THE STAR OBTHE NORTH. _ kit w, nttvery rriyrMth] VOLUME 8. TfcE STAR OF THE NORTH is FVBUSIIEO EVERT WEDNESDAY JCONJNU BT t-i.J . . H. w. wrAyEit, OFFICK-Ifp sf aire. in the uhtt brick build ing, on the south Me of Main Street, third square be'ow Market. TERMSTwo Dollars per anoiiin, if paid within six months from thetifne of tbb hcribing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within tbe year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than six monies ; no discontinuance permitted until all arrearages are paid, Unless at the option of the editor. Advehtiskmentsnot exceedingonesquare Will be inseried three limes for One Dollar and twenty five cent*for each additional in sertion. A liberal discount will be made to those Who advertise by the year. ©tlgiHdl Poetrii. Ehr the "Star if the North OTH lilt DA VS. Gibers may love to gain renown * And court the worM'a vain praise; My greatest bliss I find in this—- To muse of other days. Though many round with sweetest soanld The songs of joy may raise { Yet once again give me the strain 4 heard in other days. The friends "more new" are not moretiue, I care not for their praise— For dearer far to me are those I loved in other days. And though the lip the smile has worn In fashion's giitdy maze— Thoughts unexpressed have filled the breast With sighs for oiher days. Buckhorn, Col. Co., Pa. [lillian. INSECT I'OWliltS. The muscular power ol insects is immense. We once were surprised by a feat performed by a common beetle in the United States.— We had put the insect, for want of any box at hand, beneath a quart bctile foil of milk upon a table, the hollow of the tiOtlom al lowing him room to stand upright. Present ly, to our surprise, ike-bollla began slowly to move, and glide along the smooth table, pro —jrt-lle.t by the muscular power of the impris oned insect, mid continued (or some time, to t preambula'o lite surface, to ihe astonishment j of all who witnessed it. The weight of the bottle and its contents could not have been less thaw three pounds and a half, while that of tbe ben re peats the stale slander that was or is the enemy ot the Jarring classes, or that he would policy preju dicial to their interests, lias uublushiog ef frontery and brazen hardihood enough for a regiment of ordinarily unscrUDulous people. "On Friday last, when i very unexpected ly addressed the Senate, I stated a peinciple of political economy whioh I now shall read from the book, iw is this: 'that if you dduhla the amount of the necessary circufa- Tog medium m any country, you thereby double the nominal price of every article.— If, when the circulating medium is fifty mil lions, an article should cost one dollar, it would cost two if, without any increase ol the uses of a circulating medium, the quon titv should be increased to one hundred mil lions.' Tha same effect would be produced, whether the circulating medium were specie, or convertable bank paper mingled with specie. !l is the increased quantity of the medium, not its character, which produces this effect. Of course I leave out of view ir redeemable bank paper. "I do not pretend that, on questions ol po litical economy, you can attain mathematical certainty. All you can accomplish is to ap proach it as near as possible. The principle which I have slated is sufficiently near the truth to answer mf present purpose. From this principle, I drew an inference that Ihe extravagant amount of our circulating me. dium, consisting, ill a great degree, of the notes thrown out upon tha community by eight hundred banks, was injurious to our domestic manufactures, (n other words, that extravagant banking ait.l domestic manufac tures are directly hostile to esch other. "I did not understand that the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Davis! contested the general proposition that an increase in the currency of any country, without an increase of the uses of a circulating medium, would, in the same proportion, enhance the price of all the productions of that country whose value w-as not regulated by a foreign de mand. He could not have contested this principle. If he had, all history and all ex perience would have been arrayed against him. . '•The tli&covery of llie mines of South | America, and the consequent vast increase or die precious metals put inlo circulation in ' the form ol money, have greatly enhanced I the nomine! prices ol all properly throughout die world. Indeed it is frow a matter of curious amusement, to contrast the low prices of all articles three centuries ago, with their present greatly advanced rates. The Banlt of England recognize*, and constantly acts up on this principle, though often without suc cess. When prices become so high, in con sequence cf redundancy of paper currency and fault credits, that it is more profitable (n export the precious metals from the kingdom than its manufactures, this bank constantly diminishes its loans, raises the rate of inter est, and reduces its circulation, with the avowed object of reducing prices to such a standard as will render it mote profitable to export merchandize than bullion. It is in this manner thai the Bank seeks to regulate the foreign exchanges. "But why need we resort to foreign na tions for illustrations of truth of this position when it has ben brought home to the actual knowledge of every man within this coun ' try? Have we not all learned by bitter ex perience, that when out periodical expan | sions commence, the price of all property !