The star of the north. (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, October 30, 1851, Image 1
THE STAR OF THE NORTH. ft* W* Weaver Proprietor.] VOLUME 3. THE SONG OF IRON. BY O. W. CUTTER, Author of' Sonq of Steam,' 'E PlurUnte Umim.' Heave the bellows and pile the fire, Like the red and fearful glow Where the crater's lurid clouds aspire O'er the darkened plains below ; Let the weight of your ponderous hammers smite With the power of the mountain stream ; Or thunder beneath the earthquake might That dwells in the arm of steam ! Though I cannot boast the diamond's hue, The tempting gleam of gold, With which, by the arts of the grasping few, lite nations are bought and sold ; Yet is my presence more priceless far, Than the blaze of earth's royal gem, That ever has kindled a ducal star, Or flamed in a diadem. An the fearful depths of the reyless mine My giant strength was laid Ere the sun, or the moon, or the stars that •bine In the boundless heavens, were made ; Ere darkness was rolled from the deep a way; Era the skies were spread abroad ; Eie the words that called up the light of day Were breathed by the lips of God ! Ye were but a poor and powerless race Till yc wisely sought my aid ; Ye dwelt, like the beasts of the savage chase, In the gloom of the forest shade ; Where often the Nomad yielded his hearth To the wolf, in pale affright, And the tooth of the lion stained the earth With the. blood of the troglodyte. How helpless ye saw tho descending rain, The water's resistless flow, The frost that scared the verdant plain, And the blinding drifts of snow ! For you no steer his neck would yield- No steed your slave would be ; Ya traced no furrows along the field, No pathways o'er the sea ! The myriad stars came forth at even; The bow of God was bent, Inscribing the wondrous laws of Heaven O'er the measureless firmment. Bright constellations rose and fled; The fair moon waxed and waned ; But the record which they nightly spread Unknown to you remained. But when 9ome prescient spark of mind Invaded my lone retreat, And ye learned my Proteus form to bind, And fashion, with fervent heat, The gleaming sword from the flames leap'd out— And the hook for the golden grain ; And the air grew vocal with freedom's shout Where the tyrants of earth were slain ! Than rose the dome and the lofty tower Where the groaning forest fell ; And the massive guns look'd frowning o'er The walls of tbe citadel. The dizzy and tapering steeple sprung, And flashed in the summer air; And the pendant bell in the turret swung To summon the world to prayer! Stout ships encountered the howling storms On the trackless sea secure ; For I held the fate ol their gallast forms, And my grasp is strong and sure. 'Midst the lightning's gleam and the tem pest's roar, Tbey feared not the angry main, For they oast their trusty anchors o'er, And laughed at the hurricane. At my touch '.he massive column soar'd! The graceful arch was thrown ! And forms of beauty the world adored, Rose up in deathless stone. Ye rivalled the tints of the blushing dawn, With the hues my dust supplied, Till the humblest work of art has shone Like the mist by rainbows dyed. 1 come whore the suffering patient lies On his conclt, all wan and weak ; And the lustre returns to his sunken eyes, And the bloom to his pallid cheek. Ye fear not the roar of the thunder loud; Ye sleep with the storms around, Far the bolt 1 clutch in the threatening cloud Falls harmless to the ground. Where I tread, the crooked paths grow straight, The old hills disappear; And I draw each distant hostile State, In friendly commeice, near! Swift through veins by the lightning liurl'd, Your thoughts like the tempest sweep, Till kaowiedgd has covered the rolling world As the water* have covered the deep. And soon ye shall see my massive ore In many a grander pile Than ever adorned the Tiber's shore, Or the banks of the ancient Nile. The sacred temple shall rear its roof, The cottage for social glee, The frowning fortress thunder-proof, And tlw ships of every sea. Then hurra ! ye fearless sons of toil! v'our nation's strength and pride 1 May ye reap a harvest of golden spoil O'er the earth and the ocean wide 1 May yoar ponderous hammers ever smite With the power of the mountain stream ; Or thunder beneath the earthquake might That dwells ia the arm of steam ! AMrtu of Kossuth to the People of the United States Two yearn ago, by God's providence, I, who would be only an humble citizen, held in my hands the destiny of tbo reigning house of Austria. Had 1 been ambitious, or had I believed that this treacherous family were so basely wicked as they afterward proved themselves