After the opeuing exercises, as applica
ble to the occasion, the 8th chapter of Ueu
teronomy was road, and the speaker re
marked :
la common with multitudes of our breth
ren in our Commonwealth and in our sis
ter States, we come together this beautiful
, morning to express to the Sovereign and
Lord of the Universe the gratitude of our
hearts for the blessings and mercies which
Lave followed us during the past year. No
nation has greater cause for thankfulness
tor the multitude of favors and blessings
which have been lavished upon us, for the
harvests which have been reaped, for the
almost universal health, and for tfce free
dom from pestilence. If famine has visited
is it has been on the outskirts of the land,
while the great heart contains within itself
enough for nil. Remembering these, and
to call upon God to deliver us from coming
evil, we can go before His Throne to-day.
Let as pray.
THE PRATER.
W acknowledge Thee, Eternal God Father,
Son and Holy Ghost, as our God, Creator,
Preserver and Benefaotor we acknowl
dge Thee as the God and Father, Pre
server and Benefactor of our Fathers be
fore us, and amid all the crowding memo
:es of the- past, we stand before the throne
' of the great Eternal One, in the name of
Christ, to give thanks lor the blessings of
the past year.
We thank Thee that the fruits of the earth
hare been superabundant; for the cattle
which have roamed our hills, that health,
peace and prosperity have attended as in
all the relations of life ; that famine and
pestilence have not stalked in our midst,
and that the sword has remained in its
sheath.
We desire to call upon our souls and all
that m within os, to bless and magnify so
good, so gracious, so kind a God.
We are forced to confess our much ungrate
fulness, and we deplore in Thy presence
tha want of earnestness and heart on the
the part of Thy servants ; but we humbly
, thank Tbee that Thou hast still remem-
'. bered mercy, and implore Thee that the
futnre may transcend the past infidelity
and holiness of living Bless all efforts
( made in bringing to pass that day when
Thy name shall be great among the Gen
tiles. Bles alf methods of instruction
among the youngthe college, the acade
tnical institutions. May the Bible go far
and near till it shall be the companion of
all on earth.- Give parents wisdom from
on high in training up their children; that
there may be in this nation the riche-t
. developments of morals, in order to fit all
for the stilt grander developments when
' man shall raise in the last day in infinite
lore and kindness; stay vice in every
' form, stay the tide of evil on the dissipa
tier,, licentiousness and drunkeuess of our
people. 1 And, infinite God, grant in eve
ry effort to redeem the world from evil,
abundant snccess, that all may enjoy free
dom frora tin through the redemption of
Thy Son. Thanks for all we have; are,
and hops for, and for all that ' has been
done for us, and continue to bless ns, and
may we continue to remember Thee in
this great land. And while we thus
thank and adore Tbee for all Thou hast
dose for us, we come before Thee "with
' sorrow we are almost driven to the riv
ers of Babylon, and bang our harps apon
the bending willows. Alas, that so much
discord shonld exist in this favored land."
' Our earnest prayer is, that the resurrec
tion power and divinity that watches over
the sleeping duet of Mont .Vernon, may
- watch uver ibis laud so deal it) him. who
BLOOMSBURG. COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY DECEMBER M, 1860.
there resoses. Mr;fi n,it
spoiling hand fall on us may
may no
the tur
crerywnere to be heard, and the
waves which dash against the shores of
u.ut 'puDiic De stilled and calm as the
sleeping babe. Oh, -Father, put 'it into
tne mind of ever man in this wide land to
obey, to the very 'tetter and spirit the
iaws and Constitulion thereof. We have
not done so-we know we have not; arrd
in the sprnt of -exhalted patriotism, that
spirit which knows nothieg but the rich
est, largest fraternal love, may we have
the manliness to confess to each other the
wrong we 'have done unite trs with
hooks of eternal steel and such bonds of
love, that no misrule, noevil, shall change
the purpose of our law, and strike orfft
siat or tear one stripe from our glorious
flag, ull Gabrisl, standing with one foot I
in the sea, and one on solid land, shall
proclaim Time to be no more; and not
till then, may the glories of our Repub
lic be marred by any unhallowed act -of
man.