| begins to rise t It goes on increasing with the increasing expansion, until the bubble , bursts; and then bank accommodations and bank issues ate contracted, the amount of the ! currency is reduced, and prices fall to their former level. This is the history of our own country, and we all know it. A certain amount of currenoy is necessary to represent | the entire exchangeable properly of the country; and if this amount should be great ' ly increased, without a corresponding iu ' crease in the exchangeable productions ot j the country, the only consequence would be a i great enhancement in nominal prices. I say nominal; because this increased price will not enable the man who receives it to pur chase more real property or morq of the ne cessaries and luxuries of life than he could have done before. ' Lei me now recur to the proposition with which t commenced ; and I repeat that I do not pretend to mathematical accuracy in the illustration which! shall present. The Uni ted States carry on a trade with Germany and France ; the former e hard-money country, and the latter approaching it ao nearly as to have no bank notes in circulation under the denomination of flee hundred francs or near ly one hundred dollars. Gn the contrary, the United States la a paper money country, having eight h'tindred banks of Issue ; all of them emitting notes of a de nomination.as low as fire dollars, and most of them one, two, and three-dollar notes.— For every dollar of gold and silver in the vaulu of these banks, they issue three, foer, five, end some of them as high as ten, end even fifteen dollars of paper. This prod trees a vest but ever ohanging expansion of the currency; and a conseqnent increase of the prices of all articles, the vglne of which is not regulated by l.be foreign demand, above the prices of similar articles in Germany and France. At particular stages of our sxpan- I eions, we might with jutfiee apply the prln ciple which I have Stated tb OUT trade to these countries, and a'ssert that from the great re dundancy of our currency, articles are mann- I factored in France and Germany (of Cne half !of their actual cost in this country. Let me present an example. In Germany, vhere the currency is pwrely metallic, ar.d the cost i of everything'!* reduced to a hard.monov standard, a piece of broadcloth can be manu factured lor fifty dqllars ; the manufacture of which, in our country, from the expansion of our paper currency, Would cost one hundred dollars. What is the consequence ' The .foreign Trench or German Manufacturer Im ports his cloth into ouf country and sella it for one hundred dollars. Does not every person perceive that the redundancy of our currency is equal to a premium of one hun dred per cent, in favor of the foreign manu facturer! No tariff of protection, unless it amounted to prohibition, cou,ld counteract this advantage in favor ol foreign manufac tures. I would to Heaven that I could rouse the attention of every manufacturer of the nation to this important subject. "The foreign manufacturer will not re ceive our bank notes in payment. He wil[l take nothing home except gold and silver, or bills of exchange, which are equivalent. He does not expend this money here, where he would be compelled to support his fami ly, aud purchase his labor and materials at the same rate of prices which ho receives for his manufactures. On the contrary, he goes home, purchases his labor, his wool, and all other articles which enter into his manufac ture, at half their cost in this country; and again returns to inundate us with foreign woolens, and to ruin our domestic manufac tures. I might cite many other examples: but this, I trust, will be sufficient to draw public attention tu the subject. This depre ciation of our currency is, therefore, equiva lent to a direct protection granted to the for eign over the donjestic manufacturer. It is impossible that our manufacturer should bs able to sustain such an unequal competi tion. "Sir, t solemnly believe that if we conld but reduce this inflated paper bubble to any thing like reasonable dimensions, New Eng land would become the most prosperous man ufacturing country that the sun ever shone upon. Why cannot we manufacture goods, and especially cotton goods, which will go into successful competition with British man ufactures in loreign markets 1 Have we not the necessary capital ? Have we not the in dustry ? Have we not the machiner> ? And above all, are not our skill, energy, and en lerprise, proverbial throughout Ilia world ?