to be, the tottering pillars of their throne Would have fatten at my command, and bu ried the crowned traitors beneath their ruins, at would have scattered them like duet be fore a tempest, homeless exiles, bearing Milling but the remembrance of their perfi dy, and that royalty which they deserved to lose through their own wickedness. * * Free oilizens of America! from your bis tery, as from the star of hope in midnight j BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1851. gloom, we drew our confidence and resolu tion in the doubtful days of severe trial. Ac cept, in the name of my countrymen, this declaration as a tribute of gratitude. And you, excellent people, who were worthy to be chosen by the Almighty as an example to show the world how to deserve freedom, how to win it, and how to use it—you will allow that the Hungarians, though weaker and less fortunate than you, through the de caying influences of the old European soci ety, are not unworthy to be your imitators, and that you would be pleased to see the stars of your glorious flag emblazon the double cross of the Hungarian coal-of-arms. When despotism hurled defiance at us, and began the bloody war, your inspiring exam ple upheaved the nation as one man, and legions, with all the means of war, appear ed to rise from nothing, as the tender grass shoots up after spring showers. Though we were inferior in numbers to the enemy, and could not compare with their well-trained forces-—though our arms were shorter than theirs—yet the heroic sons of Hungary supplied the want of numbers by indomitable bravery, and lengthened their weapons by a step further in advance. The world knows how bravely the Hun garians fought. And it is not for me, who was identified with the war—who, obeying the wishes of the nation, stood faithfully at the helm of government—to extol the heroic deeds of my countrymen. I may mention, however, that while every day it became more evident that the heart of Europe beat to the pulsations of lh Hungarian struggle, we maintained the unequal eonflict alone, cut ofl from the rest of the world and all exter nal aid, till a year ago we laid the haughty power of the tyrant house of Hapsburg in the oust; ar.d had it not been for the inten tional and traitorous disregard of my com mands by one of our leaders, who afterwards shamefully betrayed the country, not only would the imperial family have been driven from Vienna, but the entire Austrian nation would have been liberated; and though by such treason this base family saved them selves from destruction, they were so far humbled in March, 1849, that, not knowing how to be just, thev implored foreign aid, and threw themselves at the feet of the Czar. The Emperor hoped that the Hungarian people could be terrified by histhreatenings, and would prefer slavery to death ; but he was deceived. He sold nis own liberty to Russia for aid to enslave his people. The choice of a coward is to purchase a misera ble ephemeral existence even though at the cost of his honor and independence. The Austrianß fought against us not only with arms and by the aid of traitors, but with studied and unceasing slander. Thoy never ceased to impeach our motives and falsify our conduct, and vaunt the pretended justice of their own cause before the judg ment-sea! of pnblic opinion. Efforts were constantly made to weaken, among the peo ple of Hungary, and among the nations of the world, that sympathy and force which spring from a righteous cause. Free citizens of North America! you have given, in spite of theso slanders, tho fullest sympathy for the cause of my coun try. We had no opportunity to explain to you our motives and conduct, and refute the libels against us ; but we said—and how tru ly your noble and magnanimous conduct shows it!—that such a nation knows how to defend a just and holy cause, and will give us its sympathy ; and (his conviction inspir ed us with more confidence. Oh, that you had been a neighboring nation! The Old World would now be free, and would not have to endure again those terrible con versions and rivers of blood which are inev itable. But the ond is with God, and He ' will choose the means to fulfil His purposes. Ye great and free people! receive the thanks of my country for yonr noble syrapa , thy, which was a great moral support in our terrible conflict. When the house of Austria gold itself to the-Autoorat, we, who were fatigued with our hard-earned Tictory, but not subdued or exhausted, saw with apprehension the scep tre of Russian invasion—an invasion which violated the laws of nations, which was openly hostile to the cause of civilization, the