THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
B. W. Wearer Proprietor.]
VOLUME 7.
THE S+AR OF THE NORTH
I* TV BUSH ID EVIRV THURSDAY MORNING 'BY
JR. W. WEAVER,
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POETRY.
THE lONtt OP Tne SWORDS
While cannon are thundering in the Crimea,
and grim-rfsaged war wears his most awful
front in Europe let our readers, happily re
moved from all the appalling scenes of bloody
strife between Rations, read and ponder ,l The
Hong of the Sword," an admirable and most
forcible parody of Hood's "Song of the Shiet."'
Weaty, and wounded, and woful,
Wounded and ready to die,
A soldier they left, all alone and forlorn,
On the field of battle to lie.
The dead and dying alone
Could their presence and pity afford;
While with a sad arid terrible tone,
He sang the Song of the Sword.
w Fight! fight! fight!
Though a thousand fathers die;
Figlit! fight! fight I
Though thousands of children cry ;
Fight J fight! fight!
Whilst mothers and wives lament;
And fight! fight! fight!
While millions of money are spent.
"Fight! fight! figlit!
Should the cause be foul or fair;
Though all that's gained is an empty name
And a tax too great to bear;
An empty name and a paltry fame,
And thousands lying dead;
While every glorious victory
Must raise (he price of bread.
" W*r! war! war!
Fire, si.(l famine, and sword ;
Desolate fields and desolate towns;
And thousands scattered abroad,
With never a home and never a.shed,
While kingdoms perish and fall,
And hundredsef thousands are lying dead, I
And all*-for nothing at all.
Ahl why should such mortals as I
Kill those whom we neveroould halo
■Tie obay your Commander or die—
Tie the la* of the Sword and the Slate,
Foi we are the veriest slaves
That ever had their birth;
For to please the whim of a tyrant's will
is all our use upon earth.
" War! war! war!
Musket, and powder, and hall;
Ah! what do-we fight so for ?
Ah! why have we batiles at all?
'Tin justice neusl be done, they say,
The nation's honor to keep;
Alas! thai justice ie so dear,
And human life so cheap!
'Tis sed that a Christian land,
A professedly Christian slate,
Should thus despise that high command,
So useful and so greet,
Delivered by CHBIST himself on earth,
Our constant guide to be;
To "Love out neighbors as ourselves,
And Wens our enemy."
" War! war! war!
Misery, murder, and crime,
Are all the blessings I've seen in thee
Frcm my youth to the present time.
Misery, murder, and crime,
Crime, misery, murder, and woe;
Ah! would I had known inmy younger days,
In my hours of boyish glee, •
A tenth ot its misery;
I row had been joining a happy band
Ot wife and children dear,
And I had died in my native land,
Instead of dying here "
Weary, wounded, and worn—
Wounded, and ready to die,
A soldier they left all alone and forlorn,
On the field of battle to lie;
The dead and the dying alone
Could their presence and pity afford,
While thus with a tad and terrible lone,
(Oh! would that these truth* were more per
fectly known.)
He sang the "bong of the Sword.
The Boy That Could ho Trotted,
1 once visited a public school. At recast,
a little follow came up and spoke to the mas
ter ; as he turned to go down tba platform the
master said, " Thai it a boy 1 can trust. He
never failed me." I followed bim with my
eyes and looked at him when he look his
seat at recess. He had m fine, open, manly
face. I thought a good deal about the mas
ter's remark. What a character had that lit
tla boy earned! He had already got what
would be worth more to him than a fortune,
ft would be a passport into the best store in
(ha oily, and,.what if belter, into the confi
dence and respeot of the whole community.
I wonder if the boys know how soon they
•ra rated by older people. Every boy in the
neigboihoodls known, and opinion ta formed
of him; he hat a character, either favoiable
or unfavorable. A boy of whom the master
can my, " I can trnst him; he never failed
me," will never want employment. The fi
delity, promptness and industry which be
shows at school are in demand everywhere,
and are greatly prized. Be snre, boys, that
you earn a good reputation at school. Re
member, you are just where God placed you,
and your duties are notao muoh given you by
your teachers or your parents, as by God him
self. You must render an account to them
and you will also be called to render an ac
count to Him. Be trusty—bo true.