And, now, to the (Father, the "Son and "Holy
ui.uoi w win render praise now and ever.
Amen!
The llth and !2th verses of the 21st
chapter of Isaiah were taken as the text :
Watchman, what of the night ? Watchman.
what of the night f The Watchman said, The
morning cometh, and also the night ; if ye will
inquire, inquire ye ; return, 'come.
THE SESSION.
No man can feel the responsibility of his
position more than I do now. I stand in the
presence of a large audience of fellow-citizens
and fellow-Christians I as a minister
of the Lord Jesus Christ, devoted as I trust
to the interests of my Master's kingdom,
.and considering the claims of the Bible as
paramount to all other considerations of
earth 1 stand before you, equal with your
selves as a citizen of the grandest republic
on this earth. As this latter I am as close
ly identified with the Constitution and the
laws of my country as with the Bible and
religion of GodFathe'r,Son and Holy Ghost.
Consequently, I cannot be obtuse in my
.-.invonvu taiurvui vuiuiiiuu cuunny, com
mon Christianity and common communion,
counting, as 1 do, Christianity thing We
ought to love over and above all things, and
the support of which will make us patriots
ir heart, life and death, if need be. The
question which we design then to consider
this morning is
How is our Union to be perpetnated?
I am aware that on this, as on all sub
jects, there exists diversities of opinion. I
am aware that some, nay. many say, there
is no danger, no cause for alarm or excite
ment. From this , opinion I would most
kindly and respectfully dissent. If I did
not feel in my heart, and conscientiously,
honestly, believe my country in danger,
fearful danger, I would not occupy your
time nor consume my strength in speaking
on a subject of such magnitude. We say.
then, no sane man can shut his eyes to the
danger, and we ought to know it, and know
it now. I desire not to speak as an alarmist
or for effect the facts are palpable, clear
and visible to all,
I know it is said, and by many, that it is
impossible this Union should be dissolved.
Wherein lies the impossibility ? The pow
er of constructing is capable of dissolving
Let us look at the facts. Some years ago
every one said there was no danger of the
Church of God being divided. Is the
Church of God divided ? Let us look at the
Methodist church, that mighty combination
of mind and heart, which has made itself
fell and known frora the Atlantic to the
Western borders, and from the cold frosts
of a winter, which congeals even the wa
ters of the sea, to the distant Southern re
gions of sunny beauty and is not the
Methodist church divided.
Take the New School Presbyterian church,
a noble body of intellect and heart, and is
it not divided, North and South.
Take the Baptist church, the grand auxil
iary in the empire of morals and religion,
and is it not divided?
What divided the Methodist Church, and
what the New School Presbyterian filled up,
as it is, with men of gigantic minds and far
reaching benevolence ; and what the Bap
tits, that indefatigable body of Christians
spirits; why are they divided and stand
aloof, even to denying the elements of the
body of Jesus, the one to the other. The
ground we take is, if yon can sever bonds of
fellowship, of Christian brotherhood, of holy
communion, and if you can so sectionalize
the church that you can leave those great
bodies divided if yoa have great bands of
Christianity and patriotism bound, welded
together, and all'are broken asunder, why
should Dot merely political, social bonds, be
broken asunder ? .
If, after all, the influence of the spirit of
God, which change and enlighten tha sav
age ; if after the action of thi3 religion, and
after man has felt its mollifying influence,
we find things as they are, what is there to
prevent the severing of the political bands
which nnile these States. The cause
which does the one will do the other, and
the canse which has done it is this day sev
ering these States. The question then is,
what can be done to avert so great a calam
ity 1 And the cry is coming op in the
morning, and it ceaseth not at night,
'Watchman, what of the night?" It ia ad
dressed to the men of God as they look
forth from the turrets of the citadel of salva
tion, coming from the North, the East, and
the West,' and from the centre, and the an
Bwer is, "The morning cometh, and also
the night If ye will inquire, inquire ye .
return, come." '
1 have already said that the dissolution of
this Union would bea Calamity. .It would
tea great one, because ;nimin
Truth
would not only be calamitous to ourselves
but to the world of man. Is there a philan-
throp.c heart on earth that is not beating
and looking for our Union abiding Is there
a down-trodden man on ear.h who look,
not tor the day when the light of the Ameri -
can republic -shall fall on his benighted
. nuw men is mis calamity to oe
preveniea i answer.
