THE STAR OF THE NORJj, W. Weaver Proprietor.] VOLUME 3. THE STAR OF THE NORTH Is published every Thursday Morning, by B- W. WEAVER. OFFICE— Up stairs in the New Brick building on the south side of Main street, third square bcluw Market. TERMS —Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the time of subscri bins - two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within the year. No subscription received for a less period than six months: no discon tinuance permitted until all arrearages are paid, unless at the option of the editors. ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square will be inserted three times for one dollar, and twenty-five cents for each addition 1 inser tion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. PSINUTO ME SOFTLY,i?JUY SISTEB. BY MRS. R. 8 NIC1IOL?. Oli sins to me softly, to-night, For u"enc£passed by darkness, And shut from the kingdom of light! I walk IP life's valley of shadows, I Where the fountain's low murmurs are still Where swiftly through grey mist and vapor, Are gftding pale phantoms of ill. Thy voice, like the clear thread of silver, That winds through the still grass, lallp > Shall steal thro' my heart s silent chambers, And waken their musie egaut. Far away from the clouds of the present, In the Eden of memory's isle, What visions of peace and ofbeatity, Shall my spirit of sadness be„uil. Once more will 1 rove with sweet fancies, And think the Bweet thoughts of a child, Once more I will gather °"' h B .. r ° se8 > The fairer because they are wild. *And the light which 1 know is immortal, That shone 011 young life s dewy hour, Shall steal Irom its crystaline portal, And brighten fair memory s bower. Then sing to me softly, my sister, And pour out thy heart 111 the strain, Till I dream that the beautiful voices Of childhood are singing agam. So my heart shall grow bel'er and purer, j And strength to us both shall be given, To work out o priceless salvation, And Ring with our children in lleavon . TO THE LADIES. Dress up a man, that's tall and fair, Like any pretty miss. Which of your sex would first ceclare. She longed that man to kiss. Just so, when women dress like boys, The attractive power is gone, Their sex forgot, and all its joys, When once our clothes are o 1. Those who would lake the marriage vow, This lesson sure it leaches, That girls in coats, and waistcoats now, Will onoday wear the breeches. From nature and from beauty's line, Your sex havo strangely erred, That dress, which is not feminine Musi alwrys be absurd. JESUS AND SOCRATES. BY JEAN JACQUES ROUSSEAU. The mujesty of the Scriptures astonish me —the sacredness ol the Gospel speaks to my heart. See the writffigs of philosophers; with all their pomp are they not inferior to it ? Could a book so simple and so profound at the same lime bo the work of men Could it be that a man made this history of himself? Is It the stylo of an ambitious and enthusiastic scribe ? VY hat mildness, A hat purity in its manners—whnt touching grace in its instructions—what sublimity in its maxims—what profound wisdom- in its discourses—what presence of mind, what ingenuity and what justice in his replies, and what dominion over his passions? Where is the mortal, where is the sage, who knew how to act, to suffer, and to die, with out either weakness or ostentation? When he portrayed his imaginary just man devoid of all opprobium and criino, and deserving of aft the prizes of viitue he painted Jesus Christ feature for feature ; the resemblance 1 is so glaring, that all the fathers have per ceived it, and that it is impossible to gain say it. What bigotry, what blindness, was it to dare to compare the son of Saphroe to theaon ol Mary! What a distinction be tween the one and the other! Socrates, dy ing without grief or ignominy, sustained himself easiiy to the last of his part; and if, that painless death had not honored his life, one might doubt if Socrates, wilh el' his gsnius, was Olhsr than a sophist. Forsooth, , they say he was the originator of mowl'ty- Others had put it td practice before him; ho did nothing more than describe what they had done; he had but to put in • force their precepts and examplos. Aristides had been , just, before that Socrates had declared what justice was; Leonidas had died for his coun try, before that Socrates had proclaimed one ought to love his country; Spartans were sober, before that Socrates had lauded their sobriety; before their virtue was praised, Greece abounded in viituous men; but from whom among his countrymeu had Jesus ta ken those moral, elevated, and pure ideas, of which he alone has given lessons and examples? The death of Socrates, discours ing philosophy with his friends, is as sweet a picture as one can desire—that of Jesus, expiring in torments, injured, railed at, ac cursed by every one, is the most horrible picture one can surmise. Socrates receiving th poisoned bowl, blesses those who, weep ing presented it to him—Jesus, in the midst of frightful torture, solioils blessing* on his enraged tormentors. Yes, tf the life and death of Socrates were those of a wise man, the life and death of Jesus were those of a God. BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY, AUGUST 14, 1851. SPEECH OF COL. BIGLER. At the Delaware County Convention- After the meeting was organized Col. William Bigler, the Democratic candidate for Governor was introduced and addressed the meeting. Tlio speaker announced