THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
It W Weaver Proprietor.]
VOLUME 7.
THE STAR OF THE NORTH
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CHOICE POETRY.
THE BURSTING OF TIIE BUD.
Spring is coining—Spring is coming!
With her sunshine and her showers;
Heaven is ringing with the singing
Of the birds in brake and bower,
Buds are filling, leaves are swelling
Flowers on field, and bloom on tree,
O'er the earth and air and ocean,
Nature holds her jubilee.
Soft then stealing, comes a feeling
O'er my bosom tenderly;
Sweet and tender as I wander,
For my musings are of tbee.
Spring is coming—Spring is coming!
With her mornings fresh and light;
With her moon of chequered glory,
Sky of blue, and clouds of-white,
Calm, gray nightfall, when the light falls
From the star-bespangled sky,
While the splendor pale and tender,
Of the young moon gleams on high.
Still at morn, at noon, and even,
Spring is full of joy for me,
I ponder as I wander,
And my musings aro of thee.
Still on thee my thoughts are dwelling,
Whatso'er thy name may be,
Beautiful, beyond words telling,
Is thy presence unto me.
Morning's breakings find thee waking,
Wandering in the breezes' flight;
Noontide's glory mantles o'er thee
In a shower of sunny light:
Daylight dying, leaves thee lying
In the silvery twilight ray;
Stars look brightly on thee nightly
Till the coming of the day.
Every where and every minuto
Feel I near thee, lovely one;
In the lark and in the linnet
1 can hear thy joyous tone.
Bud and blooming mark the coming
Of thy feet o'er vale and hill;
And thy presence with life's essence,
Makes the forest heart to fill.
Low before thee, I adore thee,
LOVE CREATIVE, then I sing;
Novo I meet thee, and f greet thee
By the holy name of SPMNC.
Front Putnam's Magazine.
AMERICA FOR THE AMERICANS.
An Individual, masked under the vulgar
name of Sam, furnishes just now a good deal
more than half the palbulum wherewith
cenain legislators and journalists are fed.—
Whether he is a mythical or real personage
—a Magus or a monkey,—nobody seems to
know, but we are inclined to regard him as
real, because o( his general acceptance |
among Dalgetty politicians, and because of
the irresistible merriment his occasional
"coming down" on something or other af
fords the newspapers. We saw a paunchy
old gen lie man the other day, with a face
like the sun, only more red, and blue and
spotty, and dismally wheezy voice, who
came near being carried off with a ponder
ous apoplectic chuckle, when somebody
casually observed that "Sam was pitching
into the police," and he was only relioved
from the fatal consequences by a series of
desperate movements, which resembled those
of a seventy-four getting-under-weigh again
after the sudden stroke of a typhoon. Now,
il Sam was not nuquestionably a real per
sonage, and this old gentleman unquestiona
bly a real disciple of his, we are at a loss to
r account for the reality ol the photiomena
N thus exhibited.
\ But whether real ot mythical, it lias been
impossible (or us to raise our admiration of
SaM # fopular pitch. After doe anddilli
gent inquiry, :we have arrivej at only a mod
eratsetdwee of his qualities. Ir. fact, con
sidetiag the Mystery in which he shrouds
his ways, we ere disposed to believe that he
it mora ei • Jerry sneak than a hero. The
assumption at secrecy on the part of any
one, naturally starts our suspicions. We
cannot see why he should resin l 0 i t) jf |, O
harbors only jus* or genercis designs. We
nseooiate darkness ami night with things
(bt are foul, and we admire the saying, that
twilight even, though a favorite with lovers,
is else favorable to thieves. Schemes which
efcrink from the day, which skulk behind
centers, and wriggle themselves into ob
tain and crooked plaoes,'are not tbo schemes
*e love at a venture. And all the veiled
prophets, we apprehend, are veiy much like
that cue we read of in the palace of Merou,
who hid his face, as he pretended to his ad
mirers, becanse lite brightness would strike
them dead, but In reallity because it was of
mi ugliness so monstrous that no one could
look upon it and live.
There ia an utterance, however, imputed
to tbia impervious and oracular Sam, which
we cordially accept. He is said to have
taid that " America belongs to Americans,"
i—just an bit immortal namesake, Sam
Patch, said thai" some things could be done
at well as others,"—and we thank him for
the concession. It is good, very excellent
good,—an the logical Touchstone would
have exclaimed, provided you put a proper
meaning to it.
