THE STAR OP THE NORTH.
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VOLUME 7.
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gßgggggg ■———■ |
(SIE@n©IE JPfIPaWaMT.
'I HE OLDEN TIMES.
Old Time has hurried me svriftlv on
Upon Life's rapid river,
And scenes of pleasure and childish joy
I now have left for ever.
I've roamed afar from my olden home,
I've been in cot and palace,
I've joined the dance, and, in witching song.
I've quailed the rosy chalice.
I've stopped in beauty's glittering bower,
And lei*. Iter chains around me,
And I smiled as Foitone bore me on—
At the transient spell that bound me.
But memory oft is flitting back
Unto the hours of childhood ;
I sigh for friends of the olden time,
The cottage and the wildwood.
I'm thinking oft, at the sunlight hour,
Of hallow'd ties now broken;
And then 1 recall the parting scene, I
When sad adieus were spoken.
I think now, over some humble graves,
Sweet roses now are blowing;
And in the walks, by the brooklet's side. |
The wild, rank weeds are growing.
In dreams I picture a happy band
Around the fireside stating;
My father there with his pipe of clay,
My mother with Iter knitting,—
My sisters playing in pleasure pure,
Gay peals of laughter ringing,
The house-cat stretched on theglowingheaith,
The kettle gaily singing.
But death has despoiled my olden home—
Those gay hours have departed,
And now 1 roam in this friendless World
An orphan, broken hearted.
In my lonely way 1 sometimes pause
And court the bright ideal;
But hope never pictures a scene so fair,
So pure, as the olden real.
From the Detroit Free Press, Jug. 23d.
LETTER FROM GEN. CASS,
On Know Nothing ism and the Power of Con
gress in the Territoncs.
DETROIT, Aug. 23d, 1555.
To the Editor of the Prec Press:
SIR, —The public journals contain a letter
dated July 24th, written by Gen. Houaton,
which has just met my eye, and in which
he says he perceives, by the papers of :he
day, that "General Casa has approved the
platform of the American order, as pro
claimed to the world by the convention at
Philadelphia." 1 had observed the state
ments to which Gen. Houston alludes, and
bad he let them pass unnoticed, for it would
• be a hopelees task to endeavor to correct all
the misapprehensions and misrepresentations
to which it is my lot, as well as that of all
other publio men, to be exposed in these
days of patty strife. And, indeed, 1 could
not suppose thut such assertions would de
ceive any one who had heard or who had
read my remarks in the Senate of the United
Stales, on the filth of February last, upon
the presentation of the resolutions of the
Legislature of Michigan, instructing the
Senators of that Slate to vote for an act of
Congress prohibitum the introduction of sla
very into the Territories of the United Slates.
Upon that occasion, while declining to com
ply with those instructions, I took the oppor
tunity to express my sentiments in relation
to the new political movement, which sought
to acquits and exercise power by secret com
binations, bound together by the sanction of
an oath, which, it is said, made it the duty
of its members to surrender their individual
convictions to the expressed will of a majority
of their associates. I then observed: 'Strange
doctrines are abroal, and strange organisa
tions are employed to promulgate and en -!
force tLeni. Our political history contains
on anch chapter in the progress of our coun
try as that which is row opening. The ques
tions of constitutionality and policy, which
have been so long the battle cry of parties,
ere contemptuously rejected, and intolerance,
religious ar.jl political, finds zealous, and it
may be they will prove successful, advocates
in this middle of the nineteenth century
boasting with much self-complacency of its
Intelligence, and in this free country, found
ed upon emigration, and grown prosperous
and powerful by toleration. # * * We
want no new parties, no new platforms, no
new organizations, and the sooner these
dangerous efforts are abandoned, the better
will it be for ua. and for those who are to
follow us in this heritage of freedom."
I might well suppose, after the expression
of these views upon the floor of the Senate,
end under circumstances of peculiar respon
sibility, 'hat any further action on my part
would be necessary to prove my consisten
cy, as a deciple of the school of Washington
and Jefferson, and Madison, and Jackson, in
ths rejection of a dangerous innovation, in
consistent with all the principles those pa
triots taught, and which, in effect, aims to
transfer the great political duty of an Amer
ican citizen from tba light of day where it
•hoold be exercised in thia land of freedom,
to eecret conclaves, as unfriendly to calm in
vaetigaiion, as to wise and patriotie decision.
