THE STAR- OF THE NORTH.
W, Weaver, ProJrrleUr.]
***l*l' ■ -■ —7-
VOLUME 9.
THE STAR OF THE NORTII
IB PUBLISHED EVKRY WEDNESDAY MORNING BY <
R. IV. WEAVER,
OFFICE— Upstairs, in thenew brick build
ing, on the south side oj Main Street, third
square Wow Market. '
T Ell M B;—Two Dollars per annuhci, if
paid within six-ftiontbs from the time of sub."
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ceived for a less period than six months; no
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ore paid, unless at the option of the editor.
Advertiscmknts not exceeding one square
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end twenty-five cents for each additional in
eettion. A liberal discount will be made to
those who advertise by the year.
<gl)oi te poctr.Q.
Lire IS BUT A SPAN. .
Life is but a span—of horses;
One is "Age," the other i$ "Prime,"
Up and down the hill our course is;
"Go iu" ponies—"make your time."
Boyhood plies the whip of pleasure;
Youthful folly gives a stroke;
Manhood goads them at his leisure—
"Let 'em rip, they're tough as oak."
"Hiva! there the stakes we'll pocket,
To the wind let care be sent:
Time ; in socket;"
"Give 'em etriog and let 'em went."
On the gunny road to fifty,
"Prime" is drowned in Lethe's stream;
"Age" is left, old and thrifty ;
. Life then proves "a one-horse team."
"Age jogs on, grows quite unsteady,
Keels and slackens in his pace,
"Kick* the bucket," always ready,
"Give ft up"—Death wins the race.
For the Star of the North.
LETTER FROM DELAWARE.
MILFORD, (DEL.) JULY 2, 1857.
Mr. Weave) —Dear Sir : It is familiar to
your readers that there was once such a
character as tho "Milford Bard." Now this
same "Bard" was a native of this town;
his name was Loffland, and his mother and
family reside here still. Though not equal i
in mental power to O. F. Johnson and E. A. ;
Poo.
Our boys are thoroughly disgusted with
the lax notions, and loose habits which pre
vail here, and which have made drunkards
of some but little older than themselves.
But thid is too much the case in all villages,
even in Pennsylvania.
I have just returned from an excursion
into Maryland. T-et the reader take an At
las and look at Worcester County. The
bay that presents on the coast is Sinepuxent
and wears the general appearanco of all the
coast. The occean rolling its ceaseless surf
upon a shore of clean white sand, and the
mainland side of the bay a narrow skirt of
meadow (saltgrass) beautiful to the eye,
and firm to tho tread, down to the water's
edge. The tongue of land between the bay
and ocean is only drifting sand, without a
tree or shrub of any kind and less thaD
half a mile in width. The land along Sine
puxent Bay and west of it across the penin
sula, is very fine. Wealth and ease, and
abundance abound ; and yet tho system of
farming Is very dcjectivo. Clover is sown
quite extensively, and 6ome timothy; but
no"hay is made—and no idea of that system
of rotation, by which the Pennsylvanian
holds his manure heap and clover-sod in a
just relation with his wheat and corn crops
Oats are extensively sown—l saw fields of
fifty acres, and very fine. I am satisfied
from what I learned, that wheat is a more
certain crop in that region (as it is here)
than in Pennsylvania, and yet little account
comparatively is made of it,—a largo farm
er having old wheat enough to last him,
will skip a year—sow no whoat for a year.
No rye or buckwheat is sown. Potatoes do
well, and are raised in abundance. Those
who attend to the subject properly have
fine horses, cattle and sheep. Some I saw
in each of these departments, quite equal
to any production in your own county.
Properly'speaking, they have no barns.—
On the farm, near the house of one gentle
man, I counted eighteen outhouses. This
name gentleman, twenty years ago built
three binu— the whole cost of the whole
three was SCO.
The farm work is done almost entirely by
slaves, and if our fanatics of the North
would go there and look after a downtrod
den and oppressed race, they would fail to
find it. Thoro is no such people there.
I have urged gentlemen of your county,
and elsewhere, to visit this region and see
the inducements there are for men seeking
a new location for themselves and families,
<o come here. I have described tho soil;
represented the facts iq relation to the water,
the health, the market, and all that sort of
tiling—the price of land &c., but with very
little effect. Well,—n' importe. Men of
capital are gradually getting possession of
farms here, and so are inflicting upon this
country a substantial injnry. Land misers
are the curses of this country. In process
f time a certain old gentleman with his
sharp scythe cuts away these obstaclos and
brings these large estates into market. As
this work goes on constantly, no doubt the
thing will all be done up right in the end—
and so your humble correspondent will not
bother his head any more on the subject.