Cir W ill soon be heard—The gay song of
" little robin red breast, silting on a pole,"
and the meiiow toot-a-toot of the boatman's
horn.
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY, MARCH 22, 1855.
PEN, PASTE, & SCISSORS.
From Ike Hollidaysburg Standard.
17 Agricultural Fain—Farmers daughters.
67 Brewing—Trouble in the Cayenne
camp.
OF" " A thundering biglie*' ia now render
ed, "a fulminating enlargement of elongated
veracity." _
OF" Somebody, describing a beautiful lady,
says—"she has a face a painter might dwell
upon." Rather a broad face, that!
OT The man who undertook to blast bis
neighbor's prospects, used too sbott a fuse
and got blown up himself.
17 Gratifying—To be told Uu.t your pa
-1 per "is one of the best in town," after you
have been told a thousand times, at least,
that it was one of the best published in the State.
Pliancy our pheelinx!
I, OF* They must dress cool in Lafayette, In
diana. A young woman, on being asked if
she intended to wear that fingerring tocburch,
said the did not intend to wear " anything
else!"
17 One of the greatest luxnries of life is
to pay a bill; and yet tbere are some people
we know of, who never indulged in the thing
at ail. Let such '.urn square round and en
joy the luxury !
17 A GOOD HIT.—A few days since, in
the North Carolina Legislature, while a bill
was pending which imposed a fine for sell
ing liquor to free negroes, a member object
ted on the ground that "such a law would
make the free negroes more deceot than the
whiles!"
17 An exchange states that several hun-'
dred barrels of snails have been imported in
to this country as an article of diet. Pickles
thinks the Harrisburg landlords must be feed
ing the members of the Legislature on tbern
judging from their motions.
OF A RASE CALUMNY.—In a recent article (
says.—City girls are such touch
me-not creatures, that no one, understanding
the nature of the animal, would venture on
a kiss, unless he wanted to get his mouth
full of magnesia and carmine !
OT An old bachelor saya that the young
ladisa who rejoice in a multiplicity uf rings,
chains, lockets, etc., to the unparalleled ex
tent now fashionable, should be labelled like
watches in windows—'' warranted full jew
elled."
17 There is a maiden lady in Connecti
cut who is so oxactljmice in her nottona'ol
female modesty, that she turned off her wash
erwoman because she put her clothes in the
same tu() with those of a young man !
Or (l is all very well to say, "ifcontent
ed, you are rioh," for those who have a taste
that way ; but for our part, we prefer Ibe re
verse—^" if rich, youare contented." Itcoin
cides more naturally with the infirmities of
human nature !
17 A cotemporary describing a dance at
a country village in his neighborhood, says;
—" The gorgeous strings of glass beads glis
tened on the heaving bosoms of the village
belles, like polished rubies resting on the sur
face of warm apple dumplings." Did you
ever!
It is said to have been satisfactorily de
monstrated that every time a wife scolds
her husband, she adds a new wrinkle to ber
face. It is thought that the announcement
of this fact will have a most salutary effect,
especially as it is understood that every time
a wife smiles on her husband it will re
move one of the old wrinkles!
We understand that a young lady who dis
liked to go out walking because some low
mechanic was always speaking to her, is
about purchasing a small balloon to do her
visiting and shopping in. Rather an eleva
ted arrangement, that. Presume she'll man
ufacture her own gas I
How to Kola • SOB.
1. Set him the example in the use or in
toxicating drinks.
2. Let him have hir own way—the "lar
gest liberty," so facinating to the imagination
of "Young America."
3. Allow him the free use ol money, with
out any restraining sense of responsibility to
parent or guardian.
4. Suffer him to wander where he pleases
on the Sabbath, and to spend his evenings
from home.
5. Give him the freest access to wicked
companions, who make a mock of all that is
good, and condemn all authority.
6. Furnish him with no high aim in life,
and no steady employment. It might hin
der the development of bis genius.
Pursue all or any of lhee ways, and you
will experience a most marvellous deliver
ance, if you have act to mourn over a deba
sed and ruined ohiid.