But tba aatraot from the letter of General
Houston has shown me that these reports
have raoeirad more credit than I had he-
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, Fa., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1855.
lieved, and the consideration has inducer
me thus publicly to notice and to contradici
them. My opinions, indeed, upon any sub
ject are but of liit'.e consequence, exoept tc
myself; but if they are worth referring to,
they are worth the trouble of making the
reference a true one.
* have no sympathy with ihia plan of po
litical none whatever neither
with the n>t"' Ul9 il employs nor the objects it
seeks to attain Iw se " ec >'. ils oath to™' l
obligations, itsco^trtf. 1 of the ballot box, its
system of proscription, slaking both at polit
ical rights and religious duties, 81K ' ' ls inev
itable tendency to array one pcrtiotf of the
community against another, and lo C arr y
deadly feuds into every corner of tits land, o.
which we have just had a terrible proof, writ
ten in characters of blood, snd are doomed
lo have many more; if this movement goes
on, for this is but ihe first instalment of
death, and kf>w many others are to follow
und lo what extent, and when the last is to
he paid, nnd after what lamentable vicissi
tudes, is knowu only to Him who foresees
events and can control them—these charac- j
(eristics mark it as the tnost dangerous
scheme which has ever been introduced in
to our country to regulate its public action
or ils social condition. It is the organism of
a republic, scarcely better in principle than
ils inonarchial prototype —of a republic whose
fteetlom and equality justify as little as they
invite tho introduction of a machinery whose
operation is concealed from public observa
tion, but w hose consequences are as clear as
they are alarming.
Gen. Houston gives credence to the reports
that I approve "ihe platform of the American
order, as proclaimed lo the world by the con
vention at Philadelphia." lam aware that
changes have been made both in the name
and in some of the principles of this new or
gs lization. But these changes do not re
move my objections to it. lis spirit of exclu
sion and intolerance remains, and with it, its
evils and dangers. It is a book to which I
cannot bo reconciled, whatever addition,
whether the new one or the old ona, is offer
ed to me. There i, indeed, one principle
laid down in that convention which meets
my concurrence, and that is, the declaration
that " Congress ought not to legislate upon
the subject of slavery, within the territory of
the United States." 1 regret, however, that
the body which thus pronounced agaiust the
exercise of the power did not also pronounce
against ils existence, but carefully permitted
—to use its own words—the expression of
any opinion upon that point. Still, lapptove
ils action upon the subject, so fur as it goes.
It is a step in the right direction, and I should
rejoice to see it followed by every political
party in the country. It is a step, too. to
wards the security of political rights—this op
position to the legislation of tongreis over
the internal affairs ol lite people ol the terri
tories, ar.d among others, over the relation of
master and servant, or that ol husband and
wife, or parent and child ; for these matters
domestic policy are subjects which should
be left to the Territorial communities, and to
divest them of the power lo regulate them is
nn set of unmitigated despotism. The nega
tion of all power ot interference by Congress
in the internal government of the Territories,
is the true constitutional doctiinland the on
ly safe und practical one, and I am rejoiced
that, after years ol opposition—of obloquy,
indeed—il is fast establishing itself upon im
pregnable grounds. The misapprehension
which has prevailed upon this grave subject
is among Ihe most extraordinary political
events ef my time. One would naturally
suppose that in this country the dogma of the
right of internal government by an irrespon
sible Legislature over a distant community,
unrepresented in the ruling body, would find
but little favor, and put in operation a gov
ernment might as well be defended, while
the power to control all the concerns of hu
man life would be left without an advocate.
The difference is broad and practical, snd
should be dearer to us, as it was the very
consideration urged by our revolutionary fa
thers in their contest with the mother coun
try, wtiich began by argument, but ended by
arms. It was asserted as eaily as 1774. when
the Continental Congress declared that the
English colonists " are entitled to a free and
exclusive power of legislation in their sever
al provincial legislatures, where there might
of representation can alone be preserved, in
alt cases of taxation and internal polity, &c."
In that great struggle the patriots who con
ducted it conceded lo the British Pailiament
the authority to organize colonial govern
ments, but denied their right lo touch the in
ternal polity of the people; sad for the sup
port of the great principle, denied and derided
as it is now they went to war.