his address with many happy allusions to the reminiscences of the county in which the meeting was held, and referred particularly to the scenes enacted at Brandvwine, l'aoli, and Valley Forge, contrasting the early history of those memorable spots with thg presertt day, when everything around appeared like happiness and contentment. Ho congratulated the people upon the success with which their effoits to increase their stores during the past year had been crowned, and asked to be allowed to join his humble voice with theirs in offering up thanks to a generous Providence for the rich bounties bestowed upon them. The next allusion was the re lation in which 4e stood to the assembled mass before him—that of a f#fc, enlightened and happy people ; and in this connection dwelt somewhat upon the right of suffrage, exhibiting the importance, on the part of every man, of the exercise of this high pre rogative. The finances ot the Commonwealih, from 1832 up to the present lime, then claimed the attention of the meeting, and the speak er, as he expressed it, "showed most con clusively that the measures from which the revenue is derived to pay tho interests on the Stale debt were in existence before the present administration came into power." Ho said "that ono of the great errors committed at the time our system of inter nal improvements was commenced, consist ed in borrowing money to pay the interests on our loans, instead of assessing a tax suf ficient to have answered that purpose—such a measure would have attracted tho atten tion of the people, and a greater degree of economy, prudence and accountability, would havo beer, exercised. The first state tax of one mill, was assessed in 1832, and remained in force until the adoption of the bill to release the people from taxation, and the re-charter of the United Stales Bank.— The whole receipts in that length of did not much exceed 51,000,000, while the 1 interest on the public loans exceeded $6,000,- 000. It will thus be seen how inadequate this tax was, and how unwise it tvas repeal instead ot adding to the rale of taxation. Tills was certainly one of the most fatal movements lor tho prosperity ot me nmc. that was over adopted. " In 1838 and '39, a number of exonera tions wero made, but no taxes assessed. In 1840, a laxdf one mill or. real and personal estate, and a small tax on bank stock, 011 bonds, mortgages, salaries, emoluments of office, and other personal property was as sessed, but this proved a very inefficient measure. In 1841, the famous Relief Act was passed. This bill attempted to originate wealth and means, by large declarations one of those unfortunate measures which never fails to mislead the public mind, and greatly aggravate the disease which it at tempts to cure. This bill also slightly in creased some of the rates adoyted in the act of 1840, but tho alteration was attended with a very meagre increase to the revenue. In 1842, a lax of one mill in addition to the former rate, was adopted, making in all, two mills, with some unimportant modification of former laws on the subject. Hiere was no change of any moment during 1843, but in 1844, the measure of finance adopted was the three mill tax on real and personal es tate, bank capital; corporation stocks, or. bonds and mortgages, 011 money at interest, j and on carriages, &c., one per cent., and the provision made for a hoard of Revenue Commissioners. In JBl5, an act was pass ed to increase the revenue and diminish the expenses of the commonwealth. This im posed a tax on the enrolment of private acts I of legislation, bank charters, manufacturing companies, new counties, divorce bills, and other special legislation, as well as theatri cal and public exhibitions of evety descrip tion, eating houses, the public loans of the Stato, besides appointing mercantile ap praisers. This combination did much to wards aiding tho public treasury, and the influence was felt perceptibly. In 1846, an act to perfect the former laws was adopted, and to regulate the mode and manner of assessment and collection loans and sock—the interest of which is guaran teed by the commonwealth, taxing all | retailers liable to a tax, ar.d license fees, 1 exle --t e d the Unties of mercantile appraisers, increasing collated inheritance tax, increas ing auction duties, bo. 'ihi was a fSfV important bill, and viewed iu its various bearings and tendencies, has done much to add to the resources of the treasury. Iu 1847 and '4B, the changes in the revenue laws of Pennsylvania were unimportant. In 184°, the tax on bank dividends was al tered, a premium on charters charged, and the manner of collecting the collateral in heritance tax was blro changed. In 1850, not a single new item of revenue was adop ted. "The Sinking Fund, about whioh so much has been said, is an old topic. It was sug gested by (jpr. Porter and Gov. Shunk, re commended by Col. Snowden, while Stale Treasurer, who had the boldness to say how money could be raised, and a bill similar to the one now in operation was reported in the Legislature in 1845 by Mr. Burrell. Be sides this, if my recollection serves me right, 1 had the honor upon one or two occa sions of presenting such a proposition. The law itself is a mere piece of machinery which any person might devisa—the great question was to gel the money to put into it. I always found that the easiest part of my business lAnsactions was to pay debts if some one would furnish the