'Thousands of parenu have practically
adopted these rules ir. the management of
their children, and the results have been ex
actly what one might anticipate—"Their gray
hairs have been brought down with sorrow
to the grave."
THC HUMAN HURT.—The Human heart is
like a garden hedged with thorns. You muet
pass through the difficult enclosure before
you con pluck its blossom. As one will take
most pains to secure a violet that flourishes
in a dangerous place, so the fair growth of
the heart, when gained after seeking.become
of exceeding value. They are worth striving
after—for where are the flowers with lima so
exquisite, with odors so transporting, u those
that shoot from the soil of the Human Heart.
SPEECH OF HON. C. B. BCCKALEW,
DELIVERED IN THE PENNSYLVANIA
SENATE, MARCH 6, 1865.
Upon Ike Joint Reeolution Proposing Amend
ments to Ike Constitution.
Ma. SPEAKER:—Objection haa been made
to the language in which the proposition!
before us are expressed. Tbe objection is
well taken, but it is not an important or con
trolling one, and should not effect tbe action
of tbe Senate. The resolution does contain
what is essential to accomplish the objects
intended, and can be supported without re
proach, although its phraseology be shown
I to be unpolished, ungrammatical and innao-
I curate. It oannol be amended, and uiut
be adopted or defeated as it stands; and
certainly a question of mere style sinks into 1
insignificance in presence of the large anb
jects presented by tbe resolution. Of those
subjects I intend to speak, and shall dismiss
at once and finally matters of verbal criti
cism.
This resolution contemplates two amend
ments of the Constitution ; tbe first to pre
vent the creation of a Stale debt, ibe other
to prohibit what are known aa municipal
subscriptions. In short, it is proposed to es
tablish effective constitutional barriers against
public indebtedness.
Sir, our financial experience in tbia State
goes for something. Adversity teaches wis
dom, when argument i unheard or disre
garded. Tbe evils of a State debt were fore
told, without effect, at die several periods
when our present burthen* were contracted.
The vices and dangers of connty and other
municipal indebtedness have been, more re
cently, urged upon unmoved majorities in
the Legislature. But the people have felt
the evils of your policy, and see distinctly
the dangers attending its continuance. I be
lieve they will gladly adopt these amend
ments if submitted, and regarj them as val
uable securities against legislative weakness,
corruption and folly.
The Stale debt is over forty millions of
dollats, upon which the sinking fond makes
but slight impression. Divided equally, it is
t'venty dollars to every inhabitant. Dpon it
we pay two millions yearly as interest. Our
annual appropriation bills are four or five
million*, in prosperous limes we are cramp
ed in our finances, and are, in order to avoid
new loans, anticipating the revenue of fu
ture years. It would be difficult to weather,
with untouched honor, a serious financial
crisis, although possessed of great resources
and wealth. These are khowu fact*, and
they speak an emphatic condempation of
our past policy.
Sir, it is difficult to resist appropriations in
the Legislature. Sectional and individual
interests, well represented and ably urged,
bear down public considerations and secure
the sanction of majorities. If defeated, they
return with increased energy and appetite to
assault the treasury, and too often succeed.
Take the case of claim bills. Many of these,
rejected after hid examination, upon being
again introduced ate carried. In some in
stances two or three decisions against a
claim aro overrulled upon a third or fourth
trial. Time, which weakens or destroys the
force of a pecuniary demand in the courts,
aopear here to confer strength and contribute
to success. *
The right to impose taxes, is one of the
most searching and fearful powers of gov
ernment. Standing upon grounds
ty, its rightfnl exercise is unquestioned and
unopposed: and the citixen contributes from
his earnings to the public service, without
reluctance or regret. But when the objects
of outlay which call 'the power into action
are unwise and profligate, the time lor com
plaint has come; and popular securities are
demandable upon every ground of expedi
ency and justice. It is idle to condemn the
past, without a view to amendment. When
taxea, hardly earned by many who pay
them, are swallowed up in Gettysburg rail
roads and Erie extentions, protection for the
future becomes the dictate of prudence and
sense. The citixen may justly grudge the
taxes applied to unproductive improvements,
to stale claims, and to interest upon debts
improvidenlly contracted, and owes it to
himself and to the cause of good government
to seek securities against further imposi
tions.