. 1 m
First. By a rigid and universal adher
ance to the letter and spirit of the Constitu
tion of the United Slates. Let the princi
ples thereof be carried out to the death, if
necessary. Not only on the part of the
civil authoities, but equally on the part of
each citizen; for one citizen is as equally
oouna to obey the laws as another, and let
this Tact be impressed on the public mind
T
u no can deny this fact? Why have we
this vorrvpact, why this agreement, why
those fathers bowing, at the advice of Ben
jafrrin Franklin, before the divine presence
lor guidance ? .Was it not that each man
was to obey the compact? The -Constitu
tton 'is to you and tome, in a political light
what 'the Bible is in a religions light, and
yon and I have rfo more the right to infringe
on the Constitution -and laws, than to array
ourselves against the principles of this re-
ngion
I remark, secondly, tet 471 those States
which have in any way, or to any extent,
passed laws nullifying the Constitution,
repeal them, and at once. They owe it to
4he nation and to God. If one Stare may
legislate against the General Government,
another may do so likewise, and we are in
the midst of anarchy and bloodshed speedily.
The question arises, have the States a right
to legislate against the General Government?
From whence do they derive this right ;
and iftheyhareit not, and the repeal of
those laws will tend to calm the political
heart and be the pouting out of oil from
the great horn of brotherhood on the troub-
Jo.l - r . -
you wrong your brother, is it not charac
teristic of the very soul of the Christian and
patric rrnme forward, confess the error
and shake hands in love?
Thirdly Let all the Stales unite in the
spirit of fraternal love, that each State as
well as each citizen of each Siate,may have
the full enjoyment of their Constitutional
and legal rights, no more, no less. You
expect, and rightfully expect, that the rights
guaranteed you by the Constitution and
laws, shall be respected by the citizens of
all the o:her States of this Union. What
then you demand from others, you are
bound to render to others. If by the Con
stitution and laws certain things are declar-
ded to be property, are you not bound to rec- j I speak of this brotherhood of States ! say
ognize it as such. For illustration, let us J "Render it to him to whom it rightfully be
snppose you to go to one of the Virginia longs;" and then, my brethren, should we
springs, taking with you a carriage and be permitted to stand on the threshold of an
horses, and a law had been passed in that , other Thanksgiving, may it be under the
State which would justify your horses and unsullied flag of our Union ; and when the
carriage in being seized as soon as you en- question comes, "Wactbman, what of the
tered their borders things which, by the night ?:' the reply shall ring out in loudeM,
Constitution and law, have been declared to clearest tones, o'er mountain top and thro'
be property. Would yoa not feel that yocr deep valley "The morning has come, the
le-jal rights had been violated ? Whatever, nigkt forever fled !"
therefore, may be 6aid to the contrary, 6P j , x
long as the right of the Southern Slate to - SpJEEGll OF 1 IIE HO. WILLIAJL B1GLER,
hold slaves, and consider their time and) in the Senate dkc. II
service as property, is recognize by the j 0U the State Of the Union.
Constitution and laws, just so long are the j
Free States bound to consider it such. If 1 took the floor, Mr. President, yesterday
they are bound to rendition cf what we le- J afternoon for the purpose of making a few
gaily claim as property, are we not bound j remarks on the present unhappy condition
to like rendition of what they, wim equal of the country. I intended then only to say
justice, claim as theirs ? Now lam addres- what was necessary to indicate my own
sing my countrymen and fellow-freemen position on the great question which is agi
I go for equal rights, and will stand by my tating the people of this country. That is
determination, though I am hewn down by J my only purpose this morning. I shall
inches; and I maintain that we are bound 1 reserve for some subsequent occasion, when
Jo yield to the sister States what we de-' perhaps this whole subject will be more
mand of them. I am not a lawyer, but' fully before us, the discussion of the main,
common sense teaches me that which is
my property I can claim as such at any
time or in any place. If I am mistaken in
this, the mistake is of the head and not the
heart. Hence, taking it for granted that
what the Constitution recognizes as my
rightful property is such, no State has the
right to nullify or change that decision.
