The star of the north. (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, December 23, 1857, Image 1

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Mrs. R.W. Nearer, Proprietresso
W. 11. JACOIIY, Dotiaen iUxiißgcr.
y>FFIOi?— Upstairs, in the new brick build
ing, on the south side oj Main Street, third
square below Market.
Ell 111 S :—Two Dollars per annum, if
paid wahiu six months from the time of sub
scribing ; two dollars ami fifty cents if not
paid within the year. No subscription re
ceived for a less period than six months; no
discontinuance permitted until all arrearages
*re paid, unless at the option of the editor.
ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square
will be inserted three times for One Dollar,
and twenty-five cents for each additional in
tuition. A liberal .discount will be made to
those who advertise by the year.
[[THOMAS HOOD, born ill London, in 1798,
was the ton of a respectable publisher, of
tfoe firm of Vernor, Hood ad Sharpe. He
was brought up an engraver—he became a
writer of "Whims and Oddities," and he
grew into a poet of great and original power.
The slight partition which divides humor
end pathos was remarkably exemplified in
Hood. Misfortune and feeble health made
bim doubly sensitive to the ills of his fellow
creatures. The sorrows which he has delin
eated are not unreal things. He died in 1843,
his great merits have been previously recog
nised by Sir Robert Peel, who bestowed on
bim a pension, to be continued to his wife.
That wife soon followed him to the grave.
The peusiou has been continued to theirchil
T'was in the piime of summer time,
An evening calm and cool,
And four-am! twenty happy boys
Conte bounding out of school:
There were tome that ran, and some that
Like tioutdets in a stream.
Away they sped with tamesome minds,
And souls untouched by sin ;
To a level mead they came, and there
They drave the wickets in:
Plcasently shone the setting suit
Over the town of Lyun.
Like sportive deer they coursed about,
And shouted as they ran—
Turning to mirth all things of earth,
As only boyhood can ;
But the usher sat remote from all,
A melancholy mau !
His hat was of]", his vest apart,
To catch Heaven's blessed breeze ;
For a burning thought was in his brow,
And his bosom ill at ease :
Jfo he leaned his head on his hands and read
The book between his knees I
I-enf after leaf he turned it o'er,
Nor ever glanced aside;
For the peace of his soul he read that book
in the golden eventide:
Much study had made him very lean,
And pale, and Ivuden-eyed.
At last he shut the ponderous tome;
With a fast and fervent grasp
He strained the dusky covers close,
And fixed the bra/en hasp;
"O God, could I so close my mind,
And clasp n wilb a clasp!"
Then leaping on his feel upright,
Some moody lurns be took ;
Now up the mead, now down the mead,
And past a shady nook ;
And to ! he saw a little boy,
That pored upon u a boQk.
"My gentle lad, what is'l you read—
Romance of fairy fable l
Or is it .sms sies.l. |us.,
Of kings and crowns unstable ?"
The young boy gave an upward glance—
"lt is the death of Abel."
The usher took six hasty strides,
As emit with sudden pain;
Six hasty strides beyond the p'.sce,
Then slowly back again:
And down he sat beside the lad,
And talked with htm of Cain.
And long since tten, of bloody men,
Whose deeds tradition saves;
Of lonely folk cut of unseen,
And hid in sudden graves ;
Of horrid slabs, in groves forlorn,
And murders done in caves ;
And how the *|mtes of injured men
ShrieK upward lfi-.o the sod-
Ay, how the ghostly hand will point
To show the burial clod;
And unknown facts of guilty acts
Are seen in dreams from God!
lie -•old how murdereis walked the earth
Beneath the curse of Cain,
(Villi crimson clouds boloro ibeir eyes,
And flames about their brain—
For blood has left upon their souls
Its everlasting strain!
"And we'i," quoth he, "I know for truth,
Their pangs must be extreme—
Wo, wo, unutterable wo—
Who spill life's sacred stream 7
For why 1 Melltooght last night I wrought
A murder in a dream !
"One that had rrever dono me wrong—
A feeble man, and old :
I led him to a lonely field, >
The moon shone clear and cold :
Now here, said I, this man shall die,
And 1 will have his gold!
"Two sudden blows with a ragged stick,
And one with a heavy stone,
One hurried gash with a hasty knife—
And then the deed was done :
There vyas nothing lying at my teet,
But lifeless flesh aud bone !