The disorganization and demoralization
of tlie whig party byJNative Americanism'
is having a good effect in all this region,
confirming and strengthening the Democra
cy more and more. p. s.
A PBIKVER'S TOAST.— Woman —tho fairest
werk of citation. The ediiion being exten
sive. let no man bo without, a copy.
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PZ,WEDNESDAY, AUGUST
ADDRESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC
STATE COMMITTEE.
To the Citizens of Pennsylvania :— lt has
been usual for the Stale Committee, repre
senting the Democratic party of Pennsylva
nia, to address the people of the Stale pend
ing important elections. In conformity with
this usage, which may be regarded as settled
and salutary, we Bubmit tho following ad
dress :
The Democratic State Convention, upon
the second day of March last, and at its re
assembling in June, made nominations for
the offices of Governor, CanaJ Commissioner
snd Judge of the Supreme Court.
For Governor, General Packer, of Lycom
ing, was named, after a spirited contest, and
1 his nomination was then nnsnimvUsty and
rightfully confirmed. He has been long
well known throughout the Slate; bas filled a
numboi of responsible and important posi
tions in the Slate Government, and has es
tablished a public character which spangly
recommends the popular confidence. We
conceive it to be a material qualification for
this high office, that the incumbent shall be
well acquainted with the practical workings
of the government —with the course and
character of legislation—the details of busi
ness in the several executive departments—
and with the public meo of the Common
wealth, who have filled, or may fill, the va
rious positions created by the Constitution
and laws. The contrast, in this respect, be
tween onr candidate and the candidates of
the opposition, is too strongly marked to es
cape general notice, and it is bui necessary
to allude to It to show the vantage ground
held ty our party in the press it canvass.—
It may be asserted that the Convention have
named "the right man for the right place,"
and that their nomination deserves popular
endorsement if regard is had to qualifica
tions and experience.
It is agreeable to add, that our candidate
lias a solid and reputable character in pri
vate life, and that his estimable qualities
have endeared him to a large circle of
friends who can enter upon his support with
feelings of enthusiasm as well at with con
victions of duty. We do not desire to draw
strongly the contrast which it is possible to
drafg, between our candidate and his leading
opponent. Judge Wilmot has had a career
as a public man which has given bim no
toriety without inspiring confidence. Imper
fectly acquainted with the praolical action of
the State government ; without experience
either in the legislative or executive depart;
menls; with but a iimitod knowledge of pub
lic men and State affairs beyond hie imme
diate locality,—he is presented upon a com
paratively remote national issue, and as the
candidate of a bitter sectional party which
received a merited defeat at the recent Pres
idential election. It is not believed that his
career in Congress exhibited any high ca
pacity to promote the interests of the people
of Pennsylvania, and it ie certain that his
recfent course in the (ffice he now holds, has
been calculated to lower the judicial charac
ter by connecting it with extreme and violent
partisan disputes.
Nimrod Strickland, of Chester county, was
named by the Convention for Canal Com
missioner. He needs no recommendstion at
our hands, for his integrity, firmness and ca
pacity,are not disputed and are widely recog
nized. It wilt be a pleasure for those who
belong to our party, and for all who desire
to consult fitness and merit in bestowing their
, suffrages, to give him their cordial support.
By reason of the declination, by Chief Jus
lice Lewis, of the re-nomination tendered
him by the Convention, and the oaliing of
Judge Blank to the post of Attorney General
in the National administration, the Conven
tion, upon its re-assembling in June, found
1 the duty devolved upon it of naming two
candidates for the Supreme Bench, William
Strong, of Berks County, a distinguished
member of the Bar, and formerly a member
of Congress, and James Thompson, of Erie,
also a former Member of Congress, odcb a
President Judge of the Common Pleas, an
ex-Member of the Legislatnre, and a pro
- found and successful lawyer, were selected
'by the Convention. Their locations are suit
able, giving both to the East and West a
representation upon the ticket, and their
learning and integrity welt qualify them to
discharge the arduous and responsible duties
of-the highest judicial position nnder our
Constitution.