Have they, my. brethren ? and what is it
but rebellion on the part of those who do
such things ? '
Fourth As Christians, it is our duty to
follow the advice of Jesus, as given in Jhe
21st verse of the XXlId chapter of Matthew.
No man can follow the injunctions of Christ
and his Apostles without obeying the pow
ers that be, as ordained by God. They
were endeavoring to eusoare the Son of God
who, from the time he entered upon the
duties of life until he left the world, walked
upon the straight lines of right and justice.
They brought him a penny. ''Whose is
this image and superscription?" They say
nnto him, "Caesar's." Then said he "Ren
der unto Caesar the the thing9 that are Cae
sar's, and unU God the things that are God's.'
Mark the wisdom of the Son of God. If we
but follow bis example and teachings, nine-teen-twenlieths
of our troubles would be
blotted out. I deplore to say, also, had the
pulpit but done its duly, the country would
not have been in this state. If the Chris
tian community would bnt comply with the
very spirit of this command, reader that i
yeild to the requirements of the - power
that be, such confusion would not prevail
as we now see ; and I urge upon yoa, and
particularly upon the brotherhood of this
church, to adhere to the death to the Con
stitution and laws. I have planted my feet
on this rock, and it would require a thunder
bolt of heaven's lightning to move me. Of
all people on 'earth, we should obey the
laws of our land. Men of as pure -minds,
as yatriotio hearts as God eyeLjl4l
aud Right God and our Country.
within the human frame-men who loved
1 peace, far-sighted, nobleihetfrted men.made
them, and that, too, under the auspices of
God. Who amended that Constitution
The sons of those 'htmored sires, assembled
, in solemn convocation. Then let each
State carefully mind its own business, and
per orm t -rniriitnf;nnn. i-:.: j
in tne spirit of reciprocity. If we find com
pliance uncomfortable, 'it is ours to modify
and change, but so long as the fourth arti
cle, or any other article, is on the page of
the Constitution, let us see, as Pe'hnsylva
nians, as brothers, that article complied
with and carried out.
Once more let us remember we are a na
tion of brothers. What a thought ! That
"when the Revolutionary struggle was made,
which burst the political fetters which
bound us to Great Britian, no blood flowed
more freely or more patriotically than the
blood of bCr Southern fathers. There was
no spot where the Southe rn was to be seen
blending his lot with those of the North
and East and West. Remember, too, that
their blood flows in our veins, and our i
blood in their veins. In God's name, then
I ask, shall this fraternal blood rush in dead
ly conflict, into one river of death, 'to wash
out forever every hope of political, -civil
and religious liberty ? Shall bTOther irnbrie
his hand in brother's blood, and the moth
ers of this nation weeD over ih sin'.n r
their own household? Shall one star be
lost from that proud national banner or one
stripe be torn from its concecrated folds ?
or shall that noble American eagle, which
for threescore years and ten aye, more-
has soared ovr this happy, this wonderful
ly prosperous countTv, as he rises from his
eyre to gaze upon the sun, be compelled
to utter one wild shriek ol horror as he bids
farewell ! farewell I to this land of the free,
his home of the brave ? God of our fath
ers, ibzbid i ,Vir yvir not wrap yourselves
in our flag, as in a coat of mail, and stand
by your Constitution ? As the sons of the
Adames, the Handocks, the 1'inckneys, the
Carrolls, With one hand on the a'k of our
national covenant, and with the other bear
ing aloft the standard of Union, pledge
"your lives, your fortunes and your 6acred
honor" in their defence.
Come, then, mothers for you, too, have
an interest come, men, come to day, and
speak kindly, and when in the spirit of ac
cusation, they bring you a penny, desiring
to tempt you, ask "Whose image and su
perscription is this?'' and they answer,
'Thy brother's in the Carolinas or the Old
Dominion" oh ! how my heart feels when
question which it unncessanly presents.