"Nothing but lifeless flesh and bone,
That could not do me ill;
And j el 1 leared him all the more
For lying ihere so still.
There was a manhood in his look,
That murder could nor kill I
"And lo ! the universal air
Seemed lit with ghastly flame—
Ten thousand '.housaod dreadful eyjs
Were looking down iri blame :
I took the man by the hand,
And called upon riis name,
' 0, God ! it made me quake to set
Such sense within the slain 1
But when I touched the lileleis clay
Tne blnod gushed out amain!
For every clot, a burning spot
Was scorching in my brain 1
"My head was like an ardent coal
My heart as solid ice;
My wretched, wretched soul, 1 knew,
Was at the devil's price :
A dozen limes 1 groaned, the dead
Had never groaned but twice,
"And now from forih the frowning sky,
From the Heaven's topmost height,
I beard a voice—the awful voice
Of die blood-avenging sprite:
'Thou guilty man 1 lake up thy dead,
And hide it from my sight.,
"I look the dreary body up,
And cast ill a stream—
A sluggish water black as ink,
The depth was so extreme.
My gentle boy; remember this
Is nothing but a dream I
"Down went the corpse with a hollow plunge,
And vanished in the pool;
Anon I cleansed my bloody hands,
And washed my forehead cool,
And sat among the urchins youug
That evening in the school!
"Oh, Heaven ! to think of their.white souls,
Aud mine so black and grim !
I could not share in childish prayer,
Nor join in evening hymn :
Like a devil of die pit 1 seemed,
'Mid holy cherubim 1
"And peace went with them one and all,
And each culm pillow spiead;
Bin Guilt was my grim chamberlain
That lighted nie to bed,
And drew my midnight curtains round,
With fingers bloody red!
"All night 1 lay in agony,
In anguish dark and deep ;
Mv fevred eyes dared not close,
But seared aghast at sleep;
For sin had reniteicd ur.lo her
The keys of hell to kvep !
"All night I lay in agony;
From weary chime to chime,
With one besetting horrid hint,
That racked me all the time—
A mighty yearning like the first
Fierce impulse unto crime !
"One slern tyrannic thought, that made
All other thoughts its slave:
Stronger and stronger every pulse
Did that temptation crave—
j Still urging me to go and see
The dead man in bis grave!
"Heavily 1 rose up, as soon
As light was in the sky,
And sought the black accursed pool
! With a wild misgiving eye;
I Anil saw the dead in the river bed.
For the faithless stream was dry !
"Merrily rose the lark, and shook
The dew drop from its wing;
But I never marked its morning flight,
1 never heard it sing:
For I was stopping once again
Under the horrible thing.
"With breathless speed, like a soul ia chase
1 look him up and ran—
There was no time to dig a grave
Before the day began :
In a lonesome wood, with heaps of leaves,
1 hid the murdered man I
"And all that day f read in school,
But my thought was other where!
As soon as the ntid-day task was done
In secret I was there;
, And a mighty wind had swept the leaves,
And a still the corse was bare !
"Titer, down I cast me on my face,
And first began lo weep,
j Fur I Knew ui) pcuiri itioii
That earth refused to keep;
| Or land or sea, though he should be
Ten thousand fathoms deep!
1 "So wills the fierce avenging sprite—
; Till blood for blood atones.
| Ay, though he's buried in a cave,
| And trodden,down with stones,
! And years have rotted ofl" ftis flesh—
j The world shall see his bones 1
, "Oh God, that horrid, horrid dream
Be.ets tne now awake !
I Again—again, with a dizzy brain,
| The human lile 1 take ;
Anil my rod hand grows raging hot
I Like Crammer's at the stake.
j "And still no peace for the restless clay
I Will wave or mould allow ;
| The horrid tiling pursues my sou!—
It stands before rue now V
i The fearful boy looked up and saw
| Huge drops upon his brow !
i That very night, while gentle sleep
I Th liruhSi'i nyoliJa kusf>(l,
Two stern-faced men set out from Lynn,
Through the cold and heavy mist;
Ami Kugene Aram walked between
With gyves upon his wrists.