Can it be denied that in tbie State, eome
security it required against the conttacting
of public debts 1 Have our publio men
changed, and become altogether wise, inde
pendent and disinterested ? Have local in
terests cultivated the virtue of moderation
and become jealous guardians of the publio
credit and honor ? Is the race of expectant
contractors and jobbers less greedy or less
influential than formerly. Will candidates
for ofhce never tender appropriations from
the Treasury as the price of popular support ?
And, are we certain that no movement will
ever be made to cast upon the State the in
debtedness of counties and other municipali
ties, contracted for purpoaea of publio im
provement?
If, then, seourity against a new debt or an
increased debt be nsoeaaary, where shall
that security be found? As things stand,
certainly not in the courts, lor judicial res
traint can only be invoked in rare and ex
ceptional cases. Nor can we depend on the
Executive. The Veto, invaluable as it is,
has its limit of usefulness. Upon question
of expediency it will not be frequently in
terposed, nor can we insure the character of
future Executives to whose hands the pow
er will be confided. Public opinion acting
upon tbe Legislature, if all experience is not
at fault, is also an insufficient guard. It acta
imperfectly, wjihout sufficient force or
Tnrtfc sad Jtlffet Gad tad t* Caaßtrj.
promptness ; it is not always informed any
more than always regarded, and it may be
gteetly misled. Te curb the Legislature ef
fectually, we must amend the Constitution.
Thus only oan we establish solid barriers
against abuse.
Tbe Legislators shun Id have the full con
fidence end respect of the people; avd the
reasons why the fact is not so, ami why
constitutional restraints upon it are deman
ded, deserve to be clearly stated Some
plain words will be necesAry for this pur
pose, and lluy shall b* spoken.
It is clear to every attentive observer, that
onr Legislature is composed of defective ma
terials, and is subject to strong sinister influ
cos. In the first piece, the Jack
experience. Over three-fourths of the mem
bers ol tbe House of this
session ere new men. Sixty-seven were
new men at the last session. Of the thirty
two Senators I met here at my first session
in 1851, tne Senator from the City on my
left (Mr. Crabb,) alone remaina. All others
have passed from the scene, and have been
replaced, with the exception of the Senator
from Allegheny, (Mr. Darsie,) by men
"fresh from tbe ranks of the people." in
both branches rotation is the role, continu
ance the exception. Rules are justified by
the objects of their institution, end are valu
able only so far as they secure useful results.
Rotation is the means to secure certain ends;
to prevent the continuance in official life of
dishonest or incapable men; to curb the
pride of position, and to infuse into the pub
lic councils the elements of popelar opinion.
But the rigid enforcement of the rule in all
cases, begets evils in another direction
Frequent change fills the two Hooses with
inferior or inexperienced men, who, in torn,
are ostracised about the time they become
qualified toaerve the public with advantage.
A legitimate and just ambition in public men
is discountenanced, if not denied. A mem
ber of the Pennsylvania Legislature regards
himself as a temporary agent, whose duties
are comprised in getting some local legisla
tion lor his diatnol, and casting an occasion
al vote for his party. He fsels that no exhi
bition of ability, integrity and industry, will
insure bis continuance—that he is a man of
the moment, or if he have a future, it is to
be sought in another direction. Men of
(nettle and parts even, are brought to regard
a seat in the Legislature as but a stepping
stone to other positions more profitable,
honorable or permanent. Besides, inconse
quence of these rapid changes in official
fife, it cumea fo pass that saHMk Bring' an
political education, in its true sense, is al
most unknown amongst us. Who qualifies
himself by study, labor and reflection, for
public business? Those men who are elec
ted to your Legislature at the heels of
scrambling delegate elections, or occasional
volunteers, successful through impassioned
unions of temporary factions, and ejected the
moment their capacities have somewhat ri
pened by experience, are not olten men
who have qualified themselves beforelmnd
for the duties they are to discharge. The
discourse of Socrates with the young Athe
nian, who sought public position without
due qualifications, recurs constantly to the
recollection of the scholar incol-.sidering our
public affairs.