Such is the ticket formed by the delegates
representing the Democratic party, and sup
port of it is confidently asked in view of the
character of the nominations. Bat confi
dence and support is also invited upon tbe
general grounds of policy and principle opon
which oar party stand. Ours is no new. un
tried, vindictive, sectional, or suspicious or
ganization. It has been tried; it is bold and
open in condocl; il is magnanimous, patriot
ic iRd national. Founded more than half a
century ago by the anthor of tbe Declaration
of Independence, it has bad a distinguished
history, has ordinarily given direction to the
of public affairs, and planting
itself early, and throughout its whole career,
upon a strict construction of the Constitution,
and a sparing use of tbe powers of Govern
ment, has preserved our American system
from degeneracy and failure.
The usefoloess of organized parties Is
sometimes dlnied and oftenerdonbted. But
iu view of historical facts it cannot well be
questioned that they are incident to free
governments, ind arise of necessity under
their operation. An inquiry, however, Into
tha nature of political parlies and the causes
which produce them, can scarcely be ex
pected to oonstitnto the subject of a fugitive
address. It will be sufficient,for present pur
poses to assert the necessity of our party to
check the evil end dangerous influences to
which our political system is liable, and
against whioh it is impossible that written
constitutions can sufficiently guard. Doubt
less our constitutions exhibit the wisdom of
those who framed them, and the amend
ments to whioh they have been subjected
have rendered them more complete and per
fect than they were at first. But a contitu
lion can only be an outline for the action of
government, (besides providing for its estab
lishment,) and by construction it may be
made to mean almost anything the political
authorities for the time being may choose.—
It is a chart given to direct the vessel of
stale, which can have little effect upon the
voyage unless those in command choose to
faithfully interpret and observe its counsel.—
A party organization, therefore, founded up
on right principles of constitutions! construc
tion and powerfully and constantly influenc
ing official action, may be regarded as neces
sary. It is, in short, absolutely required to
give a just and consistent direction to gov
ernment, both in cases dependent upon con
struction of the constitution and in cases
where the constitution is silent. Besides, the
instability of political action in repnbltc is a
reproach to which they have been often sub
jected, and is the objection to them which
has had greatest weight with profound and
independent thinkers in the old world and
the new. But this instability, which arises
principally from individual ambition, the self
ishness of classes, and the fluctuations of
opinion, is to a great extent checked and
prevented by the predominance of a party
foonded upon clear and sound principles of
pnblio policy, and acting constantly with
reference to them.
Now, the Democratic parly is simply the
representative of a school of opinion, and
its creed is given it by those who founded
and have subsequently supported it. The
great men who have spoken and acted for
it, and whose names will remain stamred
prominently upon the history of the country,
have been men of strong, clear and sound
views of our system of government, and of
the rules upon which its administration !
should proceed. Our party is the product of;
their efforts; the instrument for accomplish
ing the ends tbey proposed, and it remains a '
monument of their sagacity, foresight and
patriotism.
The held that over-action in government
was a great evil—the most difficult to be
guarded gains|, and therefore the mbqj dan
gerous—and tbst both Within and without 1
the Constitution powerful guards against„it
were required. Proverbial language conveys
the idea in declaring that "the world is gov
erhed too much," and that "that govern
ment is best which governs least;" and phil
osophical reasoning attains the same re'sd It,
in concluding, (hat government, being the
creature of necessity, is limited by lite neces
sities wbich create it, and is not to be ex
tended beyond them. The Democratic par
ty has therefore held, and holds, that Con
stitution shall receive a strict construction;
that government shall exercise no powers
not clearly delegated to it, and that in ceeee
of doubt as to the policy of a par'icular meas
ure, the conclusion shall be against it. In
short, that public power shall not be exerted
except where a clear warrant and manifest
utility authorize and justify it. *
The powerful (and we should think salu
tary) operation of this doctrine appears
throughout the history of the National and
Slate Governments, and the occasional de
partures from it stand as beacons to warm
and not as examples to follow.
To illustrate our remarks, we well iqj|r
briefly to a number of measures of public
policy heretofore proposed to (he general or
State Government, and upon which divisions
ol opinion have existed among public men
and parties. They will afford data fof judg
ing the value of the Democratic doctrine on
the subject of government powers and poli
cy, ol which we have spoken.