What is America, and who are Ameri
cans? It all depends upon that, and, accor
dingly as you answer, will the phrase appear
ynry wine ot very fooljsh. If you aro deter
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY. JUNE 21, 1855.
mined to consider America as nothing more
than'.he two or ih-ee million square miles
of dirt, included between the Granite Hills
and the; Pacific, and Americans as those
men exclusively whose bodies happened to
be fashioned from il, we fear that you have
not penetrated to the real beauty and signifi
cance of the terms. The soul of a muck-'
worm may very naturally be contented with
identifying itself with the mould from which
it is bred, and into which it will eoon be re
solved, but the soul of a man, unless we are
hugely misinformed claims a loftier origin,
and looks forward to a nobler destiny.
America, in our sense of the word, em
braces a complex idea. It means, not simp
ly the soil with its coal, cotton, and corn, but
the nationality by which that soil is occupi
ed, and the political system in which sueh
occupants are organized. The soil existed
long before Vespucci gave it a name, —as
long back, it may be, as when the morning
stars sang together,—but the true America, a
mere chicken still, dales from the last few
years of the eighteenth century. It (ticked
its shell for the first lime amid the cannon
volleys of Bunker Hill, and gave its first
peep when the old State at Phil
adelphia rang oat " liberty to all the land."
Before that period, the straggling and de
pendent colonies which were here were tha
mere spawn of the older nations—the eggs
end embryos of America, but not the full
fledged bird. It was not until the political
Constitution or 'B9 had been accepted by the
people that America attained a complete
and distinctive existence, or that she was
able—continuing the figure with which we
began—to spread her "sheeny vans," and
shout a cock-a-doodle to the sun.
It would be needless, at this day, to slate
what are the distinguishing principles of
that political existence. They have been
pronounced ten thousand times, and resumed
as often in the simple formula which every
school-boy knows—the government of the
whole people by themselves and for them
selves. In other words, America is the dem
ocratic republic—not the government of the
people by a despot, nor by an oligarchy, nor
by any class such as the red-haired part of
the inhabitants, or the blue-eyed part; nor
yet a government for any other end than the
good of the entire nation—bnt the democrat
ic republic, pure and simple. This is the
political organism which individualises us,
or seperales us a living unity from all the
rest of the world.
All this, of course, would be too elemen
tary to be recounted in any mature discus
sion, if recent events had not made it neces
sary to an adequate answer of our second
question—who, then, are Americane? Who
constitute the people in whose hands the
destinies of America are to be deposited?
The fashionable answer in these times is
" the natives of this Continent to be sure !"'
But let us ask again, in that case whether
our old friends Uncas and Chingachgook,
and Kang-ne-ga-bow-wow—whether Walk
in-the-water, and Talking snake, and Big
yellow-lhundcr, are to be considered Ameri- 1
cans par excellence'! Alas! no; for they,
poor fellows! are all trudging towards the set
ting Bun, and soon their rod and dusky fi
gures will have faded in the darker shadows
of the night! Is it, then, the second genera
tion of natives—they who are driving them
away—who compose exclusively the Amer
ican family ? You say yes; But we say no!
Because, if America be as we have shown,
more than the soil of America we do not seo
how a mere cloddy derivation from it enti
tles one to the name of American. Clearly,
that tittle car.not enure to us from the mere
argillaceous or sillicious compounds of our
bodies—clearly, i'l descends from no vegela
ble ancestry—and it must disdain to '.race
itself to that simple relationship to physical
nature which we chance to enjoy, in com
mon with the skunk, the rattlesnake, and
the catamount- All those are only the natu
ral production of America—excellent, no
doubt, in their several ways—but the Amer
ican man is BO'.nelhing more than a natural
product, boasting a moral of spiritual geno
sis; and referring his birth right to the im
mortal thoughts, which are tho soul of his
'Aistitutions, and to the divine affections,
which lift his polities out of the slime of state
craft, into the air of great humar.itary pur
poses.
The real American, then, is he—no mat
ter whether his corporal cbemestry was first
ignited in Kamschalka or the moon—who,
abandoning evory other country and for
swearing every other allegiance, gives his
mind and heart to the impulses and ends ill
which and by which alone it subsists. If we
have arrived at years of discretion—if he
produces evidence of a capacity to under
stand the relations he undertakes—if ho has
resided in tire atmosphere of freedom long
enough to calcb its genuine spirit—then is
he an American, in the true and boat sense
of tho term. '
Or, if not an American, pray what ii he?