I observe llfht a highly respectable and in
telligent gentleman, Gov. Hunt, of New York,
in a letter just published, speaks of the Ne
braska bill at " based on tbe absurd theory
of territorial sovereignly." I never beard a
man support that measure or approve it for
such a reason. Gov. Hunt has mistaken the
sneers of its enemies (or the views of its
friends. The Nebraska bill rests upon no
such theory—upon no theory at all, but upon
the stable foundation of the federal constitu
tion, snd of the natural rights of man.
I know of no one who claims sovereignty
for Ihe Territories. All concede their de
pendence upon the United Slates. But with
in this relation there are mutual rights and
duties, and the questions—what power may
Congreas lawfully exercise, and are the peo
ple of tbe Tetmories divested of all rights 1
must be determined, no by politico-meta'
physical considerations arising oat of the at
tribute of sovereignty, but by tbe constitu
tion of the United Slate*. To the law, and
lo iba testimony. By that constitution, the
t general government is a government, not on
ly of granted but of limited powers, and Con
i gtess can exercise no authority which is not
given by the great chatter that brought it in
to existence. Let any roan put his finger
upon the clause of that instiument which
confers this power of internal interference,
and I will abandon the principle, long as it
has been cherished by me. Ana that is
many years, and will appear by reference to
the Globe of March 31st, 1832, which con
tains 90 article written by me, and entitled
" A review of the opinion of the Supreme
Court in the Cherokee case." In that arti
cle I observe that the clause of the constitu
tion authorizing Congress "to dispose of, and
I n ;ake all needful rules and regulations respec
ting liJ> territory or other property of the U.
States refe 10 territorial rights, and grants
no jurisdiction persons. Among other
things I say : "The power to dispose of, and
make needful rules regulations respec
ting the territory and othe r properly of the
United Sia'.ep, and the power to exercise gen
eral jurisdiction over petsons upon ' more
essentially different and independent. Th®
former is general, and is given in the clause
referred to; the latter is spacial, and is found
in another clause, and is confined to the fed
eral tract, (the District of Columbia,) and to
places purchased by consenl of the Legisla
ture of the State in which the same shall be,
for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,
dock yards, and other needful out buildings."
This is the same doctrine subsequently advo
cated, and more fully developed in my Nich
olson letter. I repeat that this power of in
internal legislation cannot be found in the
constitution, and vain have been the efforts
by pressing into its service a thousand and
one expressions in that instrument, to prove
it to be there ; a diversity of reference which
of itself, furnishes a strong presumption
against the authority, even if there were no
other ground of objection.
Judge Mclean, of the Supreme Court of the
United States, in some considerations pub
lished by him on this subject, and to which
I have elsewhere referred, well remarked,
that "there is no specific power in the con
stitution which aulhotizes the organization of
territorial governments." Ha adds, "If this
power be implied licwn the specific power to
regulate the disposition of the public lauds,
it must, under the above rule, be limited to
means suitable to the end in view. If Con
gress go beyond this in the organization of
a Territorial government, they act without
limitation, and may establish a monarchy.
Admit that they may organize a government
which shall protect the lands-purchased, and
provide for the administration of justice a
inong the settlers, it does by HO means fol
low that they may establish slavery." Judge
Mclean here brings the Constitution of tho
United States to the support o( the good old
revolutionary doctrine, that the right to es
tablish colonies or territories doss not carry
with it the just power to interfere with and
regulate the domestic concerns of the people
who inhabit thern. Ha pronounces slavery
to be one ot these concerns, saying that, "It
is a municipal relation of limited extent, and
of an equally limited otigin. It is a domes
tic relation, Over which the federal govern
ment can exercise no control."
I have never known the time when the
democratic parly was called upon by higher
considerations to adhere, faithfully and zeal
ously, to their organization and their princi
ples, then they are at this day* Our confed
eration is passing through the most severe
trial it has yet undergone. Unceasing efforts
are making to excite hostile and sectional
feelings, against which wo were prophetically
warned by the lather of his country ■ and il
these are successful, the days of the constitu
tion are numbered. The continued assaults
upon the South, upon its character, its con
stitutional rights and its institutions, and the
systematic perseverance and the bitter spirit
with which these are pursued, while they
warn lite democratic party of the danger,
should also incite it to united and vigorous
action. They warn it, too, that the time has
come when all other differences which may
have divided it should give way to the duly
of defending the constitution, and when that
great party, coeval with the government,
should be united as one man for the accom
plishment of the work to which it is now
called, and before it ia too late. It is the
American pariy, for it has neither sectional
prejudices nor sectional preferences, and its
care and its efforts extend wherever the con
stitution of its country extends,and with equal
regard to the rights and interest* of all. I
believe the fate ofjhis great republic is now
in its hands, and, so believing, I earnestly
hope that it* action will be firm, prompt and
united, yielding not one hair's breadth of its
time-honored principles, and resisting to the
last the dangerous efforts with which we are
menaced ; and, if so, the victory of the con
stitution I doubt not will be achieved. I am,
sir, respectfully, your obedient setvant."
