THE STAR OF THE NORTH. B. W. Weaver Proprietor] VOLUME 7. THE STAR OF THE NORTH IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING BY K. W. WEAVER. OFFICE— Vp stairs, in the new brick build jng, on the south side o/ Main Steert, third square below Market. TERMM :—Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the time of sub scribing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within the year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than six months ; no discontinuance permitted until all arrearages ! are paid, unless at the option of the editor. | ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square j will be inserted three limes for One PnKar , aud twenty five cents for each additional in- i tort ion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by tho year. OISKSnOffi IP®3SIH£ , SrI IHE ROBIN'S NEST. BY JULIAN CRAMER. Betide a stream, whose limpid breast Revealed the shining sand below, A aimple rcbin built her nest, And waited for her young to grow. Her artless song was often heard, As homeward to her brood she flew, And when the rosy daylight stirred Her music filled the welkin blue. A reckless boy at last espied The nest, and made the prize his own: And when the mother homeward hied 'Twas hut to find hersell alone. Twas pitiful to see her grief, And listen to her mournful cry, She sought in vain to find rebel, And folded up her wings to die. I marked that boy. He grew apace, j Ami was at last in years a man ; Yet over covered with disgrace " I That followed some discovered plan. j I watched him with a curious eye, Expecting some sad fate to see ; I saw it as he passed to die A wretch upon a gallows tree. Ob, sinner! heed the lesson taught— Hast thou e'er spoiled a robin's uestl Hast not thy recklrss act been fraught I With anguish to a mother's breast.' God help thee ! for 1 know no deed So merciless as thine has been, Aud much 1 fear thy heart must bleed, i , Forever for thy dreadlul sin. Oh, if there be a doom more dread Than others on the judgment day, It sure must he lor him who led A pure and loving girl astray. There may be pardon for the knave, And mercy for the wretch who stole, But Heaven, I fear mo, ne'er forgave The murdered of a human soul! ——————————————— 1 Tfie Lord's I'rayrr. A friend tells us an snecodate of Booth,the great tragedian, w hicli wo do not recollect having seen in print. "It occurred in the pal my days of his fame, before the sparkle of hi* great black eye had been dimmed by tbat bane of genius, strong drink. Booth and several friends hail been invited to dine with an old gentleman in Baltimore, of diatiliguis ed kindness, urbanity and piety. The host, though disapproving of theatres and theatre- 1 going, had heard so much of Booth's re markable powers, that curiosity to see the man had, in this instance, overcome all his scruples qp:! prejudice. After the entertain ment was over, lamps lighted and the com pany soated in the draw ing room, some one requested Booth, as a particular favor, and one which till pttseul would doubtless appreciate, to read the Lord's Prayer. Booth expressed his willingness to afford them this gratification; and all eyes were turned expectantly upon him. Booth rose slowly and reverently from his chair. It was won derful to watch the play of emotions that convulsed bis countenance. He became deathly pale, and his eyes turned trembling ly upwards, were wet with tears. As he had not spoken. The silence could be felt, i It become absolutely painful, until at last! the spell wes broken as if by an electric, shock, as his rich-toned voice, from white lips, syllabled forth, "Our Father who art in Heaven," &0., with a pathos and fervid so-: lemnity that tbiilled all hearts. He finished. ! The silence continued. Not a voice was heard or a muscle moved in his rapt audi ence, until, from a remote corner of the room, a subdued sob was heard, and the ld gentleman (their host) stepped forward with streaming eyes and loitering frame, •nd seized Booth by the hand. "Sir," said he in broken accents, "you have afforded me a pleasure to which my whole futulre life will feel grateful. 1 am an old man, •nd every day, from my boyhood to the pres ent time I thought I had repeated the Lord's Prayer, but I have never heard it before, never." 'You are right,'replied Booth ;'to ' . "rayer as it should be read, has tead that - B tndy and labor for cost me (he J ®*®"* „ being satisfied thirty years, and lam lar lru._ , , with my rendering of that wonderloi Tton. Hardly one person in ton thousand j comprehends how inuch beauty, tenderness j aud grandeur can be condensed in a space so tmall and in words so simple. That Prayer of itself sufficiently illustrates the truth of the Bible, and stamps upon it the seal of Divinity." So great was the effect produced (says oar informant, who was present,) that con versation was sustained but a short time longer in subdued monosyllables, and al most entirely oeased; and toon after, at an E company broke up and re tveral homes, with sad faees .attesTED.