the meeting of the American Institute Far
mers' Club, in A'ew York, on Monday, a
paper was road giving an account of the
success which has thus far attended the
sinking of Artesian wells in the great Afri
can Desert of Sahara. The first well was
bored in May, 1856, in the basis of Oued
river, near Tamerma, by a detachment of
the "Foreign Legion," conducted by Engi
neer W. Juss. Water was obtained in June
at the rate of 600 hogsheads per hour. The
joy of the natives at the discovery was un
bounded, and, with great solemnity, they
consecrated it by tho name of "The Well
of Peace." Another bore in Tamaqua gave
120 qrts.per minute. The temp, of the water
iu both cases was about 75 degrees Fahren
heit. The supply of water furnished by
these wells will, by means of irrigation,
produce vegetation where none was ever
seen bofore.
ty A verdant Yankee expectant for of
fice, was advised at Washington to apply
for the Consulship of the Lobos Islands, vice
Guano, removed. He had his letter written
before he discovered the joke.
Should the Constitution without slavery be
adopted by the votes of the majority, fhe
rights of property in slaves now in the terii- j
lory are reserved. The number of these are
very small; but if it were greater the provis
ion would be equally just and reasonable
These slaves were brought into the Territory
under the constitution of the United Stales,
and ore now the property ol their masters. —
This point has at length been finally decided
by the highest judicial tribunal of the coun
try—and this upon the plain principle that
when a confederacy of sovereign Stutes ac
quire a new territory at their joint expense,
both equality and justice demand that the
citizens of one and all of thein shall have the
right to take into it whatsoever is recognized
as properly by the common constitution
To haze summarily confiscated the property
in slaves already in the Territory, would have
been an aut of gross injustice, and contrary
to the practice of the older Slates of the
Union which have abolished slavery.
A territorial government was established
for Utah by act of Congress approved the 9th
September, 1850, and the Constitution and
laws of the United Stules were thereby ex
tended over it "so far as the .aine or any
provision thereof, may be applicable." This
act provided for the appointment by the Pres
ident, by oetl with the advice and consent of
the Senate, of a govirnor, who was to be ex
officio superintendent of Indian affairs, u Sec
retary, three Judges of the Supreme Court, n
Marshal, and a District Attorney. Subsequent
acts provided lor the appointment of the offi
cers necessary to extend our laws Bud our
Indian system over the Territory. Brigham
j Young wus appointed the first governor on
j the 20lh September, 1850, and has held the
office ever since. Whilst Governor Young
has been both Governor and Superintendent
of Indiau aflairs throughout this penor, he
had been at the same time the head of the
church called the Latter Day Saints, and
prnlesses to govern us members and dispose
of their property by direct inspiration and au
thority from the Almighty. His power has
been, therefore, absolute over both Church
and State.
The people of Utah, almost exclusively,
belong lo litis church, and believing through
a fanatical spirit that he ia Governor of the
Territory by Divine appointment, they obey
his commands as if these were direct revela
tions from Heaven. If, therefore, he chooses
that his government shall come into collision
with the government of jhe United States,
the members ol the Mormon ctiurch will
yield implicit obedience to his will. Unfor
tunately, existing facts leave but little doubt
that such is his determination. VYithout en
tering upon a minute history of occurrences,
it is sufficient to say that all the officers of
the United Stales, judicial and executive,
with Ihe single exception of two Indian a
gents, have found if necessary for their own
personal safely to withdraw from the Terri
tory, and there no longer remains any gov
ernment in Utah but the despotism of Brig
ham Young. This being the condition of
affairs in tho Territory, I could not mistake
the path of duty. As Chief Executive Mag
istrate, I was bound lo restore the supremacy
of tin' Constitution and laws within its lim
its. In order lo effect this purpose, I appoint
ed a new governor and other federal officers
for Utati, and sent with them a military fnree
Cm ih r .ii;n, -..a ut.t n posse com
itatus, in case of need, in the execution of
tho laws.