LEWIS CASS.
How can a good Methodic I be a Know-Noth
ing.—The following "Article of Faith," is
to bo found in the discipline of the Metho
dist Episcopal Church. It will be seen that
by necessary implication, all oaths are for
bidden except they be made before a magis
trate legally authorized to administer them :
"As we confess that vain and rash swear
ing is forbidden Christian men by our Lord
Jesus Christ, antl bv James, his apostle, so
we judge that the Christian religion doth not
prohibit, but that a man swear when the
magistrate requireth in a cause of faith and
charity, so it be done according to the proph
et's teachings In justice, judgment; and
truth."
Truth and Bight-—God and on/ Country.
, GOO* TEMPER.
There's not a cheaper thing on eatth,
Nor yet one hall so dear;
'Tie worth more than distinguished birth,
Or thousands gain'd a year.
It lends the day a new delight;
'Tie virtue's firmest shield ;
And adds more beauty to the nighl
Than all the stars may yield.
It makelh poverty content;
To sorrow whispers peace ;
ft is u gift from heaven sent
For mortals to increase.
It meets you with a smile at morn,
It lulls you to repose;
A flower for peer and peasant born;
An everlasting rose.
A charm to banish grief away,
To snatch the brow from care;
Turns tears to smiles, makes defines* gay,
Spreads gladness everywhere;
And yet 'tis cheap as summer dew,
That gems the lilly's breast;
A 'alisman for love, as trie
As ever matt possessed.
As smiles the rainbow tbibugh the cloud
When threat'ning storm begins—
As music 'mid the tempell load,
That still its sweet way,wings—
As springs an arch across the tide ;
Where waves conflicting losm;
So comes the seraph to our side,
This angel of our home.
Wh *>t may this wondrous spilt be,
Wilu oower unheard befori—
This char.Tii this bright divinity!
Good ten.pe'— no ' hin g mo.
Good temper—'•'* 'b e choicest gift
That woman bungs,
And can the poorest peasi"!
To bliss unknown to kings. ____
The White Muve.
When "hard limes" commenced in New
York it was estimated that from twenty-eight
to thirty thousand seamstresses were thrown
out of employment in that city alone. The
revelations of their actual condition, which
appeared in the daily newspapers, were sad
enough to bring our cant of progress to a
pause, and convince us that the nineteenth
century—with all its railroads, telegraphs,and
millenial rhapsodies—has infinitely more
paupers, ragged, filthy starving paupers—
than the ninth. A momentary money pres
sure was sufficient to show the true aspect of
motlerii society—that painted sepulchre,
which is so fair and beautiful outside, and
within nothing but rottenness and corrup
tion.
I- tHt age of abolition, negro-phily, and
tender sympathy for the Atrium race, which
is comfortably housed, fed and clad in this
portion of the country, and usually makes
more in Its "' after hours" than the stipend of
many New York trades—in this blessed era
of humanilarianism, and friendliness, and
brotherhood, and Christianity, and socialism,
and petticoat philanthropy—real the follow
ing paragraph, and estimate the ralue of sen
timeimliam and cant. The shirt-making sta
tistics ol New York are a terrible teptoof to
our bombastic boasters:
"The standard price is twelve and a half
cents per piece, and the garment must be
well made, as it has to undergo a thorough
inspection, with bosoms and cellars—bring
ing from one dollar twelve and a half cer.ts
to one dollar and twenty-five cents at retail.
The material in these shirts coit thirty-seven
and a half ceniß ; so that the total cost is fif
ty cents, which leaves a clear profit to the
emplyyer of one half at least forthe purchase
ol the material, "he cutting an 4 the sale.—
Two of these garments are, no doubt, a full
day's work, making the extent of the week
ly earnings one dollar and a hall. With this
miserable pittance many of them have to
feed small families,pay house rent, and clothe
themselves and children. It is needless to
any that it cannot be done, and the conse
quence is a large amount of misery and des
titution.''