Sir, it is strange that our State makes so
small a figure, in view of this system of
change, which dwarfs her public men? By
rotation run mad, the character of our legis
lation is deeply and injuriously affveieri; our
State administrations are enfeebled and ren
dered unsatisfactory ; and our position in
| national councils made insignificant, if not
contemptible. Even into tbe management
of our public works this system of change
bss entered, with the most deleterious results.
It has largely assisted in training up, all over
the Stale, a ecatteied host of huntera for of
fice, poisoning our politics and corrupting
the public moral*. Every one is impelled
Ito make all he can during the brief period
I allotted him. Hie time is short; and some
hungry applicant impatiently awaits his i%-
tirement. Has he shown capacity, honesty,
independence ? No matter, the golden role
of rotation ia an answer to the plea of his
merits sod services, and the justification for
inducting an incompetent and greedy suc
cessor.
But we have to do at pnaftent with the
legislative department or the government
alone—with the effects produced by rotation !
of membership upon ite action. It is cer
tain, that from some cause oar legislation has
been extremely defective aud objectionable.
For instance, what a fearfully tangled, incon
sistent, and pernicious mass of corporate
legislation baa been inflicted upon the peo
ple of the Commonwealth, within the last
twenty years 1 Our Legislature has been
styled, "a corporation manufactory," and its
productions have borne the marks of haste,
of ignorance, of craft, ol injustice, and of ra
pacity. Our system of corporate legislation
—if system it can be called—is among the
most imperfect and injurious of all the known
productions ol free government. We have
created corporations to manufacture cloth,
iron and lumber) to quarry stone; to vend
hay and straw; to build houses and pur
chase and dicpose of lands: to pine coal and
oopper and lead; to make paper money and
disoouut notes, to insure property and lives;
to raise poultry and to catch horse thieves!
These sre samples of aots, requiring a vol
ume for their enumeration. Corporation#
may become stockholder# in each other,
counties, townships and boroughs,"are in
volved in railroad speculations; pursuits
which individuals can well conduct, are
surrendered up to corporate action. Many
corporation Sets have been oM out to the
private profit of those who procured them.—
Millions ol dollars have been directly made
out of acts passed, to say nothing of perni
cious result* afterward*. All this has come
oat of the people. Upon the broad and
burthened back of tbe laboring and produ
cing classes have fallen, in some form, all
the curses, exactions and injostice of the
system.
And the defective and injurious features
of our legislation can be attributed, in a
great degree, to the cause already mention
ed—the inexperience ef members under our
system of rapid rotation.
But, in tbe next piece, the Legislature is
subjected to strong sinister influences. A
portion of tbe members, upon many ques
tions, are controlled by sectional considera
tions. A representative of Adams is expec
ted to vote for the Gettysburg railroad; a
representative of Crawford for the Erie ex
tension, of Luzerne, for the North Branch
Canal; of Cambria, lor the Portage road, and
of Erie, for a guage law; without inquiring
very particularly into the wisdom of the
measure, so far a* the State is concerned.—
With them the local interest is paramount,
controlling the State interest is a secondary
consideration. It ia ever so, that near inter
ests are preferred to those that are remote.—
Consequent npon this, are legislative com
binations—tbe system of rolling, not logs,
but bills together, and carrying by a union
of forces what could not be cartied alone.—
A potent cause, also, of bad votes, is divided
responsibility. Tbe odium of a bad vole to
carry a bill, is shared with a large' number
and lessened by distribution. It seems hsrsh
to crush one fo: the fault of all. And when
the member stands behind a local, home
question, he confidently expects to be forgi
ven for all objectionable votes necessary to
acquire strength upon the one measure.
Added to these considerations, we are to
take into account the subject of Influence. —
Persuasion, interest'and fear, operating di
rectly, are not to be overlooked. Agents of
influence appear at the capilol, to prevent
the understandings or seduce the voles of
members; some,the avowed, and others the
secret instruments of internals abroad. Leg
islation is poisoned by their arts, and occa
sionally covered with reproach. No one ap
pears as the advocate of integrity , truth and
wisdom ; to confirm the wavering and en
courage the weak; to inspire hitn who con
tends for the right, and assist in crushing the
projects of speculation, folly and craft; but
members are left to the solicitations and ap
proaches of those whoso mission it Is te mis
lead.