rights of man, of order, and even to that principle which the diplomacy of Europe calls "the balance of power." I could not believe that the Governments of Europe would permit this invasion ; for I expected that they would intervene to effect a treaty of peace, if not so much on our account, yet to prevent Austria, becoming the vassel of Russia—to check the growing strength and influence of the latter power in the East. We desired an honorable peace, and were willing to submit to any reasonable terms We many times tendered the olive branch. We asked the constitution governments of Europe to interpose. They heard us not. The haughty imperial family forgetting that they were the real traitors, rejected every proposition with the defying expression that they "did not treat with rebels." Aye, mors; they throw oar ambassadors into pris on, and one of them—the noblest of Hunga ry's son—they cowardly and impiously mur dered. Still we hesitated to tear asunder for ever the bonds that united ua. Ten months we taught, aod fought victoriously, in de fence ; and it was only when every attempt to bring abont an honorable peace failed— when Francis Joseph, who was never onr King, dared in his manifesto of the 4th of March, 1849, to otter the cnrse "that Hunga ry could exist no longer"—when there was no hopo of arresting the Russian invasion by diplomacy—.when we saw that we must fight to save ourselves from being struck ofT the earth as a nation—when the house of Austria, by its endless acts of injustice and cruelty, and by calling in the aid of a for eign power, had extinguished in the hearts of tbe Hungarian people every spark of af fection—then, and then only, after so rauoh patience, the nation resolved to declare its absolute independence. Then spoke the Na tional Assembly the words which had long been uttered by every patriotic tongue: "Francis Joseph ! thou beardless young Ne ro! though darest to say, Hungary shall ex ist no more I We, the people, answer, we do and will exist; but yon and your treach erous house shall stand no longer!— You shall no more be the Kings of Hungary ! Be forever banished, ye perfidious traitors to the nation." We were not only ready to accept any terms that were honorable, but we carefully abstained from doing anything which would give the Czar a pretence, Which he had long sought, to meddle with our affairs. The Hungarian nation loved freedom as the best gift of God, but it nffVer thought of commencing a crusade against Kings in the name of liberty. In Hungary there were none of those propagandists who alarm so much the rulers of the Old World. There were no secret societies plotting conspiracies. My countrymen were not influenced by the the ories of Communists or Socialists, nor were they what the Conservatives call Anarchists. The nation desired justice, and knew how to be just to all, irrespective of rank, language or religion. A people so worthy of free dom were generous enough to leave some thing to time, and to be satisfied with a pro gressive development. No violence was used; no just right was attacked ; and even some of those institutions were left Undis turbed, which, having existed for centuries, could not be abolished at once with impu nity. The Hungarian people did not wish to op press any—not even the aristocracy ; they were more ready to make sacrificos than to punish the descendants of nobility for the evils of misgovernment, and ot those insti tutions which emanated from their ances tors; nor would they let the many soffer for the sins of the few. There was no anarchy among us. Even in the bloodiest of the conflicts when (ho human passions are most excited, there was the most perfect order and security of prop erty and person. How did the conduct of my noble countrymen compare with that of the "order-making" Austria ! Whenever the whirlwind of war ceased lor a while where t he social elements were left in chaos, the instinctive moral feelings of this incorrupti ble people, in the absence of all govern ment, preserved belter order and safety than legions of police. A common spirit anima matod the whole nation—no secret aims, no personal or local attacks, but a bold and open defence in the face of the world. Following the example of your great Washington, we adopted, as our policy, conciliation, justice and legifliiy, and scrupulously observed the laws of nations. The Russians and Austrians made the soil of Wallaohia the basis of military opera tions ; and the Turkish Government, which either knew not its own interests, or was un able to defend them, silently permitted this violation of treaties and the rights of nations, thus humbling itself