Wilh the religious opinions of tlie Mor
mons, as long as lliey remained mere opin
ions, however deplorable in themselves and
revolting to the moral and religions send
j ments of all Christendom, I had no right to
j interfere. Actions alon, when in violation
| of the Constitution and laws of the United
] Stales, become the legitimate subjects for the
jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. My in
structions to Governor Camming have there,
lore been framed in strict accordance with
these principles. At their date a itope was
indulged that no necessity might exist for
employing the military in restoring ami main
taining lite authority of the law; but this
hope has now vanished; Gov. Young has, by
proclamation, declared his determination to
maintain his power by force, and has already
committed acts of hostility against the United
ihot-io. Unless he should r-trace his steps
the Territory of Utah will be in a stale of
open rebellion. He has commuted these
acts of hostility notwithstanding Major Van
Vliet, an officer of tho army, sent to Utah by
the commanding general to purchase provis
ions for the troops, had given him the strong
est assurance of Ihe peaceful intentions ol
the government, and that ihe troops would
only be employed as a posse comitatus when
called on by the civil authority to aid in Ihe
execution of the laws.
There is reason to believe that Governor
Young has long contemplated this result.—
He knows that the continuance of his ties
polio power depends upon the exciu-ion of
all settlers from Ihe Territory except those
who will acknowledge his divine mission
and implicitly obey his will; and that an en
lightened public opinion there would soon
prostrate iitali'utiont at war with the laws of
both God and man. He has therefore, lor
several years, in order to maintain bis inde
pendence, been industriously employed in
collecting and fabricating arms and muni
tions of wsr, and in disciplining tbe Mor
mons for military service. Aa superintend
ent of Indian affairs be has had an opportu
nity of tampering wilh the Indian tribes, and
exciting their hostile feeling* against tbe U.
States. This, according lo our information,
be has accomplished in regard to some of
Truth and Riffht Cod and our Coßutrjt
these tribes, while others have temained
true to their allegiance, ami Itavo communi
cated his intrigue* to our Indian agents. He
has laid in a store ol provisions for three J
years, which, in cose of necessity, as he in
formed Maj. Van Vliet, he will conceal, 'anil
then take lo die mountains, and bid defi
ance to all the powers of government.'
I A great part of all this inuy be idle boast,
j ic'g: but yet no wise government will lightly !
i estimate the eflhrl* which may be inspired
by such phrensied lanaltcUm s exists
among tho Mormons in Utah, This is the
! fust rebellion which has existed in our Ter
j ritories; and humanity itself requires that we
1 should put it down in such a manner that it
! shall be the last. To trifle with it would be
to encourage it and lo render it formidable.
We ought lo go ihere with such en imposing
I furce as to convince these deluded people
I that resistance would be vain, and thus 6pare
i the effusion of blood. We can in this man
ner best convince them that we are their
| friends, not their enemies. In order lo ac-
I eomplish this ohjpel it will be necessary, ae-
I cording to the estimate of the War Depart
ment, to raise four additional regiments; and
I this I earnestly recommend to Congress. At
I the present moment of depression in the rev
! erines of the country, I BID sorry to he oblig
I ed to recommend such a measure; but 1 leel
j confident of the support of Congress, cost
I what it may, in suppressing the insurrection
; and in restoring and maimaiiiitig the saver
j eignty of the constitution and laws over the
1 Teriilory ol Utah.
I recommend to Congress the establishment
of ti territorial government over Arizona,
incorporating with it such portions of New
Mexico as 11-ey may deem expedient. I
need scurcely adduce arguments in suppoil
|of this recommendation. We are bound to
j protect the lives and the property of our citi
zens inhabiting Arizona, and these are now
j without any efficient protection. Their pres.
1 ent number is already considerable, ami is
I rapidly increasing, notwithstanding the dis
| advantage under which they labor. Besides,
| the proposed Territory is believed to be rich
j in mineral and agricultural resources, espe
cially in silver and copper. The mails of tho
I United States to California are now carried
j over it throughout its whole extent, and litis
route is known lo be the nearest, and believ
ed to be the best to the Pacific.