Sir, it was too truly remarked by the Sen-
ator from Mississippi (Mr. Davis) yester
day, that we have fallen on evil times. It
is too Badly apparent that this great repub
lic of ours is in imminent danger of dissolu
tion. The whole political, social, and com
mercial system is seriously disturbed, and
shows unmistakable evidecces of depres
sion and distress. Commerce, trade, aud
finances, are disturbed. The banks have
ceased to redeem their notes in specie, and
the Treasury of the United States is unable
to meet the current demands upon iu In
deed, sir, a gen eta I gloom seems to have
spread over the entire country. Why is all
this ? Have the great elements of pros
perity, progress, and general thrift in the
country, become suddenly exhausted ? No,
sir; these were never more abundant than
now. What is it, then? Why, sir, dis
guise it as you may, this sad picture is the
result of a political panic. I almost shrink
frora enunciating the precise cause, obvi
ous as I think it is to every Senator, and to
every intelligent man in the land. The
startling cause ia, that men are beginning
to doubt the integrity and future existence
oi this Union. State after State has taken
steps on the subject of withdrawing from
this Confederacy. We hear of Legislatures
being assembled, conventions of the peo
ple being ordered, all to consider the grave
question whether our relations are to con
tinue or not. It is not singular, then, that
we have seen manifestations of deep con-
cem and distress in the land.
Sir, this is a startling picture ; but it
seems to roe it is the part of patriot
ism and duty to look it fully in the face.
My own impressions first were, that the
less that was said here the belter. I have
changed that impression. I believe thai
the times require that the public men, the
the times require ths
selected men of th
e nation hereLauMJ
come up to this great question. Let the
people understand what view is taken of it
here. For one, I am prepared to separate
myself as far as possible from past prejudi -
ces and party allegiance, and consider the
condition ol the country in a spirit of de- j it is revolution, the consequence to the se
votion to irs interest. I most heartily com-, ceding State and to the remaining States
mend the noble position of the Senator i will be essentially tha same, and the reme-
from Connecticut, Mr. Dixon. Without
understanding the desires'bf the men of his
fl'Tn nartv. n ha has trJsi na r.nnr.lUP.
, , '--"v. ua, irjoiuicoo ui
his connection with them, "of his party pre-
judices for I believe he is a friend of the
President 'elect he has come boldly for
ward and taken his position for the Consti
tution, for the Uniun as made by the .Con
stitution, for the equality of the States, and
for justice among the citizens of theSta'es.
Sir, I extend to 'him the hand of fellowship,
and I meet him in the eamo "spfrit, and un
der the same circumstances, for I have no
idea how my views will be receiVed on this
side of the Chamber. In the spirit of the
Senator from Illinois on this side, Mr.
Douglas, I go with men of any party, and
men of every party wh6 will devote them
selves to the great work of rescuing the
country from the impending danger.
Mr. President, for weal or woe, I m for
the Union as made by our fathers. I am
for the constitutional Union as h is, and, in
the spirit of the remark of the Senator from I
California yesterday, 1 "expect lo be of and
for life Union as it is to be. Whatever an
humble individual like myself can do, or
suffer, or sacrifice, in the cause of the Uni
on, shall bo freely offered up.
But, sir, A-hat can be done ? I think the
motion Of t'he Senator from Kentucky; to
refer so much of the President's message
as refers to this subject to a Select commit
tee, is a movement in The right direction.
I thank the Senator for it, and I shall cheeT-
futly vote forjts adnnnnn.. sm-
ed Senator from Virginia, Mr. Mason
That honorable Senator said he would vote
for the resolution as a mere matter of Par
liamentary courtesy, becanse Ihe message
should be referred to a committee. He said
that much, lest his vote might be misun.
derstood by his constituentshat they should
be under the impression that he had con
cluded lhLt a remedy for the present Jiffi
rulties which beset the . country could be
instituted, while, in his judgment, Con
grsss could do nothing on that subject.