and betraying its owr. weakness. Several times we drove our ene mies across the Wallachian boundaries ; for it was only necessary for our victorious ar my to advance into the countries of the Low er Danube to rouse the inhabitants against the Russians, and to transfer the war to their own soil. But we respected the law of na tions, and stopped our conquering forces on the confines of Wallachia. Her soil was sa cred to us. Austria left Gallacia almost un protected, and collected all her forces to at tack us. Had we at this time sent a small portion of our army to Poland it would have caused a general insurrection, and that hero ic but unfortunate nation would have reven ged herself by throwing the Russian empire into a state of revolution. But we suited in defence only, and we deemed it a sin to pre cipitate other notions into a terrible and un certain war, and we checked our sympathies. Besides, we avoided giving the Emperor of Russia a pretence for a war of retaliation against us. Oh, it was foolish—for tho des potic hypocrite made a pretence ; he called our own struggle the Hungarian-Polish revo lution, though the whole number of Poles in our armies did not exceed four thousand. We doubted not that the European pow ers would negotiate a peace for us, or that they would, at least, prevent the Russian in vasion. They said they pitied us, honored our efforts, and oondemned the conduct of Austria; bnt they could not help us, be causo Europe required a powerful Austrian empire, and they must su|port it, ill spite of its evils, as a balance against Russian cen tral and eastern Europe. What a mistake ! What a diplomacy ! Is it not as dear as the sun that the Czar, invading Austria, would do it in such a manner as to obtain the great est advantages for himself? Was it not manifest that Austria—who had always, through the help of Hungary, strength ss nough to oppose Russia, would, when she destroyed Hungary by Russian bayonets, no longer be an independent power, hut mere ly the arantgardi of the Mosoovite ? Yet Europe permitted the invasion 1 It is an in delible mark of blindness and shame. It is ever thtyi in the imbecile Old World. They treatod us just as they treated Turkey. They assert always that the peace of Europe and tho balance of power require the preserva- Trntb and Right—God aid ear Country. tion of the Turkish empire—that Turkey must exist, to check the advance of the Cos sack power. But, notwithstanding this, England and Franco destroyed tho Turkish fleet at Navarino—a fleet which never could have injured them, but whioh might have contended with Russia in the Black Sea. Always the same worn-out, old, and fatal system of policy ! —while Russia, ever alert, seizes province after province from Turkey. She has made herself the sovereign of Mol davia and Wallachia, and is sapping the foundations of the Ottoman empire. Alrea dy Turkey officials are more dependent on the lowest Russian Agents than upon their own Grand Vizier. Oh that Hungary had received but a slight token of moral support from the European powers—from those powers are troubled with fear of the advance of the Cossack ! Had only an Engiish or a French agent come to us during our struggle, what might he not have done ! He, too, would have seen and estimated our ability to sus tain ourselves—he would have observed the hrmanily, the love of order, the reverence for liberty which characterized llieUlungari an nation. Had these two powers permitted a few ships to come to Ossore, laden with arms for the noble patriots who bad asked in vain for weapons, tho Hungarians would now have stood a more impregnable barrier against Russia than all the arts of a misera ble and extensive diplomacy. There was a time when we, with the neighboring l'oies, saved Christianity in Eu rope. And now I hesitate not to avow be fore God, that we alone—that my own Hun gary—could have saved Europe from Russi an domination. As the war in Hungary ad vanced, its character became changed. In the end, the results it contemplated were highet and far more important—nothing less, in fact, than universal freedom, which was pot thought of in the beginning. This was not a choice; it wasforeed upon us by the policy of the European nations, who, disre garding their own interests, suffered Russia to invade and provoke us. Yes, we were martyrs to the cause of freedom, and this glorious but painful destiny was imposed upon us. Though my dear native Hungary ir trodden down, and the flower of her sons executed, or wandering exiles, and I. her Governor, writing from my prison in this distant Asiat ic Turkey, I predict—and the eternal God hears my prediction—that