■*- Land is also cheaper here than in any nth re country on the face of the earth. We possess every advantage which Providencp can bestow upon us for the manufac ture of cotton; but they are all counteracted by the folly of man. The raw material costs us less than it does the English, because this is an article, the price of which depends up on foreign markets and is not regulated by our own inflated currency. We therefore, save the freight of the cotton across the At lantic, and that of the manufactured article on its return here. What is the reason that, with all these advantages, and with the pros pective duties, which our own laws afford to the domestic manufacture ol cotton, we cannot obtain exclusive possession of the home market, and successfully contend for the markets of the world? It is simply he cause we manufacture at the nominal prices of our own inflated currency, and are com pelled to sell at the real prices of other na tions. Reduce our nominal to the real stan dard of p.ices throughout the world, and you cover our country with blessings and benn fits. I wish to Heaven 1 could speak in a voice loud enough to be heard throughout New England ; because if the attention of the manufacturers could once be directed to tbe subject, their own intelligence and native sagacity would teach them bow injuriously they are affected by our bloated banking and credit system, and would enable them to apply the proper corrective. | "What ia the reason that, our manufae turers have been able to sustain any sort of competition, even in the home market, with those of British origin ? It is because Eng land herself is, tu a great extent, a paper money country, though, in this respect, no to De compared with our own. From this very cause prtcea in England are much high er titan they are upon the continent. Thi exponas of living is there double what i costs in France. Hence, all the English wh< desire to nurse their lortuoes by livinj cheaply emigrate from their own country n France, or some other portion of the corn ent. The comparative low prices of Fraqoe and Germany have afforded such astiumulus to their manufacturers that they are now rapidly extending themselves, and would obtain possession, In no small degree, even of the English home . roarset, if )t tyere not for their protecting duties. \ybtl|st British manufactures are now languishing, those of the continent are springing into a healthy and vigorous existence- It, was but the other day that 1 saw an extract from an English psper which stated that wbijst the cutlery manufactured in Germany wasuqual in qual ity with the English, it. was so rsducsd in price that the latter would have to abandon the manufacture altogether. * • • • • • * . " But the Senator from Kentucky leaves no atone unturned. He says that the friends of the Independent. Treasury desire to der molish an exclusive metallic currency, a the medium of all dealings, throughout the Uni on ; end also, to reduce the Wages of the poor man's labor so that the rich employer may be able to sell his manufactures at slower prioe. Now, sir, t deny the correctness of Truth aud Right Ood nfwf fuuiury. both these propositions; and, in tha first place, 1, for one, am not in favor of estab lishing an exelosive metallic ourrenoy for the people of this country. I desire to sea tbe banks greatly reduced in number; and would, if I could, confine their accommoda tions to such loans or discounts, for limited periods, to Ihe commercial manofactoring, and trading classes of Ihe community as the ordinary course of their business might ren der necessary. 1 never wish to see farmers and mechanic* and professional men templ ed, by the facility of obtaining bank loans for long poriods to abandon their own proper and useful and respectable spheres and rush into wild and extravagant speculation. I would, If I could, radically reform the pres ent banking system, so as to confine it with in such limits as to prevent future suspen sions of speoie payments; and without ex ception, 1 would instantly deprive each and every bank of its charier which should again suspend. Establish these or similar reforms, and give us a real specie basis for our paper circulation, by increasing the denomination of bank notes first to ten, and afterwards 10 twenty dollars, and 1 shall then be the friend, not the enemy of the banks. I know that the existence of banks and the circulation of bank paper are so identified with the habits of our people, that they cannot be abolished, even if this were desirable. To reform, and not destroy, is my motto. To confine them to their appropriate business, and prevent them from ministering to the spirit of wild and reckless speculation, by extravagant loans and issues, is all which ought to be de sired. But this I shall say. If expeiieuce should prove it to be impossible to enjoy the facilities which well regulated banks would afford, without, at the same lime, continuing to suffer the evils which the wild excesses of the present banks have hitherto entailed up on the country, then I should consider it the lesser evil to abolish them altogether. If the Slate Legislatures shall now do their duly, I do not believe that it will ever become nec essary to decide on such an alternative. " We are also charged by the Senator from Kentucky with a deeiie to reduce the wages of the poor man's labor. We have often been termed agrarians on our s-.de of the House. It is something new under the sun, to hear the Senator ar.d his friends attribute to us a desire to elevate the wealthy manu facturer, at the expense of tho laboring man and the mechanic. From my soul, I respect the laboring man. Labor is a foundation of the wealth ol every country ; and the free laborers of the North deserve respect, both tor their probity and their intelligence.