That honorable Senator must know that, in
some way or other, any adjustment that
maybe made on this subject must to some
extent, be connected with Congress Con-gre:-3
must necessarily be connected with it
unless it be the question of secession. which
belongs to the Slates only. If it be possi
ble lo agree upon an adjustment in the
shape of a law, then Congress and the Ex
ecutive will perform the whole work. If
the committees should find that it required
an amendment to the Constitution, then
Congress must either adopt that amendment !
and submit it for it approval of the Statef, J
or else, when two thirds of the States peti-
tion Congress, provision mut be made for '
a c
cnveniion of the States; so that, in any
sat, Congressional action will be necssa-
eve
ry. Thai is a reason why there should be I know 110 means ol "resting tne progress ot
no hesitation whatever in considering the separation, then, sir, we are truly in a hope
question here, and inquiring calmly, sober- I Ies condition. But I am not so despondent,
ly and earnestly of each other what can be i 1 have slil1 hoPe lhat l lhere were such in"
done to rescue the country. I "ications from the North of n disposition to
Sir, I have a word or two to say specially ' deal kindly on the subject ; to hear their
to my friends on this side of the chamber ! Southern brethren fairly nnd fully, and an
I mean ihose fiom the far off south ; those ! swer, if possible, favorably their demands,
with whom I have eo ion$ and cordially j there would be a leeling of reaction in the
co-operated here ; for whose rights I Zeal- i South ; that men would rise above the
ously contended long before I met them on madness of t he, hour, and stay the fatal
this floor; whose cause, lo some ex'ent. in j step, at least for a brief season, and another
the late contei-t for President, fifteen hun- j effort would be made lo save the Govem
dred thousand Northern men embraced. i ment, and to satisfy the southern States
Ii scarcely becomes me to undertake to ' that they can maintain their rights within
judge of their case I confess. I am, per j the Union.
haps, incapable ot appreciating their pre- Sir, I am not of those who view this dis
cise position and feelings. I acknowledge ! ea-e lightly. I am sensible lhat it is deep
lhat there has been kept np a war of ag I seated, and to ome extent malignant, but
gression upon their feelings, well calcnla j not incurable. It is not my purpose to talk
ted to alienate them from the people of the ol distinctive propositions now; but I do
North; lhat in some instances their clear say that the bebt possible remedy that would
constitutional rights have been vexatiously
embarrassed, and at limes defeated ; and
furthermore, that the party about to assume
the reins of Government, in the late contest from ihe popular elections in the none
avowed doctrines which, in my judgement j slave holding States. There are a class of
are inconsistent with the equality of the ) men. we all know, in the North, who are
States ; for so I regard the doctrine of the
exclusion ot the owner of a slave from the
common Territories unless he leaves his
property behind him. Bin, Mr. President,
is dissolution a remedy ? Is that the best
and wisest of all the alternatives left ? Has
the time come to embrace lhat remedy? I
think not. I said before, that it was not for
me to speak of what concerned them and
their interests; but I say no more fatal step
can be taken for the interests of (he great
State which I represent here, and, as I
verily believe, for every other State in this
Confederacy.
1 know, sir, it may be said ft was said
yesterday by the Senator from Mississippi,
Mr. Brown, that war, and even death,
are to be preferred to dishonor, and that a
State remaining in the Union less than an
equal, denied of its constitutional rights, is
in some measure dishonored; but my
friend from Mississippi, and those who act
with him, should view this question in a
more hopelul light.
Alter all, Mr. Lincoln is in a minority of
nearly nine hundred thousand votes, and
in his election the people of the United
States have not passed judgement against
tha claims of the South to equality and jus-
tice. '
- luJgg
of those Senators and of their friends at
home to a particular point in this case. I
do not care to inquire into the question of
f the right of secession. Whether it be a
, right, or whether, when a State withd
lraws.
) dy, if remedy there be, will be trie same
But the point 1 wish to make is this
even
r ! if it ho a rinlit 'a W . . . , .
-- n"i a "jum io me o;ner Mates
to resort to that remedy until redress ha
been sought and denied at the very foun
tain of political power and auihority, and
....v... (hci-ko i-uaimeis in wnicn mis
Confederacy was formed? I think not.