—Chicago is a 'great' liniaters of the Gospel were last week—one for drunken atber for stealing a horse and Potatoes ere selling, no fatthei etoge, at only tvm'y-five cents BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY. SEPTEMBER 27, 1855. OF THE Democratic State Central Committee. To lhe People of Pennsylvania : FELLOW CITIZENS:—In tlie performance of our duty, we lately addressed you on the subject of Know-Nothmgiem. We warned you against the insidious appeals of a party, one principle of which establisl.es a religious test for office, a thing expressly prohibited by tho Constitution of the United States, and by that of tV.nnsylvaiua. A- party wh.ch seeks to practically disfranchise ouu class of Amerioan citizens, because of their religious creed ; another class, because ol the place of their birth, and to proscribe a still more nu merous class, because they will not deny to others the rights which they claim for them selves. We reminded you that these Stales had been founded by immigrants who fled hither for self-protection from the same per secuting spirit. That by mutual toleration in matters of religion, and by an equal parti cipation in the common concerns of social life and government, these rights of each were guaranteed by all; that to wrest them from any citizen, however weak or bumble, was to substitute might for right, and thus subvert the great principle of political equal ity, on which alone rests our common secu rity and general welfare. Thai to do this in sectet, and under mutu al pledgee and oaths, and above all, to do it under the name of Americanism, was to de stroy all confidence in the capability of men for self-government, to confound local preju dice with the virtue of patriotism, to exalt the profession of a creed nbove the practice of genuine Christianity, to bring Democratic in stitutions into contempt, aud to cover their founders with reproach. If the rankling hatreds and fierce feuds, the social wrongs and lawless outrages, which j have characterized this secret party, had been in like manner occasioned by all others, j society itself could not have existed. Brief, therefore, as has been its career, it has con vinced every reflecting man that its tenden- ! cios are counter to the genius of our govern- ; nioiits and opposed to the teaching of their founders. We have, therefore, seen it over thrown by the Democracy in the South, and disorganized and broken—or blended with j Abolitionism in the North. Such has been , the secession from its ranks by tho deceived 1 and erring men who joined it, that notwith- ' standing i's abated pretensions and the at- > tempts made to liberalize its principles, its ! possession ol local offices and the fotlorn hope ; of political places and rewards in 1856, alone, , kpep it from utter annihilation as a National j party. At the present, therefore, there is moreoc- I casion to call your attention to another and j purely sectional party, which threatens to } subvett the Federal Constitution, and to de- j stroy the Union of these States. The Know Nothing party—miscalled American—tends to ! occasion civil discord among neighbors, and , between citizens of the same Stale, but this , self-styled Republican party, tends to add to j this tho horrors of a negro insurrection in the ' States of the South, and a civil war between ' tl.o several States of this Union. We do rot say that this is the design of all | or oven the majority of its members, but we j do charge that to be the only avowed design of some, and those riot a few of its leaders; and we luriher charge that such is the clear j tendency, and would be the inevitable result, j of its success. It is in vain for its parlizans i losay tbat they intend no ill; the question is I not one of intention, it is one of practical con- j duct; and the principles of American govern- • ment and of Constitutional law are the sole tests by which il must be tried. We have a! erdy seen the Legislature of one State openly and designedly pass an acl in defiance of ihe Constitution of the United States and the laws inado in pursuance thereof, and when the Governor of that State—and a par lizan of this very party—vetoed, and attempt ed to arreM the course Legislature, we saw them defy him ulso, and repass this act. We have seen the same Slate openly remove an upright and learned Judge because he da | red to keep his oath and support the Consti ] tuiion of the United States. In our own State, we have since heard a deliberative body of the same parly, vehemently applaud a mo tion to mob and beat a Jubge ; and still later in litis State, and in the Convention of this whole pory, a Reverend member of il pub licly advocated the destruction of a public Prison, and the rescue of a prisoner, because tliey had considered and adjudged him to be wrongfully imprisoned. If these things are now dofle and advocated, and by such men and in such places, both under color of law ' a:;d in avowed defiance of it, who will or can assure l|,e Public that they would stop there? or that other— moßt fatal-violations of the law would not bu committed by other men and mobs, and in other f A hen men thus disregard the Constitution and i';w of their country, and seek to organize togeih- | er one section of the Union, that they may the more successfully overawe or subdue the other, they reduce the whole question to one between force and law, Union or disunion, domestic tranquility or civil war. It is absurd for men to prate about liberty, while al the very same time they are encour aging resistance lo law. There can be no liberty without law, and there is not and can not be ar.y law higher than lha Constitution of the United States. Whatever, therefore, may be the pretences put forward by the ab olitionists, or whatever more deceptive name tbey may choose to assume, and array them selves under, tbe real