thtre can be no freedom for tho continent of Europe, and that tha Coa—cke from tho ohursa of tho Don will water their steeds in the Rhine, un less liberty be restored to Hungary. It is only with Hungarian freedom that the Euro pean nations can be free; and the smaller nationalities especially can have no luture without us. Nor could the united Russo-Austrian for ces have conquered my heroic countrymen had they not found a traitor to aid them in j the man whom, believing in his honesty, and on account of his skill, I raised from ob scurity. Enjoying my confidence, the confl- ] dence of the nation and the army, I placed him at the head of our forces, giving him the most glorions part to perform ever grant ed to man. What an immortality was with- ' in his reach, had he been honest! But he betrayed his country. Cursed be his name forever! I will not open the bleeding wounds by the sad remembrance of this event, and will merely mention that the surrender at Vilagos was the crowning act of a long sys tem of treachery secretly practiced—by not using the advantages which victories put in his hands—by not fulfilling my commands, under cunning pretences—by destroying na tional feeling in the army—by weakening its confidence—and by the destruction, through unnecessary exposure and dangers, of that portion of the army that, ho could not corrupt in his base designs to make him self military dictator. God, in bis inscruta ble wisdom, knows why thejraitor was per mitted to be successful. In vain fell the bra vest of men in this long war—in vain were the exertions of my brave countrymen—in vain did the aged father send, with pious heart, his only son, the prop of his decli ning years, and the bride her bridegroom— in vain did all private interests yield to the ! loftiest patriotism—in vain arose the prayers of a suffering people—in vain did the ardent wishes of every friend of freedom accom , pany our efforts—in vain did the Genius of Liberty bope for success. My country was martyred. Her rulers are hangmen. They |pave spoken the impious words that the lib erty-loving nation "lies at the feel of the Czar." Instead of the thankful prayer of faith, o r hope, and of love, the air of my native land is filled with the cries of despair, and I, her chosen leader, am an exile- The diplomacy of Europe has changed Turkish hospitality to me and my companions into hopeloss bondage. It is a painful existence. My : youthful children have begun the morning of their life in the hands of my country's destroyer, and I—— but no : does not he-' come me, for lam a man. lam not permit ted, or I would say I envy the dead. Who is unfortunate 1 lam in Broussa, where the great Hannibal once lived an exile, home less, like myself, but rich in services perfor med for his country, while I can claim only fidelity to mine. The ingratitude of hie na | tion went with him is his banishment, but | the sorrowful love of my countrymen follows me to my pleoo of exile. To thee, ray God ) I offer (banks that thou didst deem me wor tny to suffer for dear Hungary. Let me suf fer afflictions, but accept them as propitiato ry sacrifices lor tpy native land. And thou, Hungarian nation, yield oot to despair! Be patient; hope, and wait thy time! Though all men forget thee, the God of Justice will not. Thy sufferings are re corded, and thy tears remembered. The blood of thy martyrs—thy noble sons— which moistened thy soil, will have its fruits. The victims which daily fall for thee are, like the ever-green cypress over the graves of the dead, the symbol of thy resur ection. The races whom thy destroyer ex cited against thee by lies and cunning will be undeceived; they will know that thou didst not fight for preeminence, but for the common liberty—that thou wpst their broth er, and bled for them also. The temporary victory of our enemies wilt but serve to take the film from the eyes of the deceived peo ple. Tho sentiment of sympathy for our sufferings will inspire among the smaller States and races the wish for a fraternal con federation—for that whioh I urged as tho on ly safe policy and guarantee of freedom for them all. The realization of this idea will hurl the power of the haughty despots te the abyss of the Past, and Huligary, free, surrounded by free nations, will be great, glorious, and independent. At the moment when 1 hardly hoped for further consolation on earth, behold, the God of mercy freed my wife, and enabled her, through a thousand dangers, to reach me in my place of exile. I.iko a hunted deer, she could not for five months find in her own na tive land n place of res!. The executioners of the beardless Nero placed a reward upon her head, but she has escaped the tyrants. She was to me and to my exiled coun trymen like the rainbow to Noah, for she brought intelligence ef hope in the un shaken souls of the Hungarian people, and in tho affectionate sympathy of the neigh boring nations who had fought against us.