— Heaven forbid that I should do them wrong! Of all the countries oil the ea'ih, we ought to have the most consideration for the laboring man. From the very nature of our institu tions, the wheel of fortune iB constantly re volving and producing such mutations in pro perty, that the wealthy man of to-day may be come the poor laboftir of to-morrow. Truly, wealth often lakes to itself wings and flies away. A. large fortune rarely lasts beyond the third genertyioit, even if it endure so long. We must all know instances of individuals obliged to labor for their daily bread, whose grandfathers were men of fortune. The reg ular process of sooiety would almost seem to consist of the efforts of one class to dissipate the fortunes which they have inherited, whilst another class, by their industry and econo my, are regularly rising to wealth. We have all, therefore, a common interest, as it is our common duty, to protect the righte of the 'laboring man; and if I believed for a mo ment that ibis bill would prove injurious to him, it should meet my unqualified oppo sition. Although this bill will not have as great an influence as I could desire, yet, as far us it goes, it will benefit the laboring man as much, and probably more than any other class of society. What is it he ought most to desire ? Constant employment, regular wages, and uniform reasonable prices for the necessaries and comforts of life which he requires. Now, air, what has been his con dition under our system of expansions and contractions? He has suffered moreby them than any other class of society. The rate of his wages is fixed and known ; and they are the last to rise with the increasing expan sions and the first to fall when the corres ponding revulsion occurs. He still contin ues to receive his dollar per day, whilst the price of every article which be consumes, is rapidly rising. He is at length made to feel that, although he nominally earns as much, or even more than he did formerly, yet, from the inoreased price of all the necessaries of life, he cannot support his family. Hence the strikes fpr higher wages, and the uneasy and excited feelings which have at different periods, existed among the laboring classes. But the expansion at leugth reaches the ex ploding point, and what does the laboring man now sufiet? He ia for a season thrown oat,of employment, altogether. Opt manu factures are suspended; our public wprks sre stopped; our private enterprises of different kinds are abandoned; end, Whilst others are able to weather the siortn, lie can scarcely procure tbe means,of bare subsistence. ''Agalb, sir; who do you suppose held the greater part ol the Worthless paper of the one hundred ar.d sixty-five broken banks to which I have referred ? Certainly It was not the keen and wary speculator, who snuffs dan ger from afar. If you were to make the search, you would find more broken bank notes in the cottagee of the laboring poor than anywhere else. And these miserable Shioplestere, where are they 1 After the re vulsion of 1837, laborers were glad to obtain I employment on any terms ; and they often I received it upon the express condition Ibat they should accept this worthless trssh In payment. Sir, an nnlire suppression \A il bank notea of a lower denomination th*n the value of ona week's wages of the labor ing man is absolutely necessary for hie pto teotion. He ought alwaya toieceive hie wa ges in gqld and silver. Of aH men on earth, the laborer is most interested in having a sound and stable currency. "All other circumstances being equal, I agree with the Senator from Kentucky that that country is prosperous where labor commands the highest wages. 1 do not, however, mean by the terms 'highest wages,' the greatest cominai amount. Daring the Revolutionary war, one day's work com manded a hundred dollars of continental pa per ; but this would have scarcely purchased a breakfast. The mote proper expression woOld be, to say that that country is most prosperous where labor oomtnands the great est reward ; where one day's labor will pro cure not (he greatest nominal amount of a depreciated currency, bat most of the neces saries and comforts of life. If, therefore, you should, in some degree, reduce the nom inal price paid for labor, by reducing the a mount of your bank issues within reasonable and safe limits, and establishing a metallic basis for your paper circulation, would this injure (be laborer I Certainly not; becau-e the prlc* of