Upon every ground stated—our experi
ence, the defective composition of the Leg
islature, and the existence of powerful influ
ences to disturb and prevent its action—l
conclude the constitutional amendment un
der consideration to be necessary for the
protection of the people.
The prohibition of municipal subscriptions
is next to be considered. Chief Justice
Marshell, in the celebrated Dartmouth Col
lege case, describes municipal corporations
as "bodies established within a Slate, for
purposes of internal government and regula
tion/' a description comprehending cities,
boroughs, incorporated districts, counties and
townships. At the session of 1858 iheques- j
tion came before the Legislature whether [
such bodies, in this Common * ealth, should
be authorized to subscribe to the Mock of !
railroad companies. The pioneer bill to the j
introduction of this policy, was one admira- '
bly calculated to render it successful. The I
Sunbury and Erie railroad company—the |
projected improvement of which was to ex- J
tend from Northumberland to Erie, through I
eight counties undeveloped in resources and i
anxious for its construction, and connected
directly with the trade and prosperity of
Philadelphia, toward which it pointed—was
the applicant for tbe bill. After a coolest the
bill passed and became a law, and forth
with a large number of bills, similar in char
acter, relating to other companies, were in
troduced as the natural result of its success.
Of. these some passed, some failed, two
were vetoed, and the adjournment left tbe
system somewhat unsettled, but with victory
inclining toward the side of innovation—
Among the bills passed at that session was
one relating to tbe Susquehanna railroad,
which led to prosecutions for bribery in the
counties of Northumberland and Union. At
the session of 1853, a large nomber of sub
scription bills were passed, with about eight
votes only against them in the Senate, and
general attention was awakened to the sub
ject. The question of the constitutionality of
such acts was subsequently determined by
the Supreme Court, three Judges to two af
firming their validity; and it was seen dis
tinctly that protection against the system
must be sought in an amendment of the
Constitution. Experienoe haa shotvn that a
hard pressed corporation act or supplement
csn rarely be opposed with success in the
Legislature, and in ibis case courts have in
formed us that they are powerless. As a
steady opponent of subscription bills from
the outset, I rejoice, therefore, at the oppor
tunity afforded by this joint ressolution, of
striking a final and deadly blow at a gross
abuse ef the powers of legislation.
The undoubted result Of the system of mu
nicipal subscriptions is to burden onr coun
ties cities and boroughs with large and ruin
ous debts. They are to run the same career
the State has run; to succeed her in a lina of
policy in the prosecution ot which she has
broken down, and whiob she is unable long'
et to prosecute from sheer exhaustion.—
Speculating interests cannot now draw upon
the State treasury for new outlays; they have
therefore, turned tfteit attention to the mum-
< cipalities within the Stele, end their erte ere
1 to be exercised to eeduce them into e career
of profligacy or folly. Withoot a oonsti'u
tionel check the system will go on until mu
nicipal credit iacrufhed, end local burthene
enough ere heaped up to awaken the gener
al indignation ol the people. But indigna
tion will then be too late to avert the evils
of the system ; thoee who have proepeted
upon the outlays incurred, will hold their
gains secure, and all obligations for subscrip
tions, loans, interest and guaranties ot stock,
will remain in full force, despite regrets, re
prosches and repentance.
But this system is to bo entered upon by
municipalities, under peculiar disadvantages
arising from their oipaaixauon. intended,
simply, as instrumentalities for local govern
ment and regulation, tbeir structure does not
qualify them for conducting commercial en
terprises, either alone or m conjunction with
business corporations.
A county acts through tti commissioners.