First— A bank created by the General
Government, owned, in part by it, and in
tended for the regulation ot the currency, and
to afford facilities to commerce and business.
This measure was resisted, and alt recent
attempts tore-establish such an institution
have bsen put down, upon the very grounds
above staled.
Second—lnternal Improvements to be con
structed at the charge of' the national treaa
ory, to facilitate internal trade, and assist In
developing the material resources of'particu
lar sections. Mo clear authority for outlay*
of this description appearing, and the mani
fest dangers whfch they lead being appa
rent, tbe action of our Federal Government
on this subject has been rightfully and wise
ly arreeted.
Third —Fxcessire duties upon imports, to
the extent of prohibition upon their importa
tion, or to the production of revenue beyond
tbe legilimste wants of government. The
federal power of imposing duties being for
(he expressed object of Government support
and the liquidation of public indebtedness,
its exercise for an entirely different object
would seem unwafranted, and woold be an
jnst to interests or individuals against whom
a discrimination is thus produced. There
fore it is, that against much misconception
and tbe opposition of powerfnl interests, the
doctrine of limited and reasonable duties
has been sternly, and, upon the whole, suc
cessfully upheld.
Fourth —The distribution of moneys from
the ttalional treasury among tha States, be
lieved to be equally unwarranted with the
proceding measures, and inevitably tending
to (be production of speculation and cxtratra
ganco in the States, has also been restated,
Truth ant Bight God ud our Country
and except upon a single occasion, prevent
ed. • . .vi V ' •
Fifths- A canicrapt *6), 'dissolving the re
lations of debtor and creditor jn-a manner
and to an extent unauthorized by the Con
stitution, disastrous to private rights, injuri
ous to morals, and to the encouragement,
mainly, of one of the least meritorious class
es of society—the speculator and spendthrift.
With hot haste and under the laeb ol public
opinion, the very anlhors of suoh an act 'n
1842 were coerced into its repeal.
Sixth —Appropriations of public moneys
or lands, to objects of doubtful constitution
ality or utility; connected with which, may
be mentioned the allowance of claims, in
sufficiently established 01 nnjost. The Dem
ocratic principles strikes aa decteixeif at all
projects for lesaihng the treasury, for an in*
dividual class, or a section, in the absence
of clear right to justify the demand, as it
does at other unwarranted or doubtful meas
ures.
Seventh —The execcise of jurisdiction by
the General Government over slavery in the
territories, to the exclusion of local decision
thereon. Legislation by Congress upon sla
very beyond the express requirement as to
return of fugitives, is to be doubted, and if
regard is had to high judicial decision, ex
pressly denied, as a valid exercise of power.
And its inexpediency is yet more plainly
manifest, in view of the dangerous disputes
which such action inevitably produces. Most
clearly, therefore, is it to be deprecated and
opposed, npon (he general doctrine of non
action by in doubtful cases.
Eighth —The establishment of corporations,
either excessive as <o ntmbet-or vested with i
inordinate powers or privileges; and especial
ly for pursuits or business within the reach
of individual means and skill. Under wbich
head is to be particularly noted, the charter
ing of Banks beyond the business wants of
the community, locating them at points with
out adequate commerce or exchanges to
afford legitimate occupation, and failing to
impose upon them such guards against abuse
and fraud as are demanded by experience.—
The recent resolution on this subject by onr
Slate Convention, but indicates the well con
sidered position of oqr party and its policy
for tbe fnture.
Ninth— The authorizing of rouniciptl snb -
script ions to railroads and other corporate
bodies to the encouragement of speculation,
corruption and the accumulation of public
debts. The propqsition now before the peo
ple 'or the nnieod*-em of lke Consfitutipn to
prevent this in future, it but*in affirmance of
the principle we have been considering; for
the decision of a divided Court in favor of
legislative power to authorize such subscrip
tions has not removed all doubts, and has
left the powerful objections to the system,
upon gronnds ol expediency, untouched and
irresistable. „
Tenth— The sale or surrender by Govern
ment, in whole or in part, of any of its con
stitutional powers confided to it by tho peo
ple. The attempt to do (his in the late act
for the sale of the Main Line nf the Public
Works; an attempt which was denounced
by the Slate Convention, and has since been
pronounced unconstitutional by the Snpreme
Court, may be cited under this head, and de
served that reprobation whicn it has generally
received.