Long experience has deeply convinced me
that a strict construction of the powers grant
ed to Congress is ihe only true, as well as
Ihe only safe theory ol the constitution.—
Whilst this principle shall guide my public
conduct, 1 consider it clear that under Ihe
war-making power Co iigre-s may appropri
ate money for the construction of a military
road ihrough ttie Territories of the United
Slates, when this is absolutely necessary lor
Ihe defence of any of the Stan's against for
eign invasion. The constitution has confer
red upon Congress power "to declare war,"
"lo raise and support arms," "to provide and
maintain a navy," and to call forth the mili
tia IO "repel invasions." These high sover
eign powers necessarily involve important
and responsible public duties, and among
them there is none so sacred and so impera
tive as that ot preserving our soil from the
invasion of a foreign enemy. The constitu
tion has, therefore, left nothing on this point
to construction, but expressly requires that
' the United States shall protect each n f 'hern
(the States) against invasion." Now, if a
military road over our own Territories be
indispensably necessary to enable ns to meet
and repel the invader, it loltt>wa as a neces
sary consequence not only that we possess
the power, but it is our imperative duty to
construct such a road. It would be an absur
dity to invest a government with the unlim
ited power lo make and conduct war, and at
the saute lime dvriy to it the only means of
reaching and defeating Ihe enemy at the fron
tier. Without such a road it is quite evident
we cannot "protect" California and our Pa
cific possessions "against invasion." We
canriol by any other means transport men
aud munitions of war Irom Ihe Ailuniic
States in sufficient time successfully to defend
these remom and distant portions of the
Experience has proved thai Ihe routes
across the Isthmus ol Central America are
at best but a very uncertain am! unreliable
mode of communication. But even if this
were not the case, they would ut once be
closed against us in the event of war with a
nov&l power, so much stronger than our own
as lo enable it to blockade the ports at either
end of these routes. After all, therefore, we
can only rely upon a military road through
our own territories; and ever since the origin
of the government Congress has been iu the
practice of appropriating money from the
public treasury (or the construction of such
The difficulties and expense of construct
ing a n.iliiury railroad lo connect our Atlan
lic and Pacific States, have been greatly ex
aggerated. The distance on the Arizona
route near the 32J paiallel of north latitude,
between the western boundary of Texas on
the Kio Grande and the eastern boundary of
California on the Colorado, from the best
exploration now within our knowledge, does
not exceed four hundred and seventy miles,
and the face of the country is, in die main,
favorable. For obvious reasons the Govern
ment ought not to undertake the work itself
by means of its own agents. Xitis ought to
be commuted to other agencies, which Con
gress might assist either by grants of land or
money, or by both, upon such terms and
conditions aa they may deem moat beneficial
for the country. Provision might thus be
made not only for tbe safe, rapid, and eco
nomical transportation of troops and muni
tions of war, but alto of the public mails.—
The commercial interests of the w hole coun
try,both East and West, would be greatly
promoted by such a road; and, above all, it
would be a powerful additional bond of
union. Ar.d although advantages of this
kind, whether postal, commercial, or politi
cal, cannot confer constitutional power, yet
they tnay furnish auxiliary arguments in fa- 1
vor of expediting a work which, in my judg
ment, is clearly embraced within the war
making power.
For these reasons [ commend to ihe friend
ly consideration of Congress the subject ol '
the Pacific railroad, without finally commit- j
ting myself to any particular route.
The teporl of the Secretary of the Treasttiy !
will furnish a detailed statement of the con- ;
diiinn of the public finances anJ of the re- j
spective branches of tho public service de
volved upon that depo-tmcul of the govern- ,
merit. By this report it appears that the a- :
mount of -evetme received Irom all sources j
into the treasury during the fiscal year end
ing the 30th June, 1857, was sixty-eight mil- j
lion six hundred and thirty-one thousand
five hundred anil thirteen dollars and sixty
seven cents, (68,632,513 67) which amount
with the balance of nineteen million nine
hundred and one thousand three hundred
and rwenty-five dollars and forty-live cents,
(Sl9 901,325 45,) remaining in the treasury
at the commencement of the year, made an
aggregate foi the jervice of the year of eighty
eight million five hundred and thirty-two
thousand eight hundred anil thirty-nine dol
lars and twelve cents, (85,532,839 12.)
The public expenditures lor the fi-cal year
ending 30th June, 1857, amounted to seven
ty million eight bundled and twenty-two
thousand seven hundred and twenty-lour
dollars and eighty five cents. (70,822,724 85;
of which five million nine hundred and lor
ty three thousand eight hundred and ninety
six dollars and ninety one cents ($5,943,890
91) were applied to Ihe redemption of the
public debt, including interest and premium,
leaving in the treasury at Ihe commence
ment of the present fiscal year on the Ist
July, 1857, seventeen million seven hundred
aud ten thousand one hundred and fourteen
dollars and twenty-seven cents, ($17,7 to,-
114 27.)