all the necessaries and comforts of life are reduced in the same proportion, and be will be able to purchase more of them for one dollar in a sound state of the currency, than lie could have done, in the days of extravagant expansion, for a dollar and a quarter. So far Iron) injuring, it will greatly benefit the laboring man. It will in sure to him constant employment and regu lar prices, paid in a sound currency, which, of all things, he ought most to desire ; and it will save him Itom being involved in ruin by a recurrence of those periodical expansions and contractions of the currency, which have hithetio convulsed the country. "This sound slate of the currency Will have another most happy effect upon the la boring man. He will receive his wages in gold and silver; and this will induce him to lay up, for future use, such a portion of them as lie can Spare, after satisfying bis im mediate wants. This he will not do at pres ent, because he knows not whether the trash which he is now compelled to receive as money, will continue lobe of any value a week or a month hereafter. A knowledge of this fact lends to banish economy from his dwelling, and inducee him to expend all his Wages as rapidly as possible, lest they may become worthless on his hands. " Sir, the laboring classes understand this subject perfectly. It is the hard hand and i iiifn of the country tjn whom wo ( rely in the day of danger, who are the most friendly to the passage of this bill. It is they i who are the rqjpst ardently in favor of infu [ sing into the currency of the country a very > large amount of the precious metals. | " The Senator has advanced another posi | lion in which I am sorry that I cannot agree I with him. It is this: that a permanent high | rate of interest is indicative eh the prosperity of any coun'ry. Now, sir, a permanenthigh rate of interest is conclusive evidence of a scarcity of capital, and is indicative ot any thing but prosperity. I think, therefore, it would puzzle htm with all his ingenuity, to establish his proposition. To render a coun try truly prosperous, capital and labor must be so combined as each to receive a fair re ward. In England, when the rate of interest was vety high, the country was not at all in a flourishing condition; but as capital gradual ly accumulated, and the rale of interest con sequently sunk, she became more and more prosperous, though she did not reach her highest elevation until money yielded consid erable less than Ave per cent. But this sub ject is so little relevant to the question under discussion, that it is scarcely necessary to pursue it. If it were, it would De easy to ! show that a high rate of interest, generally, if not universally, enters into direct conflict j with the wages of labor, which the Senator !is so anxious to maintain. Suppose, for ex ample, that it required a capital of 820,000 to put ot and preserve sn iron manufactory in successful operation. In one country the in terest on this sum at ten per oont. would amount to 82,000; while in another it could be procured at four per cent., or 8800. The difference would be 81,200; and uu less this amount can be saved either by a reduction In lite wages of labor, or in some other manner, the manufacturer who pays the higher rate of interest cannot endure the competition. A higher rale of interest al most always presses upon the wages of la bor. " If the gentleman's theory be correct, Wall street must be a perfect paradise of prosperity. There, the rate of interest for a long time has been permanently high, vary ing between two and four per cent, a monlb, or between twenty-four and forty-eight per cent, per annum. Post notes of the Back or the United States have been discounted fteely at two per per month. With these facts before him, Mr. Jeffrey would not now declare, as the Senator informed us he form erly did,'that this country was tfte heaven of the poor man, aud the hell of the rich.' He might probably revorse l he position, though it would be equally extravagant one way as the oiher. A country ID which a tich man can realize from 24 to 48 per cent, for the money, would certainly be anything but a place of torment for him. Bnt what is the condition of a poor man in such a country 1 When capital commands such an extrava gant interest to liquidate commercial debta, it will no longer be used in the employment of labor; and hence poor men must neces sarily be thrown out of employment. Such a condition is anything but "a heaven for them." From the -Daily Terrs Haute Journal. Letter from the Hon. James B. Clair. [The following fetter from the Hon. Jas. B. Clay, son of the immortal Henry Clay, written to a gentleman living in the vicini ty of this place, has been kindly furnished us tor publication. It will for ever put to rest, in the minds of candid men, the charge of "bargain -and corruption" now urged against Mr. commends itself to every National man and Old Lioe Whig in the country:] ASHLAND, near Lexington, July 14,'56. DEAB Stat—l have received your letter of the 7th inst. I am gratified to learn that