Eleventh —Sumptuaty laws, by which dress,
food, drink, equipage, or other like concern
of use, habit or fashion, is coerced. The in
terference of law in such esses- would seem
to be nnnseful, and is of doubtful authority.
Twelfth— Finally,measures directed against
a class or sect, and jptended to degrade them
or limit their civil privileges. It is affirmed
that neither religious belief nor birth place
will furnish gronnds for ostracism or a denial
of common right.
Such are some of tha leading measures up
on which political divisions have liken place,
and on their careful examination it will be
seen, that they can all be resolved into the
general question whether the powers and ac
tion of government shall be extensive or lim
ited. And if we should pursue the subject
further, this view of the fundamental ground
of difference between public men and parties
would be but confirmed and strengthened.
We are left then to shoots side* iu the strug
gle between power and liberty—between a
government tbat meddles and one that ab
stains—between political New Englandism
and (be Virginia doctrines of 1798. Neutral
ity is not possible, for almost every public
question that arises compels us to a choice
between contending patyies, and lbs schools
of opinion which they respectively-represent.
It has been fashionable for apostates from
our party to claim that they retained their
principles unchanged, and even opposing par
ties occasionally advance pretensions to the
faith and docirines of Jefferson. How un
founded suoh pretensions are, whether ad
vanced by apostate or party, will appear from
considering the measures of public policy
they propose and support. If we find them
lavoring new projects of dqabtlol right or ex
pediency, contending for {Mteosive jurisdic
tion for government, scoffing at constitu
tional scruples as "absfrHWfena," we may be
sure they are no deoiptdsofihe philanthropist,
philosopher and staiesman who founded our
party, and wh°-*K>l* to Edward Livingston
as Iste as ISM, to endorse the sentiment,
that "if we have a doubt relative to any pow
er, we ought oof to exercise it." Muoh more
may we deny their diecipleship, if we find
their measures conifboted with intolerance in
religion, proscription of adopted citizens, or
aggressions upon territorial or stale rights,
which is manifestly a true description, at
this momont, of the parlies opposed to us.
This-(so-called) Republican party makes
high pretensions and challenges their exam-
ina'.ion —but there ran be little difficulty in
determining their character and value, and
assigning the parly which holds tliem its trne
position before the public. Especially will
it be a work of ease, to explode its pretension
to the sound opinions as held by former Re
publican Presidents, and to bring it within
the condemnation which they directod against
the heretical movements of the limes io
which they lived.
The resistance made abont 1820, In the ad
mission of Missouri into the Unior., was sim
ilar to the recent conduct of these who mis
describe themselves as Republicans. In both
cases the proposition was, that Congress
should prohibit slavery in territories (or cause
it to be prohibited) prior to their admission
as States. The argument against this was
•mrtetf byMniJtmm; Ttrtlio VTsisti letters, un
der all the high sanctions which his abilities
and his position aa the leading author or the
Constitution, could confer upon it. And it is
aa well established as ar.y historical fact can
be, that Mr. Jefferson was opposed to the
Missouri agitation throughout, and to prohi
bitions of slavery by Congressional coercion
as then proposed. His celebrated letter to
John Holmes, dated ?2d April. 1820, furnish
es conclusive proof of this, and confirmation
of the lacl will be found in other pans of his
published correspondence. In his letter to
John Adams of December 10, 1809, he says,
that, "from the batllo of Bunker Hill to the
treaty of Paris, we never had so ominous a
question ; it even damps the joy with which
f hear of your high health and welcomes to
me the want of it. I thank God, 1 shall not
live to witness its issue." In a letter to the
same, April 22d,182t, hesays—"What does
the Holy Alliance in and out of Congress in
tend to do with us on the Missouri question!
And this, by the way, is but the name of tho
case : it is only the John Doe or Richard Roe
of the ejectment. The real question, as seen
in the Spates afflicted wi'h this unfortunate
are ou' slaves to be presented
with freedom and a dagger." He says to Mr.