and sole issue will be dbesame; it will be thai party—• violated Constitution and disunion on the oce side, Truth and Right God aud oar Country# and the Democratic party and tho Constitu tion aud Union as they are oil the other side : choose ye between them ! Even if you would, yet vou cannot now but choose between these two' While the Whig party existed, what ever may have been its follies or its faults, yet neither Clay nor Webster, nor its other great leaders, nor the true men of its rank and file, would have tolerated a sentiment hostile to the Constitution or the Union. But these gteat men and true patriots have pass ed away, and the old Whig party no longer exists. The weak, the veoal and the selfish in its ranks have gone into a secret and sec tarian organization, or have gone over and arrayed themselves with Abolitionists, infi dels and fanatics, against their brethren of the South. One party alone remains firm and defiant. Over every foot of the soil of this Union, and wherever its Constitution ex tends, there too extends the all protecting arm of tho Democracy , bearing aloft the broad flag of Civil and Religious Liberty, the Con sti'ution and the Union. Fellow Citizens, our duty in the premises is plain. However much party leaders may hesitate or hang back, fearful of losing their own position, or of yielding to an old politi cal opponent, there is but one course left, and that is a general raffy of all patriotic citi zens upon the platform of the Democratic par ty. There is no mistaking the tone of the Democracy in this crisis. It unhesitatingly accepts the issue tendered to it by tho adver saries ol the Federal Constitution, and pro claims its high purpose to sink or swim, sur vive or perish, with the American Union.— Refusing to ntake terms with traitors of any shade, it has not only without regret but with undissembled joy, seen then them desert its ranks for those ol an unprincipled coalition. I'urtfiad aud relieved from their baleful influ ences, and enabled to act uufetlered in its high duty, it invites to its standard every pa triotic Pennsylvanian. It has no conceal cealment of its principles, or secrecy in its organization, but shielded, helmed arid weap oncd with the truth, it advances against tho combined fanaticisms. It accepts the whole responsibility of opposing those who oppose the Constitution. It fully enters into the con test against the Abolitionists and their allies. In such a cause, even defeat would be hon orable, but victory is certain to crown ounef forls ij only (hose who ore conscious that we are right, will act tip to their honest convictions. . We are no alarmists. It is not our purpose to exaggerate the dangerous tendencies of the political action of our opponents. You can 6ee for yourselves not alone the obliter tion of a great party, but the bold and flagrant declarations of those who have taken its plaue. There is indeed no alternative left us but op position, as there is manifestly no parly left to make that opposition but the Democratic party. The inconceivable evils of a dissolution of our beloved Union, do not deter the arrogant factions which now' make headway against the rights of the Slates. The guilt is not greater on the part ol such fauaties as Garri son and l'hillips, than on that of the dema gogues here and elsewhere, who support them. They are all working to the same end, some oi them with the consciousness— and utln-rs thoughtless or reckless—of the misery their success would entail upon the country. But how is it with you, people of Pennsyl vania? Are you willing to yield in the man dates of these men ? Has the Union lost its sacred and inestimable value in your eyes? Are you ready lo regard your countrymen of the South as so many alien enemies? We disdain appealing to your interests, we in voke your patriotism; we appeal lo the glo rious memories of the past and to the unpar alled blessings ever present; and we point in proof of the peril that besets the near fu ture, not merely to the overthrown Whig or ganization, uor to the fanaticisms springing from its ruins aud coalescing in our midst, but to tho alarm aud dismay that have spread over the South like a funeral pall, in view of the aggressive purposes of Northern Aboli liotiislg. Aud mark tbe miserable delusions with I which Abolitionism tries to abuse the patri otic sentiment of the North. It affects indig natiou because the Missouri restriction, nev er approved, and for thirty-five years disre garded by the Abolitionists,and spit upon and reviled by therr. with every epithet of scorn aud indignation, has been repealed! It de nounces the Nebraska act which declares "Il being lite true intent and meaning of this uot NOT to legislate slavery into any Stule or Territory, nor lo exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly tree to form und regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only lo the Consti tution of the United States." These fanatics refuse, therefore, to allow the people to regu late their domestic institutions ; yet as early as October 1774, these United Colonies as sembled in Congress, solemnly, Resolved, "Tbat the foundation of English liberty, and of ALL free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative Council, * * * that the colonists ore entitled to the free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be pre served, tn all cases of taxation ant) INTERNAL POLITY !"