you are still an Old Line Whig, who has not given in to the modern heresies which have come so near sweeping our noble par ty from the face of the earth. We are too few in numbers to present separate candi dates to the people, for their suffrages for the highest office in their gift, but we are not too few to adhere faithfully to the prin ciples of our fathers, and believing them to be true, and that truth must eventually pre vail, to hope lor better times, when the country may have recovered from the mad ness which appears to have seized upon it. Like myself and thousands of our follow citizens, you are casting about to endeavor to ascertain what may the course your duty to your country ought to impel you to pursue in the .contest which is approaching between the candidates of parties, to none of which you yourself belong. You do me the honor to ask my advice and my opinion. I give my opinion cheerfully and freely. I regard the stability of the Union as in greater peril than it ever has been since tho foundation of the government. In 1820 the wisest and best men thought it in danger from the slavery question. The so-called Missouri Comportnise was passed for the purpose and with the hope that it would put that question finally at rest. In 1850 it was plainly seen that the hope was futile and the purpose without avail. The whole country was distracted and torn in pieces, and the boldest and wisest Statesman trem bled for the Union. By the efforts of the best men of all parties the Compromise of 1850 was effected, and men once again breathed freely in the feeling that the coun try was safe. How vain, how futile their hopes ! Scarcely aro some of the noblest actors in the scones of 1850 cold in their I graves when again the question of Slavery —in other words of Union or Dissolution is presented to us, and in a form more tan gible and direct than it ever befoitt was. The anti-Slavery parly of the North deter mined to accomplish its purposes, has pre ! sented a purely sectional candidate, North against South, in the person of Col. Fremont for the Presidency. It is my opinion that there is now no other issue than this—North against South—Union or Dissolution of the Union;—upon this issue what aro we to do | as lovers of our couutry, who know no 1 North, no South, no East nor West. J The Whig party, to which alone of pres ' ent parties I can belong, has not thought it prudent and advisable to present candidates to the country. We have offered for our suffrages opposing Mr. Fremont two dantli dales, Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Buchanan, both of whom I believe to be, upon the Slavery I question, as true to the Union as I am my self. Each of them is the representative of principles to which lam opposed. So far as regards my own convictions and my own principles neither Mr. Fillmore or Mr. Bu chanan is my choice; but I must choose between them, or snffer, so far as I am con cerned, the Black Republican party to de stroy the glorious Union under which 1 was born and live. It is but a choice of evils, but both far less evils than would be the election of Fremont. In making the choice I shall be governed, not by personal attach ment or personal repugnance to one or the other. 1 shall vote for that one who 1 be lieve will be most likely to defeat Fremont and save the Union. It is my lamest belief that Mr. BUCHANAN, has a better thance of successs than Mr. Fillmore, and it ts my opinion that 11 is the duty of eveiy man, and of every Old Line IVhig, ulio pretends to love his coun try to VOTE FOR HIM as the surest means of saving the Union. It has been repeatedly urged to men that Mr. Buchanan was the political enemy and the villifier of my father. Were everything that has been said true, I should reply, I loved my father better than I loved any mortal man, but I love my Country more. But I do not believe the charge against Mr. Buchanan to be tiue. 1 know that for more that twen ty-five years, politically, he was the oppo nent of my father. Ido not for an instant believe that he hud any complicity with Gon. Jackson and others in the charge of bargain and corruption, made against my lather in 1825. If I believed this I must at the same time believe my own father to have been false ; for publicly and privately he exonerated Mr. Buchnnan from the charge; witness his private letter, never in tended for publication, to his old friend Judge Brook,'page 169 of Coltin's private corres pondence of Henry Clay, in which he says "he could not desire a stronger statement from Mr. Buchanan ;" and hie' public speech 1 at Washington on him retirement front the office of Secretary of State, in which he use* the following language:— "That citizen (General Jackson) has dond me great injustice, it was inflicted, as I must eter beKeVe, for the double' purpose of gratifying private resentment, and promo ting personal ambition. ■ Who*;! daring the late canvase, he earn* fbhsML in the public prints under tod' priipil MM, with hk [Two Dollars itf ttatai NUMBER 35. | charge against m and summoned before the