Monroe, March 2d, 1820 —" The Missouri
Question is the most portentious one which
ever yet threatened our Union. In tliegloom
iest moment of the Revolutionary war, I never
had any apprehension eqnal to that which 1
fell from this source." To Mr. Short, April
13, 1820—he writes—"Although I had laid
down as law to myself never to write, talk, or
even think of politics ; to know nothing of
publio affairs; and had therefore ceased to
read newspapers; yet the Missouri question
aroused and filled me with alarm. The old |
schism bt'Kbderal and Republican threatened 1
ipcauso it existAd in every State, {
and united them together by the fralernism !
of psrty. But the coincidence of a marked \
principle, moral and political, with a geo- j
graphical line, once conceived,l feared would
never more be obliterated from the mind; I
that it would be recurring on every occasion, !
and receiving irritations, until it would kin- i
die such mutual and mortal haired as to ren- j
der a separation preferable to eternal discord." I
He says to Joseph C. Cabell, January 31, '2l j
—"How many of your youths, she (Harvard I
College) how lias learning the lessons of Anli 1
Missouri-ism, I know not; but a gentleman !
lately from Princeton told me he saw a list!
of students at that place, and (hat more than j
halt were Virginians. These mill return home 1
no doubt deeply impressed with the sacred prin
ciples of the Ifoly Alliance of liestriclionists!"
And to Gen. Breokenridge he writes, Febru
ary 11, 1821. "The line of division lately
marked out between different portions ol our
confederacy is such as will not soon, I fear,
be obliterated; sod wo are now trusting to
those who art against us in position and
principle, to fashion to their own form the
minds and affections of youth. If, as has
been estimated, we send three hund-d thou
sand dollars a year to the northern semina
ries for the instruction of our own sons, then
we must have five hundred of onr sons imbi
bing opinions andprinciples in discord with those
of their own country. This canker is eating
on the vitals of onr existence, and, if not ar
rested at once, will be beyond remedy." In
a letter to Madison, in reference to the Mis
souri question, be declared that Rofus King,
(a distinguished federalist) was "ready to risk
the Umon for any chance of restoring his party
to 'power, and wriggling himself to the head of
it." On another occasion, he declared the
question to be a mere parly trick," that (he
leaders of federalism defeated in their schemes
lof obtaining power, * * have changed
their fact and thrown out another barrel to the
whale* They are taking advantage of ike
virtuous feeling of the people to affect a di
vision of parties hjr a geographical line, ex
pecting that this will assure them, upon local
prinoiplns, the majority they conld never ob
tain on principles of federalism." And, fi
nally, his letter to ■ Gen. I A Fayette, dated
November 4, 1832, contains his judgment ef
the whole movement, expressed ie his osoa!
directness and vigor. ' He says:—"The Hart
ford CoDventionj the victory of Orleans, and
the peace of Ghent, prostrated the name of
federalism. Its votaries abandoned it through
shame and mortification, AND NOW CALL
THEMSELVES REPUBLICANS. But the name alone
is changed, the principles are the same. * * *•
On the eclipse of federalism with us, though
not its extinction, its leaders got up the Mis
souri question, under the false front of les
sening Ibe measure of slavery, but with the real
view of producing a geographical division of
parties which might ensure them the next Presi
dent. The people of the north went blind
fold into the snare, followed their leaders for
a while with a zeal truly moral and laudable,
uutil they became sensible that they were
injuring instead of aiding the real interests of
the slaves, that thty had been used merely os
tools for electioneering purposes AND THAT
TRICK OF HYPOCRISY then lell as quickly
as it bad been gotten up.'[
This is the admirable description of the
Republican parly of the present day—of tbe
causes which led to it, and lbs objects of its
founders. The pic'ure is drawn by the hand
of a master, and represents the feature of the
subject with fidelity snd exactness. Repub
licanism being but a reproduction of Mis
souri agitation, bears precisely the same de
scription, and is obnoxious to precisely the
same censure. And it is to be remarked,
that like its predecessor—it Invokes the leg
islation of Congress in a case of rank expe
diency and doubtful power, and hence falls
within the condemnation of the general
principle as to limited action by Goverrynent,
which has been a topic of this address.
But a view of modern Republicanism
would be incomplete without Unas yirtion
lar notice as to the feature ol Its career
Without tracing its early movements ir. the
organization of Abolition societies, the cir
culation of incendiary matter through the
mails, agitations by petitions to Congress,
clamorous opposition to the annexation of
Texas, and to the prosecution of the Mexican
war, and the acquisition of territory to which
it led ; it will be sufficient to notioe some
what the Wilmot Proviso which preoeded,
and the Kansas dispute which accompanied,
the organization of the Republican party iu
its present form.