The receipts into the treasury for the first
quarter of the ptesent fi-cal year, commenc
ing Ist July, 1657, twenty million nine hun
dred und twenty-nine thousand eight hundred
and nineteen dollars and eighty one cents,
[520,929,819 81,] and Ihe estimated re
ceipts of the remaining three quarters lo the
30th June, 1858, are thirty six million seven
hundred and fifty thousand dollars [536,750-
ooo) making v sth the balance before stoieJ
an aggregate of seventy five million three
hundred and eighty nine thousand nine hun
dred and thirty four dollars and eight cents,
[S7S 389.934 08,] for the service of the
present fiscal year.
The actual expenditures during the first
quarter of the present fiscal year were twen
ty three million seven hundred and fourteen
thousand five hundred and twenty eight dol
lars and thirty seven cents, [523,714,528 37]
nf which three million eight hundred ami
ninety five thousand two hundred thirty
two dollars and thirty nine cents, [53,895,-
232 30] were applied lo the redemption of
the public debt, including interest and pre
The probable expenditures of the remain
ing three quarters, lo 30th June, 1858, ate
fifty one million two hundred and forty eight
thousand five hundred and thirty dollars sod
four cents, [551,2t8,530 04 ] including in
terest on the public debt, making an aggre
gate of seventy-four million nine-hundred
and sixty-three thousand nine hundred and
fifty-eight dollars and forty one cents, ($74,-
903,958,40.) leaving an estimated Daluncein
the treasury at the close of the present final
year of four hundred and twenty six thotisiujd
eight hundred and seventy-five dollars and
sixty-seven ceni*[s426,B73 67 )
The amount ol the public debt at the com
mencement of the present fiscal year was
twenty-nine millions sixty thousand three
hundred and eighty six dollars and ninety
cents [529,060,386 90 ]
The amount redeemed since the Ist of July
was three million, eight hundred and nuely
five thoasaod, two hundred and thirty-two
dollars, and thirty-nine cents. [s3 895,232 39]
—leaving a balance unredeemed ut this time
of twenty-five million, one hundred and six
five thousand, gne hundred and lilty-four
dollars and fifty-one cants 525,165,154,51.]
The amount of estimated expenditures lor
the remoulding three quarters of the present
fiscal year will in all probability, be increas
ed from the causes set forth iu the report of
the Secretary. His suggestion, therefore,
that authority should he given to supply any
temporary dificency by the issue of a limili d
amount of Treaiury notes, is approved, and
I accordingly recommend the passage of such
a law.
I transmit herewith the reports inado tome
by the Secretaries of War and of the Navy,
of the interior and of the Postmaster General.
They all contain valuable and important in
formation and suggestions which 1 commend
to the favorable consideration of Congress.
As stated in the report of the Secretary,
Ihe tariff of March 3, 1857, has been in op
eration for so short a period of lime, and un
der circumstances so unfavorable to a just
development of its results as a revenue meas
ure, that I should regard it as inexpedient, at
least for the present, lo undertake its revis
I have already recommended the raising
of foci additional regiments, and the report
of the Secretary of War prevents strong rea
sons proving ibis increase of the army, under,
existing circumstsnces, to be indispensable.
I would call the special attention of Con-
gress lo the recommendation of the Secretary
of the Navy in favor ol the construction of
leu small war steamers of light draught. j
For some years tho Government has been
obliged on many occasions to hire such
steamers from individuals lo supply its press
ing wauls. At the pre.ent moment we have
no armed vessel in the Navy which cutt pen-1
etrale the rivers of China. We have but few j
which can enter any of the harbors south of i
Norfolk, although many millions of foreign
and domestic commerce annually pass in
and out of these hatbors.
Some of our most valuable interests and
most vulnerable points are thus lelt exposed
Thisclassof vessels ol light draught, grest
speed and heavy guns would be formidable
in the coast doleuee. The COM ol their con
struction will no* be.great and they will re- ,
quire hut a comparatively small expendi'uio ,
to keep them in commission. In lime ofl
peace they will prove as effective as much
larger vessels, and ohen more useful.