public tribunal, hts fricml and only wii ness (Mr. Buchanan) to establish It, the anxious attention of the whole American people waa directed to the testimony which that witness might render. He promptly obeyed the call, and testified to whist ha knew. He could say nothing, and he taid nothing which cast the slightest sbeide upon my honor or integrity. What he did say was the reverse of any implication of me." iThrse are enough tor me; other men may pretend that they are greater friends of my father than I urn myself; they have done so, and they will for miierable party purpose# do so again. Suffice it that he was my fa* tber, my partner, and my beet friend in life, f nevet forgave, and never Will forgive, real injuries and real treachery to him; and it is my firm belief that if I were to attempt a crusade againat all those who were guilty of wrong and ol injury 14 htm, t should find m) hands most abundantly occupied with those whose mouths are now most full of hla name. 1 make no war upon ihem, and if I could only see them willing to abandon their wretched hunt after office, it the ex pense of sll principle, and to strike one blow for that Union my father to loved that be gave his life for it, mufch of my rancour to wards them would be appeased. I have thus, my dear sir, with perfect free dom and candor, given you thy views ihct opinions. You are free to are them as you please, publicly or privately. I am, very respectfully, &e.,. Your obedieul servant, JAMES B. CLAY. PICKLCS—A correspondent alludes to the fact that the season of the year has ar rived when almost every housewife ia busily employed in replenishing her an nual store of pickles, and desires our opinion on their value in a dietetic point ol view. Certainly no one considers pickles, as we usually meet with them on our tables, as ar ticles of food—they can be viewed in no other light than as exciters of the appetite, or as a means of imparting an additional fla vor to tho more substantial Viands of which the meal is composed. The articles generally selected for pick ling, are unripe vegetable substances, and those of the more indigestible class; as for instance, immature cucumbers, or melons, peppers and the like. Whatever principle in any degree soluble by the stothach these may contain, previous to their conversion into pickles, they are completely destroyed by the latter process ; hence, when served at table, a picklo consists simply of Sn indi gestible sponge saturated with vinogar. A moderate quantity of vinegar, it is true; is by no means an unwholesome addition to many articles of food. When made use of, however,in the form of pickles, its whole somenoss is materially destroyed, as well by tho indigestible mass with which it is combined as by the spices by which it is highly flavored. These, besides disorder ing the stomach of themselves, are very apt to produce a factitious appetite, or to pro long the desire for food after the natural ap petite has been satisfied—in either case C'lft dangering the loading of the stomach with a quantity of ailment far beyond its powers of digestion, or the actual wants of the sys tem— Med. Reformer. Discoveries of (be Arfrt. Some of lite most wonderful resulte of Hu man intellect hare been witnessed in Ibe Isst fifty years. It is remarkable how the mind of the world had run into scientific investi gation, arid what achievmeuts it has effected in (hat short peiiod. Fulton launched die first steamboat in 1807, now there ate 3,000 steamboats traveling the waters of America ouly. In 1826 (he fiisl railroad Mis put in Opera tion in Massachusetts. In 1800 there was not a single railroad id the world. In the United Stales atone there are now 8,797 miles of road costing $285,- 000,000 to build, and about 22,000 miles of railroad in America. The electric telegraph had its beginning in 1845. The eleotio magnet was discovered in 1812, and electrotypiug is a still later inven tion. Hoe's printing press, ctfpable of printing 10,000 copies an hour, is a very recent dis covery. Qas light was unknown in 1800 ; how ev ery city Aid town of any pretence is lighted wi Ih gas, gnd we have the announcement of a still greater discovery by which; light, heat, and motive power, may all be produced from water, With scarcely any cost. Daguerre communicated to the world hi( beautiful invention in t839. Gun cntton ond chforolorm are discoveries but a few years old. Astronomy has added 8 number of new planets to their solar system. What will tbe next half century aooora plisb 1. Wo. may look for (till greater discov eries ; for the intellect of men ia awake ex ploring every name of itdOwledge, and search ing for useful information in every depart ment of art end industry, is r. : -v ;l . - it . I' ' . . He FetmsOoT.—Gov. Letcher, in a space* at a barbucue in Kentucky, asked: '!■ Whet ie John C. Breckinridge I" An old Democrat replied that he *ae'/ifce stripling Democrat wbe beet Leteher for Con gress is toe strongest Whig, dietricl hi the State." Iria hardly heoeesery to gdd that ibeGow edusrdld net put thnt question again.