The Wilmot |Proviso was offered in Con
gress in 1846, as an amendment to the war
bill, and waa (briefly'described) a proposi
tion to prohibit slavery In Mexican territory
10 be acquired. It created contention which
continued some four years. The national
harmony was' disturbed and the public busi
ness impeded by it, until it became nece*-'
sary for patriotic men, in Congtess and out
ot it, to unite their utmost efforts to restore
peace and secure such legislation aa wis ab
solutely necessary for the territory in question
The Compromise Measures were therefore
passed in 1850, and eventually received tbe
general approval of the people. In faol, in
1852, both the great parties of the country
endorsed them in their platlorras, and their
wisdom and propriety are now at a subject
of general dispute.
The Territory weacqnired from Mexico bjr
the treaty of peace—the treaty of Gaudaloope
Hidalgo—was comprised of nearly the whole
now included in the Stats of California and
the Territoriea of Utah and New Mexioo, and
the Proviso, if it had been adopted, would
therefore have had application solely to ibem.
Bnt the Proviso was never adopted or ap
plied by Congress to either. • California was
admitted ibto the Union as a State with the
Constitntidn sho formed for herself without
ar.y decision by Congress on the subject of
slavery within her limits. That wasadjusted
by herself in her Constitution, and by her
own act thereforoshe entered the Union as a
free State. In the acts for tbe organization of
Utah and New Mexico as Territories, there
ware no provisions prohibiting or authorizing
slavery, but it was expressly provided that
they should eventually come into the Union
with or without slavery, as the people of each
should decide, in forming Constitutions pre
paratory to admission. Seven years have
elapsed since Ihpse Territorial acts were
passed, and no complaint is heard against
them, nor has slavery been established in eith
er territory. It is, therefore, proved that the
Wilmot Proviso was wholly unnecessary to
the exclusion of slavery, and that the agita
tion from 1846(0 1850 to secure its enactment
was a thing of arram folly as well as of real
evil.
There stands the faots! no longer to be
perverted or denied, and they exhibit the
Proviso agitation in its true character. Not
adopted, it is seen to have been unnecessary.
Prodnctive to great mischief to tbe country
in the contention and alienation it caused, it
was a mere abstraction, a thing neither prac
tical nor useful.
A desperate aliempt was nidi last year to
carry the Presidential election upon a Kansas
agitation, in which the same class of actors
appeared that did in the Missouri agitation of
1820—men "ready to rißk the Union lor any
chance" of establishing their party, "and
wriggling themselves to the head of it." But,
a just judgment was pronounced upon these
people and their project, in the election of
Mr. Buchanan, and they will soon be oblig
ed to select some other topic upon which to
disturb the public tranquillity, and struggle
for the attainment of power. Their spas
modic attempts to keep up excitement with
out any practical or useful object in view,
but simply that they may thrive upon dis
cord and passion, are even now received by
the public with a feeling bordering very
nearly upon contempt.
The American people aro practical and
sagacious. They will require some practi
cal good to appear in any movement to
which they are invited; and when due time
has elapsed for reflection, they will try par
ties and party measures by the standard of
principles and not of professions. The Wil
rnot Proviso was utterly extinguished by
Webster on the 7th of March, 1850, in the I
demonstration of its utility, and was thence
forth delivered over to history as an imjJßs- j
ture; and approval of the Kansas-Nebraska .
act of 1854, has boon growing more and '
more general as its couformity to sound
principles has been examined and estab
lished. That unnecessary things shall not
bo done, and that the citizens of each polit
ical division of the country shall determine
their local institutions, arc, in fact, prepo
sitions so reasonable and just that it is sur
prising that they should ever havo bean
questioned.
Three years ago, the Democratic parly of
this State choso defeat before dishonor. It
stood up for toleration and equal rights,
[Two Dollars per Annua.
NUMBER 30.
againkt the passions and prejudices of the
time, bocause constitutional and just princi
ples demanded it. And now, wiih a new
antagonist—the Republican party —it still
stands in the path of duty, with its past
course yindicated, and with the highest
claims to public confidenco and favor. —
While it is not insensible to ideas of prog
| ross and improvement, and will seek to ap
ply those that are practioal and just, its duty
as g great conservative organization to pre
serve the principles of the government and
the institutions of the country from degen
eracy, will not bo neglected. In brief, if
trusted it will be trne, and from its adminis
tration of public afTairs, tho people will re
ceive, as heretofore, the "peaceable fruits"
of good govern ment and honest rule.