— They had aided the wife of the much-slan dered Governor of Hungary. Although the sympathy of the world often depends upon the result of actions, and tbe successful are applauded, still Hungary, by her noble bearing and 'rials, has drawn the attention of the world. The sympathy which she has exciied in both worlds, and the thundering curse which the lips of mil lions have pronounced against her destroy eis, announce like tho roaring of the wind before the storm the coming retribution of Heaven. Among the nations of the world there are two which deman I our gratitude and affec tion. England, no less powerful than sho is fro-> ami giurtuua, supported us Dy tier sym pathy, and by the approving voice of her noblest sons and the millions of her people. And that chosen land of freedom beyond the ocean—the all-powerful people of the United States, with their liberal Government —inspired us with hope, and gave us cour age by their deep interest in our cause and sufferings, and by their condemnation of our executioners. The President of the United Slates, whom the confidence of a free people had eleva ted to the loftiest station in the world, in his Message to Congress, announced that the A. merican Government would have been the first to recognize ihe independence of Hun gary. And the Senators and Representa tives in Congress marked the destroyers of my country's liberty with the stigma of ig nominy, and expressed, with Indignant fee lings, their contempt for the conduct of Austria, and their wish to break the diplo matic intercourse with such a government. They summoned the despots before the judg ment seat of humanity; they procla : med that the world would condemn them ; they declare that Austria and Russia had been unjust, tyrannical and barbarous, and deser ved to be reprobated by mankind, while Hungary was worthy of universal sympa thy. The Hungarians, moro fortunate than I who were able to reach the shores of the New World, wore received by the people and government of the United States in the most generous manner—yes, like brothers. With one hand they hurled anathemas at the despots, and with the other welcomed the humble exiles to partake of that glorious American liberty moro to" be valued than the glitter of crowns. Our hearts are filled with emotions to see how this great nation extends its sympathy and Bid to every Hun garian who is so fortunate as to arrive in A merica. The sympathetic declaration of such a people, under such circumstances, with similar sentiments in England, is not a mere sign which the wind blows away, but is prophetic of the future. What a blessed sight to see whole nations actuated by such sentiments !* "Free citizens of America ! you inspired my countrymen to noble deeds ; your appro val imparted confidence ; your sympathy conßoled in adversity, gave a ray of hope for the future, and enabled us to bear the weight of our heavy burden; your fellow, feeling will sustain us till wo realize the hope, the faith, 'that Hungary is not lost for ever.' Accept, in the name of my country men, the acknowledgments of our warmest gratitude and our highest respect. I, who know Hungary so well, firmly be lieve sho is not lost ; and the intelligent qit izens of America have decided, not only with impulsive kindness, but with reason and policy, to favor the unfortunate but not subjugated Hungary. The sound of that en couraging voice is not like a funeral dirge, but as the shrill trumpet that will call the world to judgment. Who does not see that Austria, even in her victory, has given herself a mortal wound I Her weakness is botrayod The world no longer behoves that Europe needs the preservation of this decaying empire. It is evident that its existence is a curse to mankind; it enn never promote the welfare of society. The magic of its imagined pow er is gone; it was a delusion which can de ceive no longer. Among all the races of this empire—not excepting the hereditary States—there is none that does not despise the reignining family of Hapsburg. This power has no moral ground of support; its vain dreams of a united empire—for which j It has committed the most unheard of crimes —are proved to be mere ravings at which ' the world laughs. No one loves or .respects j it; and when it falls, not a tear of regret j will follow it to the grave. And fall it sure |ly will. The moment