An Englishman, a German, an Irishman, he
can no longer be; he has cast the slough of
his old political relations forever : he has as
serted bis sacred right of expatriation (which
the United States was the first of nations to
sanction) or been expatriated by bis too ar
dent love of the cause which the United
States represents; and he can never return
to the ancient fold. It would spurn him
more incontinently than powder spurns the
fire. He must become, then, either a wan
derer or an nondescript on the face of the
earth or be reoeived into oar generous re
publican arms. It is our habit to say that
we know of no race or creed, but the race
ol man and the creed of democracy, and if
he appeals to us, as a man and as a Demo
crat, there is no alternative in the premises.
Truth aid Right Cod and our Country.
We mutl either deny his claims altogether
—deny that be is a son of God and our
brother—or else tee must incorporate him
in due season into the household. It is not
enough that we offer him shelter from the
rain—not enough that we mentl his looped
and windowed raggedness—not enough that
we replenish his wasted midrtfT with bacon
and homony, and open to hi* palsied- hands
an opportunity to toil. These are commend
able charities, but they are such charities as
any one, not himself a brute, would willing
ly extend to a horse found astray on the
common. Shall we do no more for our fel
lows ? Have we discharged our whole du
ty, as men to men, when we have avouched
the sympathies we would freely render to a
cat? Do we, in truth, recognise tiieir claims
at all, when we refuse to confess that higher
nature in them, whereby alone they •
men, and not stacks or animals? More
than that: do we not, by refusing to confess
a man's manhood, in reality heap him with
the heaviest injury it is in our power to in
flict, and wound him with the bitterest in
sult his spirit can receive.
We can easily conceive the justness with
which an alien, escaping to our shore from
the oppression of his own country, or volun
tary abandoning it for the sake of a better
life, might reply to those who receive him
hospitably, but deny him political associa
tion: " For good will, I thank you—
for the privilege of toiling against the grim
inclemenoies of my outcast and natural con
dition, which you offer, I thank you—for the
safeguard qfyour noble public laws, I thank
i you; put the blessed God having made me a
man, as well as yon—when you refuse me
like the semi-barbarians of sparta, all civil
life—when, with Jewish exclusiveness,you
thrust me out of the holy temple, as a
mere proselite to the gate—your intended
kindnesses scum over with malignity, and
the geniel wihe cup you ofler brims with
wormwood and gall."
We are all aware of the kind of outcry
with which such reasoning is usually met.
We know in what a variety of tones—from
the vulgar growl of the pot-house pugilist to
the minatory shriek of the polemic, frenzied
with fear of the Scarlet Lady—it is pro
claimed that all foreign infusions into our
life are venomous, and ought to be vehe
mently resisted. Nor do we mean to deny
the right of every community to protect it
self from hurt, even to the forcible extrusion,
if necessary, of the ingredients which threa
ten its damage. But that necessity must be
most distinctly proved. The case must be
one so clear as to leave no doubt of it, as an
absolute case of self-defence. Now, there
is no such overruling necessity with us as to
compel either the exclusion or the extrusion
of our alien residents. They are not such a
violent interpolation, as when grains of sand,
to use Coleridge's figure, have got between
the shell and the flesh of the snail—that
they wilt kill us if we do not put them out
and keep them out. A prodigious hue and
cry against them wakes the echoes of the
vicinage just now, such as is raised when a
pack of hungry foxes stray into the honest
hen roost, but the clamor is quite dispropor
tionate to the occaston. The foxes are by no
means so numerous or predaciouß as they
are imagined to be, and there is no danger
of them for tho future that we need to be
transfixed with fright, ot scamper away in a
stampede of panic terror. The evils which
our past experience of Naturalization has
made known to us—for there are some—are
not unmanageable evils, requiring a sudden
and remedy, and menacing a dis
astrous overthrow unless they are instantly
tackled. The mo3t of them are like the oth
er evils of our social condition—mere inci
dents of an infantile or transitional state—of
a life not yet arrived at full maturity—and
will be worked off in the regular course of
things. At any rato they solicit no head
strong, desperate assault; only a conscious
ness, of what and where our real strength is,
and patient self-control.