One of them should be at every station <
where we maintain a squadron, and ttnea or |
lour should he constantly employed on ot.r ;
Atlantic and Pauific coasis. Economy, utility ,
and efficiency combine to recommend them
as almost indispensable. Ten of these small J
vessels would be ol incalculable a Wantage to
the naval service, and the whole cost ol their
construction would not exceed two million
three hundred thousand dollars, or 230,000
'l'lie report of the Secretary of the Interior
lis worthy of grave consideration. It treats
I of tho iiuineioUH important' and diversified
branches of domestic administration intrust
ed to him by law. Among these the most
I prominent are the public lauds and our rela-
I lions with the Indians.
I Our system for the disposal of the public
I land*, originating with the fathers of tho re
i public, has been improved as experience
i pointed the way. and gradually adapted to
I the growth and settlement of our western
j States and Territories. It ha* worked well
liu practice. Already thirteen Slates and sev-
I tn Territories have been carved out of lhe.-e
' lands, and still more than a thousand mil
j lions of acres remain unsold. What a bound
j less prospect this presents lo our country of
; future prosperity and power !
We have heretofore disposed of 363,362,-
! -161 acres of the public lands.
J Whilst the public lands as a source of
revcuuo are ol great importance, their im*
I porlauce is far greater as furnishing homes
lor a hardy and independent race of honest
and industrious citizens, who desire tosub
! due and cultivate ttie soil. They ought lo
; bo administered mainly with a view of pro
moling this wioo anil benevolent policy- In
i appropriating them for any other purpose,
we ought lo use even greater economy than
\ if they had been couverled into money and
i the proceeds were already iu the public trea
To squander away this richest and noblest
inheritance which any people have ever en
joyed upon objects of doubtful constitution
ulity and spediency, would he to violate one
of die most important trusts ever committed
lo any people. Whilst I do not deny to
Congress die power, VVIIPII acting ticna fide
a* proprietor, lo give away portions of them
for the purpose of increasing the value ol d.o
remainder, yet, considering the great temp-,
tation to abuse this po.ver, we cauuot be too
cautious in its exercise.
Actual settlers under existing laws are pro
tected against other purchasers at the public
sales, in their right of pre-emption, to the ex
tent of a quarter-section, or u 160 acres of
land. The romaintler may then be disposed
of at public or entered ut private sale in un
united quantities.
Speculation has of late years prevailed lo
a great extent in the public lauds. The con
sequence has been that large portions of them
have become the properly of individuals and
companies, and thus the price has greatly
erichaucetl to those who desire to purchase
for actual settlement. In order to limit the
area of speculations as much as possible, the
extinction of the Indian title and the extern
lion of ihe public surveys ought only lo keep
oace with the tide of emigration.
If Congress should hereafter grant alternate
sections to Stales or Companies, as they
have done heretofore, I recommend that the
intermediate sections retained by the Gov
ernment should bo subject lo pre-emption by
actual settlers.
It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to
reserve the public lands as much as may be
for actual settlers, and this at moderate prices.
We shall thus uot only best promote the
prosperity ol the new Siate und Territories,
and Ihe power ol the Union, hut shall secure
homes for our posterity for many generations.
The extension of our limits has brought
within our jurisdiction many additional and
populous lubes of Indians, a large portion
of which are wild, untractuble, and difficult
to control. Predatory ami warlike in iheir
disposition and habits, it is impossible alto
gether to restrain from committing aggres
sions on each other, as well as upon our fron
tier citizens and those emigrating to our dis
tant States and Territories. Hence expen
sive military expeditions are frequently ne
cessary to overawe and chastise the more
lawless and hostile.
The present system of makins them valu
able presents to influence them to remain at
peace has proved ineffectual. It is believed
to be the belter policy to colonize them in
suitable localities, wheie they can receive
the rudiments of education and be gradually
induced to adopt habits ol industry. So far
as the experiment has been tried it hs work
ed well iu practice, and it will doubtless
prove to be less expensive than the preeent
[Two Dollars per Annum.
The length of post toails in 1827 was 105
336 miles; and in the year 1837 there were
242, 691 miles of the post road, including 22,-
630 miles of railroad, on which the mails are
The whole number of Indians within onr
territorial limits is believed to be. from the
best data in the Interior Department, about!
325 000.
The tribes of Cherokees, Choctawe, Chk*.
kasaws. and Creeks, eetiled in the territory
set apart for them west of Arkansas, are rap
idly advancing in education and in all the
ails ol civilization and self-government ; and
we may iuJulge the agreeable anticipation
that nt no very distant day they will be in
corporated ilto the Union us one of the sov
ereign States.