—and at lbs same time they further declared that these rights existed "by the im mutable laws of natue, Ihe principles of the English Constitution, and the several charters and compacts." The Declaration of Inde pendence charged it as an act of usurpation by tbe King of Great Britain, that "he refu sed to pass laws for tbe accommodation of large districts of people nnless these people wonld relinquish tbe right of representation }in the Legislature, * * * a right inesti mable to them, and fhrrniJSble to tyrants Otll)." Nor was our own Stale behind her sister Slates in asserting this right; lor by the third article of the declaration of rights, made in July. 1776, it was declared "that the people I of this Slate have the sole, exclusive and inhe rent right of governing and regulating the m ternal policy ol the same;" and when the j Deputies of the' people of Pennsylvania as- I sembled in full Provincial Conference, to ; suppress all authority of the King of Great j Britain and for establishing a government , upon the authority of the people only, they j declared their willingness to concur in a vote : declaring the United Colonies free and inde- i pendent Slates, " Provided, the forming the government and the regulating the inter- | nal policy of this Colony be 4 always reserved to the people of the Colony. And yet, against this self-evident and im mutable principles of American liberty and of all free governments, men have the auda city to array themselves under the name of Republicans! maintaining, too, that their fel low countrymen, who inhabit the territories must act otherwise than of their own free choice, and that Congress should compel ' them to select between dictated submision and threatened punishment! But, fellow citizens, even while indulging in these expressions, this party is scarcely at- j tempting to conceal the fearful ultimatum of j disunion which it is now seeking to partici- j pate by means of an exclusive sectional Nor- I ; 'hern organization—the first organization of j the kind ever known in this republic, and the i success of which is certain to end in the perpetual alienation of the South from the North. And by political agitation, what good can they even pretend to accomplish I What man, in the free States of this Union, would he benefitted by the success of the Aboli tionists? Not one ; nor could tltey give free dom to a single slave : they would but more firmly rivet the fetters. As early as 1828, the late Rev. E. ChanniMg, of Boston, said: "My fear iu regard to our efforts against slavery is, that we shall make the case worse by rousing sectional pride and pas sion for its support, and that we shall only break the country into two great parties, which may shake the foundation of government. So late as 1850, Mr. Webster said in the Senate: "Then, Sir, there are the Abolition Socie ties, of which I am unwilling to speak, but in regard to which I have very clear notions and opinions. Ido not tbiik them useful, i think their operations for the last twenty years have produced nothing good or valua ble. * * * # # " I do not mean to impute gross motives even to the leaders of these Societies, but I am not blind to the consequence of their pro ceedings. I cannot but see what mischief their interference with the South has produ ced. And is it not plain to every man ? * * * They attempted to arouse, and did arouse, a very strong feeling; in oth er words, they created great agitation in the North against Southerh slavery. Well, what was the result? The bonds of the slaves were bound more firmly than before ; their rivets were more strongly fastened. "I'ublic opinion, which in Virginia had begun to be exhibited against slavery, and was opening out for tbe discussion of the question, drew back and shut itself un in its castle. * * * We all know the fact, and we all know the cause; and every thing that these agitating people have done, has been, not to enlarge, but to restrain ; not to set free, but to bind faster the slave popu lation of the South." The whole effort of these agitators seems to he to make a sectional issue in every Con gressional district of the thirty-one States of the Union, and turn to the halls of Congress into an arena in which the delegates from the North may denounce the domestic insti tutions of the South. Not only does all reason forbid us to dis countenance sectional parties, but we have the solemnly recorded opinion of Jefferson, 1 who on ibis very question said: " But this momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened anil filled me | with teiror. 1 considered il at once as the knell of tho Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A geographical line coin ciding with a marked principle, moral and . political, once conceived and held up to tho { angry passions of men, will never be obliler- 1 aled, and every new irritation will mark it j deeper and deeper." Let the true Whigs who have not ceased i to treasure up the counsels of their great states men, now apply to the memorable warning of HENRY CLAY: " Tho Abolitionists, let me suppose, suc ceed in the present aim of uniting the in habitants ol the free States as one mail a gainst the inhabitants of the slave States, un i on on the one side will beget union on the other. And this process of reciprocal con solidation will be attended with all the vio leut prejudices, embittered passions and im placable animosities which ever degraded or deformed human nature. One section