On the other band, it is a fixed Anviction
of ours, in respect to this whole subject of
alions, —that there is much less danger in
accepting them, under almost any circum
stances, than there would be in attempting
to keep them out. In tho lallor case, by
seperating them from the common life of'he
community,—making them amenable to
laws for which they are yet not responsible,
—taxing them for the support of a govern
ment in which they are not represented,—
calling upon tbem for purposes of defence
when they have no real coantry to defend ;
—we should in effect erect them into a dis
tinct and subordinate class, on whioh we
bad fastened a very positive stigma or degra
dation. How lamentable and inevitable
the consequences of suoh a social oon
hrait.
The reader, doubtless, has often seen a
wretched oak by the way-side, whose trunk
is all gnarled and twisted into knots; or he
may have passed through the wards of a
hospital, where beautiful human bodies are
eaten with ulcere and sores; or he may have
read of the Pariahs of India, those vile and
verminous outcasts, who live iu hovels
away from the cities, and prey on property
like rats and weasels; or again chance may
hive led him through the Jews' quarters,
the horrid ghlttos of the old continental town,
where squalor accompanies ineffable crime:
or, finally, his inquiries may have made
him familiar with the free blacks ot his own
country, with their hopeless degradations
and miseries! Welt if these experiences
have been his, he has discerned in them the
exponents —in some, the symbols, and in
others, the actual effects—of tbe terrible spir
it of exclusion, when it is worked out in so
ciety. For, it is a universal truth, that what-
ever thing enjoys bnt a partial participation
of the life to which it generically belongs,
get, to the extent of the deprivation, disea
sed. It is also a universal truth, that the
spread of that disease will, sooner or later,
affect the more living members. Make any
CIRSS of men, for instance, an exception in
society j set them apart in a way which shall
exclude them from the more vital circula
tions of thai society j place them in relations
which shall breed in them a sense ol aliena
tion and degradation at the same time—and
they must become either blotchers, or para
sites, which corrupt il; or else a band of
conspirators, more or less active, making
war upon its integrity.
Let us suppose that some ruler, a Louis
Napoleon or Dr. Francia. should decree that
all the inhabitants of a ceriaiq country, of
ot.li.jnc ui Jefeoilro violon, should bo rigidly
confined to one of the lower mechanical oc
cupations, would' not all the squint-eyed
and short-sighted people be immediately de
graded in the estimation of the rest of the
community? Would not the feeling of (hat
debasement act as in perpetual irritant to
their malice—lead them to hale the rest and
to prey upon them—and so feed an incessant
feud—open or sinister, as the injured party
might be strong or weak—between the stra
bismic families and those of a more legiti
mate ocularity ? In the same way, but with
even more certainty and virulence of effect,
any legal distinctions among apeopfe, found
ed upon differences of birth or race must
generate unpleasant or pernicious relations,
which, in tlig end, could only be maintain-,
ed by force. Say to the quarter million j
of foreigners who annually arrive on our'
shores, that, like the meloikoi and perioikoi of
the Greeks, thoy may subsist here, but noth
ing more; that the privileges of the inside of
the city, suffrage, office, equality, ambition,
are closed to them ; that they may sport for
our amusement in the arenas, look on at our
courts, do our severer labors for us, and rev
erently admire our greatness : but that they
shall have no part nor lot in that political lite
which is the central and distinguishing life
of the nation, and so forth; you convert them,
infallibly, into enemies—into the worst kind
of enemies, too--because internal enemies,
who have already effected a lodgment in the
midst of your citadel. Coming as an inva
ding army—these thousands—with avowed
unfriendly purposes—they might easily be
driven back by our swords ; but coming here
to settle and be transmuted into a caste—in
to political lepers and vagabonds—they would
degenerate into a moral plague which no
human weapon could turn away. Proscri
bed from the most important funotions of the
society in which tbey lived, they would cher
ish an interest separate from the general in
terest, and, as they grew stronger, form them
selves into an organized and irritable clan
ship. Their just resentments, or their in
creasing arrogance, would sooner or later
provoke some rival faction into conflict, and
then the deep-seated, fatal animosities of race
and religion, exasperated by the remem
brance of injuries given and taken, would
rage over society like the winds of the sea.