It will be seen from the report of'the Post
master Uen'l that the l'ost Office Department
still continues to do,tend on the Treasury,
.us it has ueett compelled to do lor severs!
years past, for an important portion of the
means of sustaining and extending its opera
tions. Tiieir rapid growth and expansion
are shown by a decennial statement of the
number of post cilices, ami Ihc length of post
roads commencing with lite year 1827. In
that yeai there were 7,000 post offices; in
1637, 11,177 ; in 1817, 13 146; and in 1867
they number 26,586. In this year 1,725 post
offices have been established and 704 dis
continued, leaving a net increase of 1,021.
The postmasters ol 363 uliieee are appointed
by the President.
The expenditures ol ihe department for lhA
fiscal year ending cn the 30lh June, 1857,
as adjusted by the Auditor, amounted to
SI 1,507,67u. To defray these expenditures,
there was to the credit of the department on
the Ist July, 1853, the sunt of 8879,590; the
gross revenue of the year, including lite an
nual allowances for the transportation of free
I free mail matter, produced $3,053,951 ; and
1 ihe remainder was supplied by die uppropri
i utiou from the treasury of $2,200,000 gran
j ted by the act of Congress approved August
18, 1856, and by the appropriation of £666,-
883 made by the act ol March 3,1857. leav
ing £252,763 to be carried to the department
in the accounts of the current year. I com
mend to your consideration the report of tha
department in relation to the establishment
of die overland mail route from the Missis
sippi river to ban Francisco, California. The
route was selected with my full concurrence
as the nne, in my judgment, best calculated
to attain the imporlaul objects contemplated
by Congress.
The laic disastrous monetary revolution*
may have one good effect should it caus*
both the government and the people to return
to the practice of a wise and judicious econ
omy both in public and private expenditure*.
An overflowing treasury has led to habit*
of prodigality ami extravagance in our legis
lation. It lias induced Congress to make
large appropriations to objects for which
they never would have provided had it been
necessary to raise the amount of revenue ra
iptire I to meet them by increased taxation
or by loans. We are now compelled to pause
in our career, and to scrutinize our expendi
tures with the utmgst vigilance j and in per
forming this duty, I pledge my co operation
to the extent of my constitutional competen
It ought to be observed, at the same time,
that true public economy does not consist in
withholding the means necessary to accom
plish important national ohjscta intrusted to
us by the Constitution, and especially such
as may he necessary for the common de
fence. In the present crisis of the country
it is our duty to confine our appropriation*
to objects of'his character, unlets in cases
wheie justice to individuals may demand a
different course. In all cases, care ought to
he taken that the money granted by Congre**
shall b faithfully and economically applied.
Under the federal Constitution, "every bill
which shall have passed the House of liepre
tentative* and ihe Senate shall, before it be
comes a law," he approved and signeJ by
the Presiden'; and, if not approved, "he shall
return it with his objections to that House in
which it originated.''' In order to perform
'his high and responsible duty, sufficient
time must be nllowd the President to read
and examine every bill presented to him for
approval. Uuiess this be afforded, the Con
stitution becomes a dead letter in this par
ticular; and even worse, u becomes a mean*
rd deception. Our constituents, seeing the
President's approval and signature attached
to each Act of Congress, ure induced to be
lieve that lie has actually performed this du
ly, when, in truth, nothing is, in many cases,
more unfounded.
From the practice of Congress, such an
examination of each bill as the Constitution
requir-'g, has been rendered impossible. The
most important business of each session is
generly crowded into its last hours, and the
alternative presented to Ihe President is eith
er to violate the Constitutional duty which
he owes to the people, and approve bill*
which, for want of time, it is impossible he
should have examined, or by bis refusal to
do this subject ihe country and individual*
to great loss and inconvenience.
Besides, a pract'ce has grown up of lato
years to legislate in appropriation bills,.at the
last honrsofthe season, on new and impor
tant eubjeics. This practice constrains tbe
President either to suffer measures to be
come laws which he does no', approve, or to
incur the risk of stopping tbe wheels of tbe
government by vetoing an appropriation bill.
Formerly, such bills ware confined to specific
appropriation for carrying into effect existing
laws and tbe well established policy of tbe
country, ind little lime was then required by
the Piesideut for their examication.