Would that Thomas Hood wore alive once
more to sing another "song of the shirt," the
melancholy cadence which might smile the
h*rd heart of the North, as with a Moses wand
and open the fountain ol tdkrs.
" Oh, men with children dear—
Oh, men wiih sisters and wives—
It is not linen you're wearing out,
But human creatures lives!"
Dresses Ac., of California Ladies-
The New York Home Journal publishes s
letter from an acquaintance in California, in
which, after describing the quicksilver mines,
corn twenty-foiiT feet high, seventeen feel to
the ear, and wild oats, which, when on
horseback, he could tie ir. a knot over his
head, &c., he says :—" This is all true—but
you will not believe the half, so I 'pass to
equally true and more credible-—the extrava
gance of the ladies in California. Stepping
into G 's in San Francisco, to buy a
watch-key, he showed me a six thousand
dollar set of Diamonds, which he had just
sold for a ball to come ofl in a few days. A
Montgomery street merchant having told me
he bad sold two five hundred dollar and two
seven hundred dollar dresses lor this same
ball, I made up mind to go to that ball, an d
go 1 did—though I felt something like the
country member of the Legislature the first
time he attended one of our 'Jams.' "Jingo 1
I wish our gals could see this." There is no
use talking, child 1 it was a magnificent af
fair. The dresses were elegantand as for
diamonds, you would suppose they bought
them here, like potatoes, by the basket 1—
I just left a fair lady, whose evening dress of
embroidered satin was clasped by not one of
your India-rubber belts, but a band of gold
quite as broad 1 If I had a wife, I'd not
bring her here until I was worth a million—
for extravagance among the Ladies of Cali
fornia ia a perfect epidemio, All in all, this
is the most extravagant cncntry I ever - saw-
To eat with gold forks, gold spoons, and sip
yonr wine with golden goklets, are mere
matters of course. The " bird times," have
stopped some in (Jteir mad career; but oth
ers seem only the more desirous to show
"outsiders" tbat they art unaffected by
tbem."
A NEW BOOK
"WHICH: THE RIGHT OR THE LETT." —This
work is upon* Fashionable Religion, and
shows the difference between Christ's and
Society's Church in a talented, forcible man
ner. The style is easy, and bteathes through
out a spirit of deep-toned religiousness. It
should be read by every fireside in every
land.
We make'the following extracts for the
benefit of our business men and young men
who expect to be business men. The hero
of the story enters the dry goods business:
In selling, Samuel gave at first but little
promise. For a few months he was rather
below thin up to the average of new clerks,
and it was sneeringly remarked that he <
would never reach the dignity nor the sal
ary of a "crack" salesman. The reason,
according to Mr. Bringham,fthej confidential '
cierk, who, for some cause or other, did not
regard our hero with a favorable eye, was
plain : "He was not made for the business."
The trouble appeared to bo that he would
not lie. As First Broadcloth expressed it>
"he was 100 honest— altogether." Hb had
"conscientious scruples," which would not
permit him to represent an article a hair's
breadth above its merits, for the rake of
"working it off." When asked by a dealer j
if a certain fabric was "imported," when he
knew that it was only imported from one of;
the four States of Massachusetts, Rhode Is
land, Connecticut, or New Jersey, he was
Very apt to tell the truth, sale or no sale, and
very moch to the disgust of First Broadcloth,
who "could not understand how he could be
guph a ninny." When asked if such and
such arl'dss were Frenfch or English, when
he knew ths' they were neither, but simply
domestic products, he had a habit of telling
the truth, which somef'mes choked off their
Bale, but did not choke him. When request
ed to give the lowest net prices of any par
ticular kind of goods, he did so by going
down to the lowest mark at once,— a proceed
ing which sometimes resulted in a sale, and
sometimes did not, but one which generally
won the confidence of the dealer, and in
duced him, when he called .again to look up
"the young gentleman who was so particu
lar"—rather choosing to buy of one who pre
ferred the truth U a bill, than o f one who
preferred a bill to the truth. In this way
Samuel created many friends, and lew or no
foes. City and country dealers who made
a purchase of iTim orrce, favored hint, most
generally, with a second trial; and, as they
invariably found that his statements bore the
tests of time and examination, in every par
ticular, they "stood by him" in Hade. It was
not, therefore, necessary for him to "watch ;
the arrivals" and "nub" his customers, when 1
they came again to town. They returned to |
him of their own accord, in spite of the j
"flattering inducements" of salesmen of oth
er houses, who "laid lor them" with all the
cunning of foxes, and "hung to 'em" with
the tenacy of bloodhounds. But in vain.— ]
The dealers "knew their men" and their j
man. Samuel was sale"—who bought of
him once, bought of him twice; "once a
customer, always a customer."