History is lull of warnings to us on this
head. No causes were more potent, in sun
dering the social lies of the ancient nations,
than the fierce civil wars which grew out of
the narrow policy of restricting citizenship to
the indigenous races. No blight has fallen
with mote fearful severity on Europe than
the blight ofclass domination, which, for cen
turies, has wasted the energies and the vir
tues, tho happiness and the hopes of the mas
ses. Nor is there any danger that threatens
our own country now—scarcely except sla
very—more subtile or formidable (hat the dan
ger which lurks in those ill-suppressed ha
treds of race and religion which some per
sons seem eager to foment into open quarrel-
Already the future is walking in to-day. The
recent disgraceful exhibitions in this city—
tho armedatid hostile bands which are known
to be organized—the bitter taunts and en
counters of their leaders—the low crimina
tions of tho Senate-House —the pugilistic me
lee, ending in death—the instant and univer
sal excitement—the elevation of a bully of
the bar-room into the hero of a cause—the
imposing funeral honors, rivaling in pageant
ry and depth of emotion, the most solemn
obsequies that a nation could decree its no
blest benefactor—all these are marks of sore
ness which needs only to be irritated to sup
purate in social war.
Our statesman at Washington are justly
sensible of the dangers of sectional divisions;
but no sectional divisions which it is possi
ble to arouse aro half so much to be dreaded
as an inflamed and protracted contest between
natives and aliens, or Catholics and Protest
ants. The divisions which spring from ter
ritorial interests appeal to few of the deeper
passions of the soul, but the divisions of race
and religion touch a cord in the human
heart which vibrates to the ictensest malig
nity of hell. Accordingly, the pen of the his
torian registers many brutal antagonisms—
many lasting and terrible wars; but the most
brutal of all those antagonisms—the most las
ling and terrible of all those wars, are the
antagonisms of race, and tbe wars of reli
gion.
It will be replied :o what we have hitherto
urged, that our argument proceeds upon an
assumption that aliens are to be totally exclu
ded from politioal life, whereas nobody pur
poses such a thing, but only a longer prepar
atory residence.
" We rejoin, that the persons and parties who
are now agitating the general question, be
cause they propose the exclusion of adopted
citizens from office, do, in effect, propose a
total political disqualification of foreigners.
All their invectives, alt their speeches, all
their secret assemblages, have this end and
no other. They agree to ostracise politically
every man who is not born on our soil; they
conspire not to nominate to any preferment,
not to vote for any candidate who is born
abroad ; and these agreements end conspira
cies are a present disfranchisement, so far as
they are effective, of every adopted citizen,
and a future anuthemaof every alien. Wheth
er the aim be accomplished by public opin
ion. by secret conclave, or by law, the con
sequences are the same ; and the general ob
jections we have alleged to the division of
society into castes apply with equal force.
We rejoin again—in respect to the dis
tinction made between a total exclusion of
foreigners, and a change in the naturaliza
tion laws—that it is a distinction which real
ly amounts to nothing ; for, firstly, if the pro
bation be extended to a long period—sav
twenty-one years, as some recommend—it
would be equivalent to a total exclusion : and,
secondly, if a shorter period, say ten years,
be adopted, the change would be unimpor
tant, because no valid objection against tho
present term of five years would thereby be
obviated. Let us see for a moment.
Firstly, as to the term ot twenty-one years -
We say that, inasmuch as the majority of
foreigners who arrive on our shores are twen
ty-five years of age and over when they ar
rive, if we impose a quarantine of twenty
one years or more, they will not be admitted
as citizens until they .shall have reached an
age when the lardy boon will be of little val
ue to tliern, and when their faculties and
their interests in human affairs will have be
gun :o decline. Whether they will care to
solicit their right at that period is doubtful,
and, if they do, they can regard it as scarcely
more than mockery. How many of them
will live to be over lorly-five or fifty years
of age, if we leave them in tho interval to
loiter in the grog-shops, amid scenes of vice,
as they are more likely to do il not absorbed
into the mass of citizens? How many, hav
ing passed twenty-one years of political ban,
and even ignominy—for it would come to
that—would be thereby better prepared for
adoption .' The younger ranks of the emi
grants might possibly benefit by the hope of
one day becoming citizens, and look forward
to it with some degree ot interest, but to all
the rest it would be a fata morgana, and
the protracted test virtually an interdiction.