Under this system they make subscriptions,
execute bonds, negotiate loans, lay taxes,
and wield the electoral vote allowed the
county in the management of the botpota
lion to which a subscription is made. In
fact, these extensive powers may be exer
cised by two commissioners, the act ol a
majority being as valid as the act of all.—
And upon their action thsre Is ordinarily, no
check; against an unwise or profligate use
of their powers, no remedy. The previous
assent of a grand jury, or ol the people by
a public vote, to a subscription, is an insuf
ficient check, and besides does not apply to
any act of the commiMionor* altar the sub
scription is made. And who are the persons
to whom these extensive powers are con
fined ? Too often, it must be conceded, (hey
are men without qualificationa for the deli'
cale and important duties which this system
casts upon thera. Selected as candidates in
the midst of the intrigues, or in the baste of
a parly convention, and elected as part of a
partisan ticket, their Alness for judging large
and involved pecuniary" questions, is not of
the first order. Besides they are, to a great
extent, irresponsible. They are men who
expect no further promotion, and to wbom i
therefore, the good opinion of the public is
not a paramount, controlling consideration.
And how easy is it for a corporation seeking
a subscription to enlUt strong influences in
its favor; to manufacture an apparent pub
lic opinion and bear down the scruples or
i opposition of a refractory commissioner.
But it ia not my present purpose to go over
the argument! against municipal subscrip
tions, as they have been heretofore Hated in
the legislature and elsewhere. I hive dis
charged thai duty upon othir occasions, and
from the exam inatior. the subject has under
gone during the last three years, it has be
come familiar tc tbe public- I dismiss this
branch ol tbe debate, therefore, with the re
mark that the reasons before mentioned
which vindicate a constitutional limitation
against a State debt, apply with equal force
to the proposed limitation agaiuit municipal
aubsciiptions.
There are those who oppose all amend
ments of the Constitution, upon the ground
that they weaken the respect and veneration
of the people for that instrument. I agree
that the Constitution—the fundamental law
ought not to be changed "for light or tran
sient causes." Change should be preceded
by a deep conviction of fts necessity. Bat a
stupid, unreasoning fear ot change—some
times dignified by the name of conservatism
—is the influence ordinsrily to be eombatted
and repressed: end in the course of onr ex
perience, in the exigencies of our future
career, I doubt not that constitutional chan
ges will occasionally be found necessary to
tbe.security of our system of government
against abuse and dangers. The case may
be different with the Constitution of tbe U.
S. It is the doctrine of the courts and of
statesmen, that while the general govern
ment possesses only legislative powers as
are expressly granted, the Stale government
possesses til such as are not expressly with
held—in other words, that the constitution
i ality of an act of Congress is a question of
the grant, and tbe constitutionality of the
act of a State legislature, is a question of the
limitation of a power. Under ibis rule of
constiuction, il is evident that in unforseen
cases for which no provision is made, and
where limitations are found necesaary, the
Constitution of the Stale will requite amend
ment and that of the Union will not. There
can be little danger ia view of this, and of
tbe dtfficultios in tbe way of amendment in
terposed by the Constitution itself, that our
Slate Constitution will be too frequently
amended.
Mr. Speaker, I have now concluded what
I purposed suying upon this resolution. I
hope it may pass. I believe it to be • wise
and salutary measure, and one that will meet
the general concurrence of the people. At
all events, it is proper we should tend it to
them for their decision at the fall election,
pursuant to the 10th article of the Constitu
t'oD' . . . _ _
In answer to the numerous inquiries, we
would state that the late act of Congresa, the
salary of the chief Justice of tbe Supreme
Court of the United Btatea has been raised to
86,500 per annum and salaries 6f the associ
ate justice to 86,000 per annum.— Wash Un
ion.
TatFLSi—Never be Cast down by trifles.
If a spider breaks hi* web twenty times,
I wenly limes he will mend it again. Make
tip your miods to do e thing and yon will do
it. Fear not, if trouble comer upon you,
keep yout spirit though the day ba a dark
one<
[Two Btlltri per ktmm
NUMBER 9.
FOREIGN NEWS. !
ARRIVAL nflht PACIFIC.
TEN DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE.
The steamship Pacific arrived at N. York
on the 14th, and the following it an abstract
of her newt, which is to Wednesday, the
12th oil.
The Palmeralon Ministry hae fallen io
pieces. Meters, Graham, Gladstone, and
Herbert, had resigned, ostensibly on account
of the passage of Mr. Roebuck'• motion,
but the private squabbles of the Cabinet ard
also believed to be the oause.
Lord PaimerstOD had beau muck troubled
in reconstructing the Cabinet, and had not
fully completed it.