In business parlance, all this 'told,' in time
—slowly it may be, but steadily; and not ;
more steadily than surely. One drop shows :
but little in a bucket; but a regular succes- ;
sinn of drops fills H by and by to the brim.—
Calmly, then steadily, then and without noise,
ostentation or parade, Samuel passed tran
quilly on; gaining knowledge, experience,
and a friend or two at each step; laying a
broad, substantial foundation for lulura oper
ations; and manfully maintaining hie probity
and his spiritual trust, bravely and faithlully .
on the way.
His fellow clerks were somewhat slow, at
first, to comprehend tire chances of his suc
cess. 'Heis a good fellow,' they would say,
with a knowing wink; 'but not made for the
dry goods business. He is pious, amiable, '
and good ualured—a first rate fellow in heart '
and manners, but rather tender in the upper ■
story. Thinks money can be nude in our
business without oil (angelic* lying), soft soap :
and giirleting ( angelice gouging.) Greer., sir |
—green as the verdure of his native hills!'—
But somehow or other, these remarks which ,
were very common fcr a year or so fell grad- |
ually into disuse, and ceased, by anil by alio- ;
gather. In fact, it was noticed that Samuel ;
was not so very unsuccessful after all. lie did j
make some sales; and it was also observed, I
that city dealers whu bought of him once, |
came again, and again, and always bought of ,
him—every time.
The clerks pricked up their ears.
And some one else—Charley Gibbs-—•no
ticed that the country dealers within short dis
tances of the oily, who made a bill of Samu
el once, did precisely like the city dealers—
they called again, and again, and always
bought of him—Samuel. And as Charley
Gibbs was very friendly to Samuel, he took
care to impart the result of bis observation to
the rest, and—
The clerks turned iheireyes askant at each
othet.
By and bye, First Broadcloth made the in
teresting discovery thtt eighteen New York,
nine New Jersey, seven Pennsylvania, three
Yermont, six Canada, twelve Ohio, eight
Missouri,eleven Indiana, three Kentucky, six
lllti ois, nine Wisconsin, four lowa, seven
Georgia, and four South Carolina dealers bad
not Only repeated their calls and orders on
Samnel, but had also each introduced a broth
er dealer to bim, all of whom bought, and
all of whom promised to do what they could
in bringing bira other customers. He (First
Broadcloth) knew it to bt so, " because he
had seen, beard, and counted 'em."
The elerks looked down—tboug btfully.
And then they began to think that perhaps
Samuel's system was not so very stupid after
all. They did'nt know; but they thought so.
They might be wrong; there was no saying;
but of one thing they were certain—their cus
tomers didn't stick by them so steadily, nor
take a great deal of trouble to make others
for them. They had an idea that they could
say that— safely.
And yet they didn't know. Samuel's wsy
wasn't the regular way of doing things. They
had been in the business a good many years,
and they hud never done it in that fashion,
nor seen others do it in that way either.—
And yet, somehow, it—WORKED. There
was no mistake in that. It did dppear to
woek. And Samuel did seem to get along,
j and make fair bills, too. There was that
| hill which he made up yesterday with that
I Kllico'.tville fellow : it figured op over a
I thousand dollars—the second bill which El
] licottville had made with him. And yet
| Samuel didn't seem to think much of it, ei
| titer: as if he was used to it.
j The clerks were bothered.
*##••
I And yet Samuel's system does work ; and
; he don't use oil, soft soap, or gimlets.
Ye—yes. Thai's it. He does make sales
and customers, too. And yet—well, there's
jno saying what won't turn up next ! When
a man can do bushiest) on the next square in
dry goods, then look out for any thing, and
; don't be surprised.
But Samuel—Samuel ! How about him 1
| He's in dry goods—isn't he IHe sells, and
I on a square, too—don't he 1
There it is ! But how does he do it 1
Thai's the question. 1 couldn't do it—you
couldn't do it. And ho can. There it is !