Secondly, as is any shorter novitiate—say
inn or twelve years—it would not be more
effective, in the way of qualifying the pupil,
than the existing term. As the law now
stands, an alien giving three years notice of
intention, must have been five years consec
utively a resident of the United States, and
one year a resident of the State and county
in which lie applies— must be of good moral
character —must be attached to our constitu
tion and laws—must abjure all foreign pow
ers, pailicularlv that he was subject to—and
must swear faithful allegiance to the govern
ment of his adopted country—before he can
be admitted a member of the Stale. What
more could we exact of him, at the end of
ten years, or twenty ? In short, is there a
single disqualification which zealous nativ
ists are apt to allege against foreigners, suck
as their ignorance, their clannishness, their
attachment to foreign governments and their
subjection to the Roman Catholic Church—
which would be probably alleviated by means
of a more protracted embargo ? None: on
the contrary, us we have intimated in anoth
er place, all their worse qualities would be
aggravated by tbe exclusive association
among themselves for wo many years longer,
in which they would be kept—while they
would lose, as we shall show more fully,
hereafter, the best means of fitting themselves
for good citizenship, in losing tbe educational
influences of our actual political life.
It is true, in respect to the present laws of
naturalization, that our efforts have shown a
banelul laxity in enforcing their conditions,
and that our leading parties, corrupt every
where, and nowhere more corrupt than in
their modes of naturalizing foreigners ; but
there is no reason to expect that either courts
or parties will grow more sincere under more
stringent laws. They wilt have tbe same mo
tives, and be just as eager to license fraudu
lent voters then as they are now ; and the few
days before a great presidential election will
exhibit the same disgraceful scenes of venal
ity and falsehood. change in the
lime of the law, at any rate, can work any
improvement. Nor will such a change ren
der it any more difficult for (he dishonest al
ien to procure ihe franchise. He can just a
easily swear to a long residence as a short
one; while it will happen that the rarer we
make the privilege, the more we increase Ihe
difficulties of access to it, the longer we post
pone the minority, the greate- will be his in
ducements to evade the law. In proportion
as a prize becomes more valuable, the temp
tations to a surreptitious seizure or itincreaee,
but where an end is easily achieved,tbe troub
le of wailing till it be obtained in the regular
way is preferred to the hazards of a clandes
tine or criminal attempt to carry it off.
Besides, it is a puerile piece ot injustice
towards the alien to inflict him with a disa
bility because of our own laches. We have
faitsd to administer our laws as they should
be, and, experiencing some injury in conse
quence, we torn round to abuse the foreign
er, like a foolish and petulant boy who kick*
the stone over which he stumbled. The
more magnanimous as well as sensible course
would be to amend our faults. Let us make
the five years of probation what the courts
may easily make them, by rigidly exacting
ihe criieriona of the law—on interval of real
preparation for citizenship—and tbe present
term will be found long enough. But wheth
er long enough or not, the question of time—
that is, whether if shall be five or ten—is •
simple question of internal police, not of last
ing principles, to be determined by tbe facts
ol experience, and by no means justifying
the virulent and wholesale denunciations ol
foreigners, it is tbe fashion with some to ful
minate.
A Heart that Is True.
' 0 give fee a heart that is trup,
That will cling through thechanges of years
And solaoe when sorrows pursue.
And comfort in sadness and tears,
The spring-time of life is soon o'er.
Ana friendships are fleeing and few;
Amiust hopes that may brighten or lower,
0 give me the heart that is true.
O the dawn of the morWw may be
A joy amid gardens of bloom ;
But evening and darkness and woe,
May meet and embrace at the tomb.
A shadow may fall on the flower,
A blight where our proudest hopes grew;
Oh then, to that dessolate hour,
0 give me a heart that is true.
The pageant of wealth is a weed
That never hath root in the heart,
And beauty alone hath indeed
Nor fragrance nor joy to impart.
"V* 1 """ and tears.
Will bloom Willi neremal hoe;
O give me the faithful in years,
O give me a heart that is true.
The KnowNotblug Convention.