Mr. Roebuck'a motion was carried, for a
Committee of Inquiry into the mismanage
ment of the war. This occasioned the re
tirements from the Cabinet.
Lord John Russell baa published an' id
dress to his Constituents, defining his position'
and placing himself in their hands as a can
didate for a renewal bf their confidence.
On the 19th, the Royal assent was giveri
to the North American fisheries bill.
The Convention between Great Britain and
the Porte for the enlistment of the Turkish
1 contingent has been signed.
An interesting debate took place in Parli
ament upon the question of going into Com
mittee opon the army estimates.
Lord Palmeralon contended that the suffer
ings of the armey in the Crimea arose from
physical causes in ihe power of no man id
control. The sufferings were not confined to
the British army. The Russian sick and
wohnded amounted to 35,000 men.
Lord PalmerMon said that compulsory
measures must unquestionably be resorted
to in order to fill up the tanks of the service.
On ihe 20ih ult., the Duke of Cambridge
took a seat in the bouse of Lords.
lo the bouse of Commons a discussion
arose with regard to the Commerce with
Russia since the commencement of the war.
It was stated in debate, that under the pres
ent system of blockades the interior trade
of Russia suffered no injury, while ten mil
lions of pounds had been taken from England
to that codntiy.
The right of search was urged a a neces
sity in order to prevent the introduction of
Russian goods into Britain.
ft was deemed not advisable to lay before
the House the correspondence between Great
Britain and the United States, on the inter
national arrangements daring a time ol war.
It was stated, however, that the two coun
tries Were on the most friendly terms.
Destitution in England bad almost reacted
its height, from the combined causes of the
unusually severe winter, unnsnally dear
prices for all descriptions of provisions, and
the ictal stagnation of trade. The poor were
in a deplorable condition, and many thou
sand laborers were without food, excepting
the supplies of charily.
The riots in Liverpool continued for two
or three days.
Joseph Hume is dead.
The Vienna Conference will be opened ill'
a lew days, and all parties are said to pos
sess anxiety for peace.
The members of tbe Government express
confident hopes that the pending negotiation
may lead to an honorable peace, although''
war measures continue all over Europe.
It is officially announced by the Allies that
on the 19th of February, Gen. Liprandi, with'
40.000 Russians and 70 guns, attacked tbe
Turks at Eupaioria, commanded by Omar
Pacha. The battle lasted four hours, when
the Russiane retired with ■ loss of 500.
Lord Raglan is said to have resigned, to
avoid s recall. Earl Lucan and some other
officers have been invited to resign.
Louis Napoleon seems determined to pro
ceed to the Crimes. He has been advised!
by England and Austria to stay at home.
Russia has declared war upon Sardinia, if
is stated; bnt it neeos confirmation.
Tuscany has joined lbs Western powers
Naples has not. •
Tbe Tboughllal Mother.
In tbedetcription oi a mother by King Sol
omon, it is said concerning " her that ber
children rite up and call her blessed." We
were reminded of this, a lew days ago, by
an anecdote mentioned by bishop Waioright,
at a dinner to the English Delegation by the
Vestry at Trinity Church in the school room
of Trinity Chbrbh. This sfeboulwas founded
and long supported by the Society for the
Propagation of tbe Goepel In Foreign Parte..
Mention being made of Queen Victoria, tha
Provisional Bisbop of New York staled the
Archdeacon of London being engaged oa one
occasion in catechizing tbe young Frinceai
and, being surprised at the accuracy, eft
their answers in catechism, said to tbk Win
ces:-- ■ ■ j
" Your governess deserve* great credit tor
instructing yon so thoroughly in the cate
chism."
Whereuoon the boy responded—
"o, btit this is ma who teaahes ns ihe cat
echism."
How many American mothers, With few
er cares, and fewer temptations to luxurious
indulgence, have to confess to an biter neg
lect of thia important dot}. Many boys whose
| parents are nominally Christian, can say with
truth*, out mother never taught ns the cate
chism. We hope some of them may take a
profitable hint from a queenly practice
Epucopal Rtcordtr.
OT President Pierce has signed tha Boun
| ty Land Bill.