will stand in menacing and hostile array against the other. The collision of opinion will quickly be followed by the clash of arms. I will not attempt to describe scenes which now happily lie concealed from our view." Let them weigh well the following words of the conservative WEBSTER: "ll we might regard our country as per sonated in the spirit of Washington ; if we might consider him ae representing her, in her past renown, hi her present prosperity and her future career, and as in that char : aeter demanding of us all to account for our j conduct as political men or as private citi ' zens, how should he answer him who has ventured to talk of disunion or dismember ment? or how should he answer him who dwells perpetually on local interests, and fans every kindling fiarne of local preju dice ? How should he answer him who would array State against State, interest against interest, aud party against party, care less of the continuance of that unity of Gov ernment which constitutes us one people." And finally, let all men within the bounds of thi6 State, and no matterto what party they belong, lay to their hearts the farewell advice of WASHINGTON : " The unity of Government, which consti tutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence—the support of your tranquility at home ; your peace abroad ; of your safety; of your pros perity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many ar tifices employed, to weaken, in jourminds, the conviction of this truth: as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively—though often covertly and insidiously—directed, it is of infinite moment that you should proper ly estimate the immense value of your NA TIONAL UNION to yur collective and individ ual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to il; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of Ihe palladium of your polit ical safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discoun tenancing whatever may suggest even a sus picion xbnt it can, in any event, be aban doned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. " For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. CIT/.ENS BY BIRTH OR CHOICE, ol a common country —that coun try has a right to concentrate your affection. The name of American which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more thar. any appellation derived from local discrimina tions. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. "Vou have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the independence and liberty vou possess are the work of joint counsel and joint efforts, of common origins, sufferings and successes. "This Government—the ofl-spring of our choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and matule delibera tion, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with enetgy, and containing within itself a provision lor its own amendment—ha 3 a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its j laws, acquiescence in itstneasures, are duties j enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true i liberty, 7he basis of our political systems, is the j right of the people to make and toalter their Con shtutious of Government : but the Constitution which at any lime exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole peo ple, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The I very idea ol" the power and the right of tho people to establish Government, pre-supposes the duty of every individual to obey the es tablished Government." If, in addition to these words, we need others more directly and solemnly applicable to the present times, they will be found in lite following from the same immortal pro duction : "In Contemplating the causes which may disturb out Union, it occurs as a matter of] serious concern, that any grounds should have been furnished for characterizing par ties by geographical discriminations, Nor thern and Southern, Atlantic and Western, whence designing men may endeavor to ex cite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. YOU CANNOT j SEIELD YOURSFLVES TOO MUCH A-] GAINST THE JEALOUSIES AND HEART- | BURNINGS WHICH SPRING FROM | THESE MISREPRESENTATIONS; they: tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection." ' Fellow citizens: We have thus submitted to you the present condition and tendency of political parties, and the issue about to be mado between them, in this State and Uni on. As the best and only safe guide for your conduct, we have reminded you of the coun sel and warnings of the wisest and most pa triotic of our Statesmen. Yonr choice must now be made between a sectional party un der the black banner of Abolitionism and the National Democracy, bearing aloft the gor geous ensign of the Republic " with that sentiment dear to every true American heart —Liberty and Union now and forever, one aud inseparable." JAMES F. JOHNSTON, H. A. GILDEA, j Chairman. I JACOB ZIEGLER, Secy's, j Sept. 18, 1855. GF A negro baby show is one of the la test Boiton notions. It is got up in opposi tion to Barnum's while baby show. The 'lit tle innocents' enjoy the atteation they atliact as much as the white folks. HP A stranger in Mexico is struck with the appearance of the Milliner's sbops. where twenty or thirty stout men with moustaches are employed in making muslin gowns, caps and artificial flowers. SPEECH OF CHARLES R. BUCKALEW. Delivered at Kingston, Luzerne County, Friday Evening, Sept. Hth, 