means. I will be peKectly willing to pledge myself to pay the entire debt ol the State, if the people will find the money. The sources of reve nue sustaining the present Sinking Fund were all in operation before the present ad. ministration came into power, with the bare acceptiou of the premium upon charters, the production of which is but meagre, indeed, and this latter item, so far as 1 can d'seover, is the only new item of revenue since the death of the lamented Gov. Shunk. We can very readily see, then, tltft the measures which at present sustain the Treasury were adopted by preceding administrations, and it can reasonably bo maintained that the prosont administration is not justly entitled to credit for increased revenue from old sources, and certainly it has had no agency i in producing increased tolls on our canals. Iu this matter 1 do not wish to be unkind, but wheu the measures recommended by the departed Shunk, are sought to detract from his memory, and to ba used in the aggran dizement of any particular person, be ho Whig or Democrat, then I leel it my imper ative duij-'. so far as am able, to make a ' fair and honorable exposition of such ] bC *Col. Bigler then took up the subject of the Tariff, and made some blear and forcible re marks, defining his position to bo the same as often before expressed, favdrable to tariff for revenue, as contra-distinguished to a Tariff for piolection only. Then followed tiis views of the adjustment measures adop ted by the last Congress. ' Before proceed ing on this point," said the speaker, "I de sire to know if there is a single individual within the sound of my voice, in favor of the abolition of blavery, regardless of the Constitution and the Compromise, and if there is a single individual opposed to the glorious bond of Union undei the circum stances which bind us together as United Stales?" Not a murmur was hoard, and Col. Bigler continuing said, "as for myself I am decidedly in favor of the adjustment gieasures of Congress, and prior to their pas sage I so expressed myself in a letter to my Democratic friends in Berks county, in July, 1850. lam most decidedly in favor of a faithful maintenance and a thorough execu tion of every feature of those measures, and of removing every obstacle ill ,the way of an efficient administration ot that mature or the compromise providing for the rendition of fugitives from labor, and should 1 attain to the distinguished station for which I have been nominated by the Democratic party, it shall be ray pleasure, as it will be my duly, as far as in me lies, to facilitate the execu tion of these laws of Congress: lam also ia favor of cultivating the most friendly re lations with our fellow-citizens of the South ern States and of cheerfully extending to them the full measure of their constitutional rights, and of taking every other step calcu lated to protnßfc the peace of the country and strengthen the bond of our National Union. ■ " I need not remind you, in detail of the circumstances which gave existence to these measures—these are familiar to all. Suffice it to say that the controversy on the whole slave question, has assumed a most threaten ing aspect for the peace of the country, when great and good men, like Clay and Cass, Webster and Foole, and others, for getting their former differences and positions, j and regardless of personal consequences, determined to unite their influence and ar guments to bring about a complete and final adjustment of these various and complica ted items of conflict. Their labors resulted in the preparation and adoption of the Com promise measures, and there, it seems to mo, it would be wise and proper to let the matter rest—and for one, 1 must have other lights than those boforo mo at present, be fore I could consent to either disturb or dis regard those laws. " That part of the measures which were certainly adopted in a spirit of compromise, and which cannot now be disturbed, even by Congress, is the very best reason why these liable to change, should be the more faithfully maintained. Those who complain ot the constitutional provision for the rendi tion of fugitives from labor, should not for get that the compromise measures also make provision for the suppression of the slave mart in the District of Columbia; and that the question of extending slavery into the Territories, has been in the same way re ferred to the will of the people who ocoupy (he soil—(a tribunal which it is not doubled, —ill decjda in nearly every instance against its extension.) This feature of the adjust ment stands on a high and glorious priuciple the principle on which our revolutionary 1 fathers determined to found all our Republi can institutions. And what have our South ern brethren in this adjustment, which may yet be disturbed ? They have a law provi ding for the rendition of their fugitive slaves a measure fully guaranteed to them by the Constitution—Every chizen of a slave holding State has a right to claim his fugi tive by virtue of the Consritulion —he had that right before there was any Congression al legislation on the subject, and he would still have it it all legislation were repealed. But he might not be able to execute this right. The fugitive might be secreted from him of the owner might be prevented from taking him uj' physical foroe. The legisla tion of Congress points out to him the pro gress, and places within his reach the power of executing this