Such precipitate action is not jusl to their
friends. Let the Southern Slates ask the
people of this Confederacy, separate and
aside from ordinary political considerations
to consider and adjust this qbestion. Let
them ask redress for their grievances at the
hands of those who have the power to arant
ii, -anu in tne itjrrn prescribed in the com
pact under which we live. If redress be
denied, if two thirds of the States refuse to
call a convention, if three fourths of the
Stales decline to approve such amendments
to the Constitution as they deerh essential
to the protection of their rights and to the
maintenance of iheir equality in the Union,
then the time will have arrived for consid
ering this question of dissolution. But until
all other tneans have been exhausted, it
should not, 'cannot be, seriously errter
lairrpd. Mr. President, lam one of those who be
lieve that the remedy for the present dis
tracted condition of the country, alter all.
must sooner or latier, come from the peo
ple, if it is to come at all and be permanent.
I do not say that amendments should net
be suyTiitied tiere. I k-- J
r. ...aTiiicasarei or artju'-lment can pass
Congress lhat will meet this ca.-e. It is
hardly to be expected that the politicians or
partisans of the country brought into posi
tion in the midst of party struggles, com
mitted to one side ot 'oA'et of the contro
verted points, are prepared for this delicate
work. It must go into other hands. Let
the people select representatives on this
single subject alone, and to remedy the de
fects which experience has shown, and if
needs be, g'vt new guarantees to th ag
grieved Stat es. Then, sir, you will have a
singleness of purpose, and our Southern
friends will ascertain the real sentiment of
the Northern people in reference to their
rights and position in the Union ; and while
I confess that all the evidence seems to be
on the other side, I have a belief that in
such a test the conservative element of the
North would prevail lhat the South would
be mel in a spirit of justice, fraternity, and
even generosity.
But it may be askeJ, as it has been al
ready, what is to become of the country in
the meantime ? What measures shall be
adopted to arrest the progress of dissolution?
I confess, Mr. President, I am not prepared
to answer that question. That is more es-
pecialSy lor our Ir.ends lrom mese Mates
' whictt are m0Tin for recession. If ihey
be applied, silence larevfir the war of crim
ination in the North, would be to separate
this question of slavery, as far as possible,
zealous and sincere enemies of slavery,
and so long as they can discover the slight
est opportunity of interlering to perform
what they call a duty, they will keep up
these assaults and an unjust war upon the
feelings of the citizens of the Southern
States. Separate them entirely, so that they
can have no connection with it, can in no
way influence ihe qustion of where slavery
should be or where it shall go, or whether
it shall be carried inio our new Territories,
I or even from the question of the admis-
sion of a State, whether it be free or slave
How can lhat be done? Sir, I do not
wish to be understood as presenting any
view to which I shall adhere with tenacity
I threw out general views for what they are
worth. I am so convinced of the wisdom
and the true policy of fnsrnaining this
Confederacy entire, that I will resort to any
honorable expedient, any reasonable meas
ure to save it. I think the people of the
North would go very much further than
their representatives on the Republican
side believe, in order to accomplish this
desirable end. If needs be, sir, let the ter
ritory be divided from ocean to ocean ;
north of which slavery shall not go, south
of which it shall not be disturbed. iLet us
have a deep gulf or a high wall between)
Wo Dollars per Annan.
NUMBER 51.
that will not allay the demon of discord,
then, insiead of the present provision that
Congress may admit Slates into the Union
which 'alone will induce a 'ceruiii 'class of
people to be anxious to elect anti-slavery
men, in order that "ihey may keep out a
slave Slate I say, let the Constitution de
scribe a State, fix its population and othe'r
elements,-and provide Jor its admission by
a Proclamation or the 'president upon the
establishment of (he facts Then, sir, the
North would be separated from this que.