C. R BUCKALEW, Chairman.
JNO. N. Hirrcmasoa, 1 - .
R. J. HALDEMAE, J SBRTTARU,.
■ ' A w*irr Al* .
BY MRB.'BARCLAY PBHBOCY.
So close we stood, together,
So near our hearts did beat,
There lay but a single shadow
On the groen-swanl at our feot.
To their inmost soul of azure
Hung bare the heavens on high ;
Slow up through the morning brightness
A mist-wreath climbed the sky.
Then in the silver silence
My heart became aware
Of a sound, so fine it moved not
The mute and delicate air.
" Is it tho musical ocean.
The moaning, musical seal
Or is it a wild witch singing
In tho bo ho of the great ash-tree 1
"Seven leagues away to the northward
Moan the sea-shells on the shore;
No wind in the bole of the ash-tree
Ever sang this tune before,"
Then while the fine compression
Of his arm around me stole,
I felt how the eyes of my lover
Were looking info my soul.
And ho softly said, "This music
Doth ray heart make night and noon ;
Full long have I waited, weary,
For thy heart to learn the tune.
" Oh, leave the wind in the ash-tree!
Oh, leave the sun on the shore 1
For our hearts shall best this measure,
Dear love, till they beat no more!"
1 he Progress Life,
Men rejoice when the sun has risen ; they
rejoice also when the sun goes down; whilo
they aro unconscious of the decay of their
own lives. Men rejoice on seeing the face
of a new season,kh tho arrival of one greatly
dqpired. Nevertheless the revolution of one
season is the decay of man. Fragments of
drift wood meeting in the wide ocean con
tinue together a little spoco; thus parents,
wives, children and friends remain with us
a short time, then separate—the separation
is inevitable. No mortal can escape tho
common lot; he who mourns for departed
relatives, has no power to cause them to re
tarn. One standing on the road would read
ily say to a numbor of persons passing by,
"I will follow you j" why then, should per
sons grievo when journeying on tho same
road that has been traveled by our forefa
thers. Life resembles a cataract running
down with irresistable impetuosity. Know
ing that tho end of lifo is death, evory right
minded man ought to pursuo that which
is connected with happiness and ultira&to
bliss.
ASICDOTB OF ACDUBOI*. —The great natu
ralist was one day on the lookout for red
headed woodpeckers and Was very anxious
to obtain a specimen. Seeing one fly into
a hole in a tree a long way up, he pulled
off his coat and climbed up with that energy
of his that never failed hira. Puffing and
sweating, he reached it at last, and putting
in his hands to seize the bird, to his dismay
a snake stuck his head out of the hole and
hissed in his face. 7his was so unexpected
and frightful that Audubon let go his hold,
and tumbled to the ground more dead than
alive. IDs companion came running to
hira, and seeing the naturalist was not hurt,
but was dreadfully frightened, feaid to him :
"Ah ! you are very much frightened, doc
tor !"
" No, sah!" replied the doctor quite of
fended, "no sah; but if you want to seo
von badly scared snake, just you go up
dare!"
THr MODEL LATT.— The model lady puts
her childjon out to nurse and tends lap
dogs; lies in ben till noon; wears paper-soled
shoes; pinches her waist; gives the piano
fits; forgets to pay her milliner; cuts her
poor relations; goes to church when she
has a new bonnet; turns the cold shoulder
to her husband, and flirts with his "friend;"
never ?aw a thimble; don't know a darning
needle from a crow-bar; wonders where
puddings grow; oats ham and eggs in pri
vate, and dines on a pigeon's leg in publicf
runs mad after the last new fashion; doots
on Byron; adores any man who grins bet
hind a mustache; and, when asked the age
of her youngest child, replies: "Don't know
indeed—ask Betty!"
To MAKE BI.ACKBKBRT WINE. —As this is the
season for blackberries, the following recipe
for making wine, which is endorsed by sev
eral journals, may be of value to the ladies:
Measure your berries and bruise them, to
every gallon adding ono quart of boiling
water. Let the mixture stand twenty-four
hours, stirring occasionally; then strain oIT
the liquor into a cask in every gallon add
ing two pounds of sugar Cork tight, and
let stand till following October, and you
will havo wtoo ready for use, without fur
ther boiling or straining, that will make lips
smack as they never smacked under similar
influence before.