Russia withdraws her support, the decayed edifice will crumble to dust. A shot fired by an English or by an American vessel from the Adriatic would be like the trumpet at the City of Jericho. And this impious, foolish government thinks to control fate by the hangman's cord. How ' long will Russia be able to assist 1 This Czar—who boasts that his mission is to be the scourge of all the nations striving for lib. erty—will not the Almighty, whose viceger ent he profanely assumes to be, blast the miserable boaster i—The very chancier of shis government is a declaration of war a gainst the rights and interests of humanity, and the existence of other nations ? Will the world suffer this long 1 Not long. The Hungarian nation, in her war, has not only gained a consciousness of her own strength, but she has forced the conviction into the minds of other nations that she de serves to exist, and to be independent: and she can show justly that her existence and independence are essential to the cause of liberty in Europe. No, not Hungary is not lost. By her faith, bravery, and by her fore-sight, whitlt tiac'.es her to abide her time, she will be yet among the foremost in the war of universal liberty. You, noble Americans, we bless in the name of the God of Liberty ! To you, who have summoned the murderers of my coun trymen before tbe judgment seat of the world—to you, who are the first judges of this court—l will bring the complaints of my nation, ond before you I will plead her cause. When the house of Hapsburg, with the aid lof a foreign army, invaded my country and had destroyed, by their manifesto of tho 4th of March, 1849, the foundation upon which the union with Austria rested, there remain ed her Hungary no alternative than the De claration or independence which the Nation al Assembly unanimously voted on the 14th April, 1849, and which the whole nation sol emnly accepted, and sealed with their blood. I declare to you, in the most solemn man ner, that all which has taken place, or that may hereafter take place, proceeding from individuals or Government, oontrary to this declaration, which is in perfect accord with the fundamental law of Hungary, illegal and unjust. Before you I assort that tho accusation that the Magyar race was unjust to tho other ra ces—by means ol which a portion ot the Servians, Wallachians, Slavonians and Gei mans dwelling in Hungary, was excited a gainst us—is an impious slander, circulated by the House of Hapsburg, which shrinks from no crime to weaken the united forces of our army, to conquer pne race after anoth er, and thus bring us all under the yoke of slavery. Citizens of America t(j|S'ou I declare hon estly that my aim in the federation of Hun gary with smaller nations was to securo the nationality aud independence of each, and the freedom of all; and had anything been wanting which could havo been justly gran ted to any or all of the races in Hungary, the Magyars had only to know it, and it would have been performed with readinoss, for Freedom, not Power, was their desire. Finally, I declare that, by the Declaration |of Independence by which I was electod 'Governor of Hungary, I protest, so long as the people do not by their free will release me from that office, that no ore can legally control the affairs of government but my self. This protestation is not made in a fee ling of vanity or desire to be conspicuous, but from respect to the inherent rights of my countrymen. I strove not for power. The brilliancy of a crown would not seduce me The final aim of my life, after having liber | aled my dear Hungary, was to end my days as a private citizen and an humble farmer. My country, in the hour of danger, called upon mo to assist in the struggle I responded to its call.—Others, doubtless, were more able, who could have won more fame, but I wHII yield to none in the purity of my motives. Perhaps it was confidence in my ardent patriotism and hoaesty of pur pose which induced the people to give me the power. They believed freedom would be safe in my hands. I felt my weakness, and told them I could not promise liberty unless they were united as one man, and would lay aside all personal, all soctional in terests. I foretold, that, it the nation was divided, it would fall. A i long as they fol lowed my injunctions, and were united, thoy were unconquerable—they performed mira cles of valor. The fall of Hungary com menced the day they began to divide. Not knowing the secret causes of this division and not suspecting treachery, and wishing to inspire confidence, to give skill and all the, elements of success to our army, and caring nothing for my own fame, doing