won ; tne isorth and ihe South, on this dfs-
J turbing element, would be entirely free of
of each other; while all (he other relations
would remain, and this great Government
go on performing its functions. We should
retain its power, its pro'wress, dignity,
and its influence in the world. Perhaps
less radical changes may do. f so, all the
Tie President of the United State?-, with
patriotic desire to settle this question, has
sngsested what he supposed would be sof
"fici'ent for ti e exigency. I m'hsit'say', and
must say it with regret that I do net think
his remedies will meet the case. I think
Ihe disease is deeper and wider than tha
remedy, in the first place,; the points pre
sented by him embrace the controverted
points over which parties have strusgled
for years, h$ very source rjve'r wbich'tha
bitter struggle for ascendancy was made "in
the late Presidential contest. And I cati
see no reason lo anticipate their adoption
by the dominant party in the North. NVr
do I think ihey would reach ihe seat of the
disease if they were adopted ; for my be
lief is, this war of crimination and recrimi
nation is the seat of this disease; and if
you want permanent peace.you must strike
iJlielL?L .gea-CB-tnWNolrtS"
ern mind.
Honorable Senators yesterday said the
hearts of men must be changed. The hearts
of men ought to be changed. I trust in
God's name that many of them will be
changed; but that is no work for politicians
or Senators. It will be idle 10 hope lor ari
escape in lhat way. You must rep arate ihe
agitating cause, if you expect those men
who are bitterly anti-slavery to drop the
sulject. I am of those who think they
ought Id hive done so long ago. No man
has gv'en that feeling less countenance
than myself. I have never been in a politi
cal struggle in ray life that the rights of the
South were not a leading issue; and never
(alien lhat I did not fall by the weight of a
Southern issue.
Dut, Mr. President, 1 do not know that t
can usefully pursue this subject further. I
de;-ire to say, however, in reference 10 own
State, notwithstanding its vote for the Re
publican candiJate at the tat'e election, that
it is a conservative and a just State; lhat our
Southern friends can rely with confidence
upon the future action of that State. If
they ask redress in the form in which t
have indicated, or any oiher on which the
people can act separate from other consid
erations I have not a doubt that they would
give all thp guarantees which any reasona
ble Southern man would demand. ,
It may be said lhat, in a minority, as t
am, I am not warranted thus to speak, for I
should not be regarded as authority; but,
sir, every man of intelligence in my State
knows lhat other potent influences than the
mere distinctive principles of ihe Republi
can party weighed in the late election.
There were a complication of influences
against us, and among them the most po
tent, next to this slavery agitation, was the
question of the tariff. The operatives in
the manufacturing establishment and the
mines away down in the earth had felt and
believed that the policy of the Democratic
party was prejudicial to their interests; and
at the late election, though they were nat
urally with the Democratic party, they vot
ed in a body against us. I doubt not that
that vote was forty thousand in Ihe State.
No man is warranted, therefore; in assum
ing lhat the State of Pennsylvania will ad
here to ihe distinctive doctrines of the Re
publican party. I do not be'ieve a distinc
tive issue on the "irrepressible conflict,"
as usually interpreted in lhat Slate, would
get one hundred thousand votes. No war
of aggression is intended by the people of
that State. She will respond promptly to'
any d5fnahc! for consideration and for re
dress made in the proper spirit by her sil
ler States; and I doubt n6t shsi wilfavtfitf
even the appearance of wrong by 'discard
ing certain of her statutes, which, though
in the main a dead letter, have been mads
ihe subject of complaint.
But, Mr. President, I should' be g'aJ, in
deed, if Senators on the other side those'
who speak for the dominant party would
indicate what their present views are. (
think, sir, in the imminent peril that sur
rounds us, they vozh to do at least this:
It is no ordinary occasion. It is not a fime
when men may stand upon a mere partrzati
victory. What is a party victory if the'
country is to be torn by violence', by lots,"
and mobs, in your corhmefc?a! cities, on
questions of employment s'ito' bread? What
is a party triumph worth rf the Government
should not endure ? Sir, " worse than a '
delusion.
I know, Mr. President, the grave' res'poa-'.
sibilities that altscfi to what I say. ( may.
be laughed at for much that I have ottered.
Be it so. 1 wotifd not have ottered it if C
did not feel that the times require that every
man, regardless of consequences, should
perform his part. I f V a!, pnlgrtopai iL J.