The Convention of the secret order sitting
in Philadelphia was terribly troubled with
the slavery question. The 31 Committee, by ,
a vole of 17 to 14, reported as follows :
Resolved, That the American parly hav
ing arisen upon the ruins and in spile of op
position of the Whig and Democratic parties,
cannot be held in any manner responsible
for tbe obnoxious acts or violated pledges of
either; that the systematic agitation of the
slavery question by those parlies hai eleva
ted sectional hostility into a positive element
of political power, and brought our instilu
tions into peril, il has therefore become the
imperative duty of the American party to in
terpose, for the purpose of giving peace to
the country and perpetuity to the Unron.—
That as experience has shown it is impossi
ble to reconcile opinions so extreme as those
which separate the disputants, and as there
can be no dishonor in submitting to the laws,
the National Council has deemed it the best
guarantee of common justice and of future
peace to abide and maintain the existing
laws upon the subject ol slavery, as a final
and conclusive settlement of that snbjoct in
spirit and in substance.
Resolved, That regarding it the highest du
ty to avow these opinions upon a subject so
important, in distinct and unequivocal terms,
it is hereby declared, as the sense of this Na
tional Council, that Congress possesses no
power under the Constitution to legislate up
on the subject of Slavery in the States, or to
exclude any Sla'e from admission into the
Union because her Constitution does or does
not recognize the institution of Slavery as a
part of her social system : and expressly pre
termitting any expressions of opinion upon
the power of Congress to establish or prohib
it Slavery in any territory. Il is the sense of
this National Council that Congress ought
not to legislate upon the subject of Slavery
with in the territories of the United States, and
that any interference of Congress with Sla
very as it exists in the District of Columbia
would be a violation of the spirit and inten
tion of the compact by which the State of
Maryland ceded the District to the United
States, and a breach of tho national faith.
Minority Report. —The minority resolution
was as follows : —Resolved, That the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise was an infrac
tion of tha plighted faith of the Nation, and j
that it should be restored, and that if efforts '
10 that effect shall fail, Congress should re
fuse to admit any State tolerating Slavery
which shall be formed out of any portion of
the territory from which tha! institntion was
excluded by that Compromise.
Tbe minority resolutions were signed by
the representatives of Pennsylvania, Ohio,
Connecticut. Maine, Massachusetts, Rode Is
land , Vermont, Indians, Wisconsin, Michi
'gaii, Illinois—twelve in all. Delaware and
New Jersey also endorsed the first clause.
New York, alone, of the Free Slates, went
for the majority resolutions, and, united with
Minnesota and the District of Columbia, en
abled the South to carry the majority report
in Committee.
In discussing the resolutions, Gov. Gardi
ner declared that neither he nor his State,
nor a majority of the free States, would abide
by Ihe resolutions first reported. The party
could not carry a village in Massachusetts
upon tliern. He charged the New York
Delegation with deserting (be North. Tbe
resolutions of Ihe majority will undoubtedly
pass.
Going to Sleep.
It is a delicious moment, certainly, tiiat of
boing woll nestled in bed, and feeling that
you shall fall gently to sleep. The good is
come, not past; the limbs have just been
tired enough to render the remaining in one
posture delightful; Ihe labor oi the day is
gone. A gentle failure of the perception
creeps over you : the spirit of consciousness
disengages itself more and more, and with
slow and hushing degrees, like a mother de
taching her hand from that of her sleeping
child, Ihe mind seems to have a balmy lid
closing over i, like the eye, 'tie olosed. The
mysterious spirit is gone to take ite airy
rounds.
tW A Mr. Rice ol Hallowell, Maine, has
invented a press by whioh he can print up
on any kind of carpet cloth, any figures and
colors. It is all done by machinery, carried
by steam, and the colors are struck through
by steam, and are said to be as good as thoee
wove in. Aboat four square yarde can be
printed by oae press each minute.
tF In order to give tone to the stomach,
it is recommended to to (wallow the dinner
bell
[TW# boilers per Jtftiita
NUMBER 22.
Seunlor lirintvr on thr Proscription of
Catholics.
The Ron.R. M.T. Hunter, ihbtllatinguish
ed United Stales Senator from Virginia, hit
lately been lending his power fill aid by
speeches in parts of that Btale, towards cau
sing the triumph ol the American national
feeling Over the Know-Nothing Conspiracy,
in the pending election for GoVetnor. Th
South Side (Va.) Democrat, gives us the fol
lowing passage from one of his speeches:
A BKAUTIFUI, SENTIMENT.—Among the
many fine passages in the speech of Mr. Hnh
ter on Tuesday night, none elicited more un
bounded applause than the following. We
do not of course pretend to give the exact
language, but the thought:
'Deprive' said he, 'the Catholics ol all tbd
offices, bar them out from every avenue to
pollilcat distinction, deny to them the oppor
tunities Which ywo accord Without hesitation
to Infidels and Atheists, and when you have
done it all, when you havb placed their hon
est ambition to enjoy the honors and emolu
ment of political preferment under the banot
a ruth loss proscription, your Wotk is not yet
finished.