But why not! I' is simply to tell the truth
insleud of a lie—which the dealer knows to
be a lie. That is common sense, isn't it ?
If Samuel can make trade that way, why
can't we !
There's the trouble. Samuel can stick to
the truth, because it's natural to him. Ev
ery body knows that, and expects it of him.
But we— we are not accustomed to it—it
wouldn't answer.
##*••••
This was a clincher. The clerks couldn't
get over it, and they concluded to "continue
in the good old way ;" that is, to serve their
country friends ' right'— wrong !
In the meanwhile, Samuel went on in hi*
way. and the system worked to a charm. It
was something so new and rare to dealers to
find a salesman who earried his Christianity
into bis business, that they couldn't help
speaking of it. Men will ta'.lr ef novelties!
Speaking of it led to letters ol introduction,
the letters of introduction led to Samuel, the
two led to trade, and tho trade led to bills.
This wu9 Mr. Townsend's method of reason
ing the matter, and he was not very fat out
of the way, in his commercial logic—gener
ally.
Charley Gibbs reasoned the point over,
too, and as he was a fellow of some moral
spirit, and never much given to extrava
gance ill anything—not even lit business
lying lie privately concluded to give Samu
el's system a trial, on his own account. The
result was slow, hut not less sure: and ere
long, ho detected First Broadcloth at the
same game. Shortly after, First Gotten fell
into it—sneakingly like, asif ho felt asham
ed of it: but after a while, a little more open
ly, and then boldly, like a man who knew
what was right, and wasn't afraid to do it;
or say it either.
From the Phila. American, Aug. 14.
MINNESOTA TICK KITO It Y.
A census of this beautiful ar.d flourishing
Territory has just been taken, am' enough re
turns have been received to warrant the state
ment tiial its aggregate population at this lime
is 06 000 souls. This is not sufficient to en
title the Territory to admission into the Union
as s State, nor does it appear to be the wish
of the inhabitants to apply just yet. Having
the territorial expenses paid by the national
governiiieul, they are not in a hurry to as
sume the responsibilities and burthens of an
independent Stale. Minnesota, owing to its
location in the remote and frigid north has
never been a bane of contention with sec
tional politicians, and disturbed by the agi
tation inseparable from slavery. Minnesota
contains tho last tragrnem of Ihe northwest
Territory, from which Ihe peculiar institution
was prohibited by the ordinance of 1787, but
it also embraces a vast quantity of other ter
ritory included between tho Missouri, Blue
Earth and Mississippi rivers, and the north
ern boundary ol the republic. A large por
tion of Ihe northern shore of Lake Superior
is in the Territory, and its whole surface is
interspersed so thickly with rivers and lakes
as to make it about the best watered portion
of Ihe Union. Its soil is everywhere very
fertile, and yields abundant harvests to the
farmer. Besides commanding the terminus
of the navigation of the great lakes, it con
tains the head of navigation on the Mississip
pi, borders for a great distance on the Missou
ri river, and has flowing through its heart the
Red river, whose waters empty into Hudrou's
Bay. All these consideration* indicate thai
Minnesota must some day become a migh
ty, populous and flourishing State. Her re
sources are unsurpassed. Wisconsin, direct
ly by ber side, has attained a growth which
is truly surprising. So also have Michigan
and Maine, whose latitude is about the same
as that of Minnesota. From these facts, it
is apparent that the high northern location of
Minnesota is no drawback noon her pros
pects. Those regions are peculiarly adapted
to the production of breadstuffs, and already
Wisconsin and Michigan are large growere
thereoi. On the northern boundary of the
Territory are several settlements founded by
[Two Dollars per ABBOM .
NUMBER 84.
I Lord Selkirk a portion of which are in Min
nesota. They have successfully braved all
the pefils of that remote Interior northern wil
dernesa, and maintained the commuoitiea oa
j (he banka of the Red river for many year*.—
When founded, they were alleuppoeed to be
on British territory; but when tbe northern
boundary of tbe United Statea waa adjualed
the aurveyora aacertained that a portion of
the aettlementa were on our ground. Upon
'he organika'ion of a Territorial government
in Minneaola they received attention, and
their district became a count}, which is reg
ularly represented in the Territorial Legiala
lure. The extension of aettlementa up tbo
head waters of the Mississippi has been of
great value to these isolated people, aflurd
ing them opportunities of obtaining supplies
of goods more easily. The succesa of their
aettlementa is evidence that even the moat
northerly parts of the Territory can and wilt
be used for settlement.