1855. GENTLEMEN:—It lias for some lime been my intention to address the citizens of this County upon several subjects of local and general interest. And, in particular, I have desired to submit to them some words of personal explanation upon the New County question, in vindication of the course pur sued by mu at the last Session, which has been made the subject of criticism and com plaint. Having an invincible repugnance to newspaper disputes and believing in the good senso of Dr. Johnson's saying, that "no man was ever written down except by him self," I have paid no attention to editorial abuse upon this subject, (which I am in formed has been abundant and pertinacious in a particular quarter,) and have willingly awaited the vindication of time and of such an opportunity as the present. But, as the good opinion of just tnen is valuable above wealth or office, it is right that the explana tions necelkary to a fair judgment of public conduct should at some proper time be furn ished the public. The occasion also invites remark on otner questions that have arisen in the Legislature, or been connected with its proceedings. Al though some years of service in the Senate have been rendered pleasant to me by evi dences ol approval and confidence from the district I have represented; there hava been many occasions when it would have been 1 highly gratifying that the reasons for my ac tion could have been fully and generally known among yon. Mutual explanations are occasionally indispensable to ihe main tenance of just relations between oonsti'uent and Representative ; for the absent are liable to be misunderstood, and the expression of your approval or disapprobation in particular cases, is valuable to your Representative as the reward or corrective of his public con duct. Gentlerrftn:—A man enlisting in tbe pnb iio service, takes his life in his band. The chances are against his surviving the con testa of many years; if he escape many dan gers, he is still liable to sudden and fatal overthrow. The system of rapid rotation es tablished amongst us; the constant rush of new questions upon tho scene, and the fre quent changes of parties,—are rocks of de struction which very few ate fortunate enough long to escapp Look oroi tho his tory of elections which you have observed, and how much of reputation and influence have worn out, or been otherwiso destroyed; how rapid tho changes of actors, and how certain the adverse fortunes of the honored and powerful! A reflecting man may well assume the duties of a political office with fear and trembling, rather than with that boastful exultation and unhesitating confi dence, which ive often see. His voyage is among rocks and shoals that render courage and sagacity continually necessary to hi* safety, and these are not always sufficient. I owe the people of Luzerne gratitude for generous and continued support and confi dence, constituting as they do the delightful and abundant reward of all exertions and sacrifices involved in Legislative service.— That this support aud confidence have not been misplaced or mistaken, I sincerely hope may be yonr future as well as present con viction. Gentlemen ; since 1850 great changes have taken place in your local affairs, intimately connected with tho Legislation of the' Co mmonwealth. A railroad has been completed and brought into use from Scrantoti north ward, in the direction ot central New York. Another, (an extension of the former), is be ing thrown from the same point to the Dela ware, in the direction of the sea-board. And still, another has been projected extending through the centre of this county, and finding its western connections in the iron region, with improvements to go to Baltimore, Phil adelphia and Buffalo. Many mining com panies hare been organized, and plank road* built. Your population, meantime, has great ly increased ; capital from abroad has sought investment in your borders, and the organi z.ation of a city, and of boroughs and town- 1 ships, has been found necessary lo the wants and convenience of the people. Villages have grown inlo towns, lands gone up in price and art impetus given in all directions to a spirit of industry and en'erprize. In short, the passing years constitute for Luzerne a pe riod of growth and development unexam pled in her history, and cheering to her in habitants and to all interested in hit wel fare. Legislation, when required, has come in aid of your eflurts in carrying on this career of improvement: Without being prostituted, it has been thehandmaid of your advance ment* But I will not dwell upon this topic, but pass to others mora particularly embra ced in the purpose of this discourse, and up on which 1 have thought that explanation would be timely : commencing with the wa ter highway from your valley toward western New York and the Lakes. [THE NORTH BRANCH CANAL] In 1850, when an appropriation was made to the North Branch Extension, the condi tion was imposed that coal carried upon it, after its completion, should be charged with a toll of one cent par ton per mile, whioh would amount to ninety five cents for the whole distance trom Pittaton to the New York State line. This provision was bur then some and nowise, because it tended to discourage shipments of coat and probably to lessen the public revenues, while it die i eliminated harshly against businesa men and property holders in thii county who were [Two Dollars per ADofUi NUMBER 36. looking