'There will still remain offices for them.
Yes my friends) the sweet offices of Chris
tian love will still be left, and in the midst
of your persecutions, their Bishops and
i'riests as in the recent pestilence in your
Southern Cities, will throng the hospitals and
the peel bouses, bringing succnr and conso
lation to the poor victims of the plague.—
Aye, and thoir Sisters of Charity will still
brave (be terrors of loathsome and infectious
disease, will still wipe the death damp from
the suffering brow, will still venturo in when
the courage of man shrinks back appalled)
and will point the dying gaze through the
mysterious gloom of the Valley of the Ibad
ow of Death to the Cross and the Cruci
fied!-'
H'gh Life of a Banker.
Tiie recent failure of the Lancaster SavingA
Bank, judging from the tone of (he papers
there, continues to cause much excitement.
This is not surprising,considering the amount
of loss sustained by many dependent famil
ies. The defalcation of the Treasurer, we
understand was the result of extravagant liv
ing, speculations in real estate, and large op
erations in Shamokin coal stock. Tbe prob
ability is strengthening that the loss of de
positors will be nearly complete, and quite
equal to the first announcement. Bougbter,
we understand, had been unsuccessful in the
dry goods business before he went into the
institution, and though he accepted office at
a low salary, soon commenced an extrava
gant style of living; was a liberal church
giver, and ever had a band open to depend
ant friends. Notwithstanding all this was
seen, and generally known, thousands of
hard earnings were entrusted to his keeping
with as much confidence as though the
government treasury had been the recipient
of the amount. Depositors now raise their
hands in amazement, and wonder bow they
could have acted so blindly. How many
persons in (his city are monthly carrying their
little savings to the custody of men whose
honesty of purpose tbey know of no more
than did the Lanoaster people know of Bough
ter ?— Ledger.
Why there Is no Rain In Peru-
In Feru, South America:, rain is unknown.
The coast of Peru is within tbe region of
perpetual south-east trade winds. Though
the Peruvian shores are on the verge of the
great South Sea Boiler, yet it never rains
ihere. The reason is plain. The south-east
trade winds in the Atlantic ocean first strike
the water on the coast of Afiioa. Traveling
to the north-west, they blow obliquely across
the ocean until tbey reach the coast of Bra
zil. By this lime they are heavily laden
with vapor, which they continue to bear
along across tho continent, depositing it as
they go, and supplying with it the sources
of the Rio do la Plata snd the southern trib
utaries of the Amazon. Finally they reach
the snow-capped Andes, and here is wrung
from them the last particle ol moisture that
that very low temperature can extract.—
Reaching the summit of 7tbat range, they
now tumble down as cool and dry winds on
tho Pacific slopes beyond. Meeting with
no evaporating surface, and with no temper
ature colder than that to which they were
subjected to on the monntaia tops, they reach
the ocean before they become charged with
fresh vapor, and before, therefore, they have
any which the Peruvian climate oan extract.
Thus we see how the top of the Andes bo
comes the reservoir from which are supplied
the rivers of Chili and Peru.—Lisuf. Maury's
Geography of the Sea.
Ucuuttful Extract-
When the summer of youth Is slowly
wasting away on the iughtfal)of<age, aiidthe'
shadow of the past becomes deeper and
deeper, and life wears to its close, it is plea
sant to look through tbe vista op time vpon
the sorrows ani felicities of our earliest
years. If we have a borne to shelter, ami
hearts to rejoice with us, and friends have!
been gathered together around our firesidbs,
then tbe rough place of our wayfaring will
have been worn and smoothed away in tha
twilight of life, while tbe many spots we
have passed through will grow brighter and
more beautiful. Happy, indeed, are they
whoee intercourse with tbe world baa net
changed the tone of their holier feelings, ot
broken those musical chords of the heart,
whoee vibrations are so melodious, so ten
der ami touching in tho evening of age.