all for the good of my country, I gave command of the forces to another. I was assured by the most solemn engagement, by the man whom I gave the power, that he would use it for the [Two Dollars per ABMM. NUMBER 40. welfare and independence of ihe nation and that he wouid be responsible to me and the people for the fulfilment of these conditions. He betrayed his country, and gave the army to the enemy. Had we succeeded after this ' terrible blow, he should havethisrcwa'd i And even now he is not freed from his ac | countability to tho nation, no more than I, in the moral right and sense, cease to bo the Goveri or of Hungary. A 'short lime may reverse the fate of all. The aurora of liber ty breaks upon my vision, even at Broussa. I have, therefore intrusted to Ladislan Ujhazi, Obergespann of tho Saros comitut, and Civil Governor of Comorn, the mission to be my representative, and through me the representative of the Hungarian nation, to the people and government of the United States, hoping and believing that so gener ous a people will not judge the merits of our cause by a temporary defeat, but will recog nize Governor Ujhazi and his companions with the accustomed kindness. May God bless your country forever! May it have the glorious destiny to sharo with other nations the blessings of that lib erty which constitutes its own h ippiness and fame! May your great example, noble A mericans, be to other na'ions thosiurce of social virtue; your power be the terror of all tyrants—the protector of the distressed ; and your free country ever continue to be the asylum for the oppressed ol .a'l nations. Written at my place of banishment, Brous sa, Asia Minor. 27th March, 1850. LOUIS KOSSUTH, Governor of Hungary. From the If. Y. Tribune. NATIONAL SONG. Domine, salvam,fac Rcjwblicam 1 KNOW ye the land where the Forest and Prai ■ ie Spread broadest away by the Cataract's fall! Where the harvests of earth tho most plen tiously vary, And the children that reap them are hap piest of all; Where the long-rolling rivers go. ihightily trending, With wealth on their billows, thro' many a clime; Where the lakes, 'mid their woodlands, like seas are extending, And the mountains rise lone in the cen ter sublime * Know ye the land where a royal oppressor Bade the burghers and husbandmen bow to his wiH ; But tlier fought the good flght, under God, the Redressor, And the heart of Humanity beats to it still ! Whero lakes, plains and mountains, inspi ring or solem. Keep their tales of that strife, and its mon uments be The Statue, the Tablet, the Hall, and tlta Column, But. best and most lasting, the soula of the free ? Know ye the land where fair # Freedom's Dominion Stands proudlier than any the earth ever knew, | Where Greece llashod likod fire through the East, or the pinion 01 Rome's dreaded war-bird with Victory ilew ; Where, high as the haughtiest, she lifts up her banner. By crime uiidislionorod, unstained by re treat, _ "" While the winds of two Oceans blow bright ly to fan her. And waft the full wealth of the workl to her feet I 7 Where she bends, great Protectress ! to wel come the strangers — The pilgrims of many a realm, Who pre- To the mercies of tyrants her seas and their dangers— To their birth-place the exile that bears them to her; Whence, far as the breezes and billows, her warning Is heard on all shores, by their slaves and their Kings : I will come, 1 will come, like the march of the morning, And the healing of nations go forth on my wings I Oh, that land—yes, we know it! —ils lumin ous story— lis wealth ot all Nature—America's land ! We'd die for that land of our love and our glory ! We live to maintain it—heorf, spirit and hand ! And thus, Brother's, Friends, wo salute it— oh never Its high Constellntion made less by a star All hail it PEHrcTuxt.! still brightening for] ever— The fond hopo of millions, in peace or in war ! Till the hard Rock of Plymouth >e worn by the Ocean, And Charlestown's tall Obelisk dust on the shore, And our dear Old Dominion's heroio- devo tion And the gift of her chieftainry thought of no more- Shall this bond, long our glory, still bind us together, i One people —from Maine to the Mexican fines— From the Chesapeake's wave to the Cape of Foul-weather— From the palms of the South to the Cata racts' pines ! tW When the heartlessness of mere fash, ionable fiooiety is so well known, we can . but wonder that mer. and women thke so much pains to show themselves off in its light; to deceive themselves into the belief that they and their cmpouions are of real importance in the eyes of the world, when they are, altogether, acting a part, like play ers on a Hugo.