Whether the Red river of the north will
ever become of more than mere |gcal use for
navigation, is a problem yel to be solved.—
The settlements we have referred to as being
located upon it were established by vessels
which entered it from Hudson's Bay, after
crossing the Atlantic Ocean. They passed
Irom thai great bay into Nelson's river, thenoe
through Lake Winnephg, and so down into
Red river. What was thua accomplished
may be repeated; but we know so little of
that vast interior region of our continent, that
ia impossible to speak of its capabilities. On
the eastern continent climates in the same
latitude are believe ! to be essentially milder,
and settlements are established even on the
shores of the Arctic ocean or its bays. Thus
Archangel; one of the principal ports of Rus
sia, is on the White Sea, which can only be
entered from the Arctic ocean, The latitude
of the city is 65 degrees, and the approach
to it is much further north, while Hudson's
Bay and its approaches are far aouth of that
latitude. The Hudson's Bay Company have
five forts on the shores of the bay, all above
the 51st parallel, one being in latitude 59 de
grees. From their location on the shores
of the bay, we supposed that the compa
ny use it for their commerce in furs and pal
"y- _
Is UcdlcQl Reform Impyricisml
For some time past we have been fondly
hoping that an union of the scattered forces
of '-Medical Reform" would at no distant
day be effected upon a lasting and impreg
nable basis. As this fraternizing movcpieaf
approaches its acme we discover that there
oro i few n U r ranks who posse— so much
of the spirit of insubordination that they
cannot even submit to the restraints iflaf the
immutable natural principles of true medi*
cal science imposes; especially if these
truths happen to bo drawn up in the form
of-a "creed." Happily for our cause, how
ever these "wide liberty" advocates are
composed of but a small minority of new
school practitioners, and if we fail in con
vincing thorn of the policy of systematio
union, the dearest interests of the cause
demand that we leave them tho liberty to
select medicines or poisons, innocuous rem
edies, or destructive agencies, as their indi
vidual fancy may suggest—without princi
ples or fundamental truths 1o guide them:
Let them shun wild and fanatical empyric
ism as but they can; while those who aro
willing to be restrained and confined with
in the bounds of truth unite together upon
the general and (among us the) universally
admitted fundamental (ruths of medical sci
ence.
We are willing to allow a consistent lati
tude of opinion in all the details of medical
theory and practice. Indeed we are as truly
willing for all men to select what medical
principles they think most perfect as we are
that tht'y should select the best remedies or
course of treatment. But wo as medical re
formers profess to adopt a system of practice
which is in direct antagonism with the old
time system of poisoning; and why do we do
it? Why do we thus differ from the advocates
of old time physic? Because their practice
is unnatural and distinctive to human health
and life. But why do enlightened and
learned men adopt such a practice? Be
ciittse it is topically ile luced from abstruse "er
roneous principles that were never proved to
exist," and the principles being admitted
the practice must be legitimate.
Now medical reformers have demonstra
ted the absolute perfection (as far as this is
attainable by remedies at all) of an anti
destructive or innocuous practice, and if
from this a series of general truths, which
we call "medical principles," is correctly
induced, how can they be erroneous? how
can they be "restrictive"? how can a man
that adopts such principles be called "big
oted," "stupid," "ignorant," etc.? Is it not
probable tlrat these terms may be much
more truly applied to those persons who
profess to believe in and adopt such a prac
tice, and will not acknowledge such princi
ples? Without such fundamental truths to
guide us in the selection of remedies and
the application of curative processes our
boasted eclecticism is but wild and extrava
gant empyricism. What idea can scientific
men have of a medical science that is not
based upon some system of admitted facts,
as a guide in the practical application of
thoreapeutical agents? Can Aledical Re
form ever assume the exalted position in the
scientific world that its intrinsic excelletico
entitles it to while it appears before the
minds of men in its present unsystematized,
chaotic condition? These are questions
worthy the candid consideration of some of
our overzeaious, extralihtral reformers, and
for the purpose of properly systematizing
the great discoveries of modern times into a
legitimate science of medicine, if they are
not willing to assent to the " platform of
principles" adopted by the " Middle State*
Savans," we are, at least, ready to unite
with them ih the adoption of a better one
whenever by their extraordinary abilitiee
they discover the existence of general, nat
ural truths adapted to such a purpose.—Mod
ical Reformer.