noritrward for markets for (he pro duction of their mines, In view of theeo considerations, a resolution was introduced in the Senate, in 1854, calling upon the Ca nal Board for their judgment of the act of 1850 as a revenue measure, and subsequent ly a bill was passed repealing that act and placing the North Branch upon an equality with the other Canals of the State. This re duced tolls one half, upon rates then existing, and was, in my opinion, a salutary and just exercise of the legislative power. Complaints have long been made of the management of that work. Thare has been great delay in bringing it into use. Parte of it have been badly constructed. Its cost baa gone greatly beyond the estimatea upon which appropriations were based. It is not strange, therefore, that representatives of other sections became restive and reluctant lo vote further sums to the enterprise, and that business interests in this quartet uttered complaints in view of repealed disappoiot ments arid a suspected management. " For remedy whereof,''legislation was had at the late Session of an unosual character. The line was put in charge of a Superintendent and Engineer, believed to be competent and faithful, for a term of five years, at an ade quate salary; with con'rot over subordinates/ and with power to adopt and prosecute (upon approval of the Canal Commissioners,) all necessary measures for bringing the Canal into successful operation. Peculiar difficulties have appeared on the line, arising from the material through which it ia, in parti, constructed; the long suspen sion of work upon it, and other causes; but it is believed these difficulties will be speed ily mastered and further vexation avoided. At all events the Legislature has done what it could toward such result, and in fact,gone out ol its usual course to meet the necessities of the case. The arrangement made was opposed, arid was the result of a contest. It was a novol proposition. It confided large powers, and gave a long term of office to an individual, not chosen by, or directly responsible to the people. It narrowed the doties of the Canal Commissioners, and was viewed by aome a* an imputation upon them : And it established diversity of management among the publio improvements. But it stands on sufficient ground, when, iu addition to the miacbiefs of shifting management and the inconvenience nf puiixn obligations In appointmeuti, we consider the peculiar situation and condition of the work. For, there ia required the roost careful, skilful and energetic superintendence for several years, before the line ia brought into complete use, and into a condition to be compared with old and established lines, where experience has laid the foundation of routine and practice. And besides, no oth er public improvement is so remote from the State authorities and so diffcult of fre quent visitation. The idea of censure upon the Canal Commissioners was carefully die avowed, and oirtainly not intenJed; nor will a fair examination of the act give rise to reflections to their prejudice. An effec tive control is reiained to the Comisaioners, aijjJ the Superintendent, named in the act, is the same person previously selected by them for the placu. The success of the plan, adopted by the Legislature, will mainly depend npon Mr- Mafiit himself. As to that, his qualifications were endorsed by the highest authority, and bis appoinlmentsoliciied by those having the deepest internal in the improvement; and if an error has been committed, neither the Les gislaturs, nor those representing Ibis section, are in fault. What was done was upon strong evidence from those qualified to judge in the case, and in compliance with apparent publio opinion. [We omit so much of the speech as re lates to the new county question, and also the subject of amending the Constitution.] [ (CONTINUED ON SECOND PAGE.) Mothers and Daughters. It is a most painful spectacle in familiee where the mother is the drudge, to see the daughter elegantly dressed, reclining at theif ease, with their musie, their fancy work, and their reading—beguiling themselves to the lapse of hours, days, and weeks, and never 1 dreaming of their responsibilities; but, aa ■ ; necessary consequence of u neglected duty, growing weary of their useless lives, laying hold of every newly- invented stimulant to rouse their drooping energies, and blaming their fate when tbey dare not blame their God for having placed them where they are. These individuals will often till you, with an air of affronted compassion, that "poor mamma ii working herself to death;' 1 yet no sooner do you propose that they should assist her, than they declare she is quite in her ele ment—in short, that she would never be bay if she had only half as ir.och to do. ' Health Is Wealth. A strong and sound body— a body oapa ble of not only endurance, but capable of re sisting external influences io disease— is a capital for life, the value of which cannot bev computed in money. It is perpetual wealth —it is perpetual pecuniary independence— it is perpetual ability to aid others in the kind office* of friendship and love— per petual source of contentment and bappinees. This J toy it the ftrit object of ttkool education —of any education fit to be called educ tion; while the fact tbat it ia mada neither the first nor the least, in our present eyctem proves that the present system is false.
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