constitutional right. Truth and Right—God and onr Country. " It is then not a question of whether the fugitive shall be returned or not, but one merely of the mode and manner of accom plishing this end. The Constitution says, "no person held to labor or service in any State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in conseq&ence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from ser vice, but shall be delivered upon claim of the parly to whont Buch labor or service is due.' Nor is this constitutional provision one of an ordinaty character, -for we learn ITis'.orically, by means ot the debates in the Convention, that this provision was an ulti matum with a number of States, and that the Union never could havo bees formed without itj It. is therefore, that all Congress cattHiAen this subject, is to make provision for Inefficient exeoulion of the Constitution, and that any law that did not secure au easy and prompt return of the slave to hi 9 master, would fall short of the requisitions of the Constitution. Prior to ' 1793, there had been no legislation upon the subject, and yet the right of the owner of a slave to come into a free State and carry off his fugitive was nut The Supreme Court of the United States in the case of I'riag vs. The Commonwealth of Pennsyl vania, laid down the principle that the end being required, it was for Congress to pro vide the means of obtaining it. If the Con stitution thus clearly intended that every lu gilive from labor should bo returned to his. master, we are brought to the simgle inqui ry, will the legislation of Congress do this —do it efficiently, and in accordance with the Constitution, and wprk no injury to the rights of freemen t Believing that it may do all this, and therefore give to our south ern brethren the lull benefit of their consti tutional rights on this point, I am for main taining the law as il is, and against further Congressional agitation. It is always unwise to complain of evils, without at the same lime pointing to some practical remedy. Those who complain of the fugitive slave law, Bhould remember that the evil which they lament is not so much in the law as in the Constitution from which the law springs—that the error against which they declaim was more the work of out Revolutionary Fathers than of our present Southern brethren. Nor Bhould they forget that if the constitutional provision were left to executo itselt. the rendition of the fugi tive would be accomplished in a much more summary mode than that pointed out by the late Congress. The deemed sufficient, that amount was placed ! in each hill, accompanied by the usual num ber of kernels of corn and an occasional pumpkin seed, and all were nicely covered over in the usual style. Now, after premising that several days have occurred since the corn was planted, the sequel of the story shall be told in a dialogue between our friend and one ofhis neighbors. Neighbor. "Well, friond, have you plan ted your corn ?" "Yen, several days sinoe." "is it tip yet 1" "Up ! yes ; up and gone, most of it." "How is that!" "Well, you see I bought a lot or damaged sausages, in 'Orleans, the other day, a smooth-tongued auctioneer saying they would make excellent manure if nothing ele.s I brought the lot over, commenced planting my corn at once as it was time, pla cing a sausage in each' hill, and—" "Wed, and what V' "And felt satisfied that I had made a good ' job of it. Some days afterwards, I went out to the field to see how my corn was coming on, and a pretty piece of business I have made in trying agricultural experi* ments." ■'Why, what was the matter ?" "Matter ? the first thing I saw, before reaching the fluid, was q lot of dogs ikcmnc rascally whelps had scented out the business, and they have dug up every hill by this time- If I could set every dog of them on that ras cally auctioneer, I'd be satisged." The Itistug Generation. It was said by somebody—John Neat, wo believe, for ho is always uttering quaint things from that huge package of brains planted on his shoulders—that thero were no boys and girls, now-a-days, but that they sprung out of ihe mother's arms into men and women. We confess that, odd as the idea is, there is a little too much fact at its base. The boys are eager to reach man hood, which they are apt to think consists in smoking cigars, chewing tobacco, drinking toddies, and rolling oaths, as sweet morsels from off their tongues. The girls are equal ly eager to attain the glories of womanhood, which consists in wearing elegant dresses, spinning'street yams, going to parlies, and —and—shull we say it !— getting hatbands.. Well, it is out, and, upon Ihe whole, we'll let it sland, though we incur thereby tho peril or having our ears pulled. So the one class are ever in a hurry Jo cast thdir jackets for long tailod* coats and their candy for cigars ; and the other to step out from the caterpillar chysalis of pantalotts and short dresses, into the full blown butter fly beauty of womandom. "But, "the more haste the worse speed and we advise-the boys and girls to hold on to their bread and-butter life just as long as they possibly can. They will novor be sa happy as now. TUB UNION SOLD— Mrs. I'arlttgton. 011 being told lh".t Mr. Ritchie had sold, 'The Union,' fexclaimed: "Alas! I feared, he would do something awful to edentify him! I wonder if he sold the people with it, and if 1 have got to become a nigger slave? If soi I shall emulate