THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
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VOLUME 3.
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For the Star of the North.
MY MOTHER'S PRAYERS.
8T M. L. TXTTER.
My mother's prayers are with me,
Wheresoever 1 may go;
And like gurdian angels round me
They keep my feet from woe.
)
They are with me on the billows,
Or down in the lonely dell,
And how ranch these praycrravail mo
Only one on high caujell.
When thick dangers close around mo,
And with troubles I'm beset ;
It is then her prayers are with me
And my path they well direct
When dread sickness is upon me,
And my hopes and spirits gone ;
'Tis my mothers prayers that cheer me
And that make my courage strong. j
When star from friends anil home—
Amid strangers and mid care—
Welcome ever comes the echo,
Of ■ mother's constant prayer.
CATTAWIISA, Feb. 19, 1851.
Speech of Hon. John Rrisbln of Pa.
In the House of Congress on the bill to cstab- '
ksk o Board of Accounts to examine private
claims against the tiovcrnment.
The bill provides that the report of the
Board shall be "final and conclusive," |
whereupon Mr. Brisbin moved to add the
words "in all sums not exceeding 52,000." j
Mr.BRISBIN said: That there are many
just claims against the Government which at
present the claimants have no means to en- ,
force the payment of oxcopt through the ao- !
lion of Congress, no one will pretend to de j
ny. And that many claims arc made which ,
have no foundation in justice, is equally |
true. The real question, therefore, is, how
and in What way can it be belt ascertained I
whal claims ought, and what ought not to 1
be peid What tribunal will be most likely j
to do speedy justice between the Govern- ;
ment end its creditors. Much has been said
about the wiongs that the Government en- :
dures by reason of the drafts that are made
upon her Treasury for the payment of an
jost claims ; that session alter session, aud j
Congress after Congress, are presented, and
which finally, through the influences and i
soft appliances that are brought to bear by the |
agents who have charge of them, receive
the favorable consideration and action ot j
Congress. 1 have no doubt, sir, we have
suffered much in this way, and are in a fair j
wy to suffer still mote, and that the end of
our sufferings will never come until some .
tribunal other than Congress is organized for!
the purpose of adjusting these claims. Ev- ;
•ry claim here presented seems, with its in-,
creasing years and repeated repulses, to j
gather new equities and to inspire new and
increased energies in its prosecution : of this
vi have an illustrious example in ihe
French spoliation claims. A half a century
ago it was considered, to say the least,
doubtful in its character; but time and re*
peated failures to induce Congress to pay it,
have in the opinions of its friends, removed
all doubts, and rendered the obligations of
this Government to pay it so clear, that its
advocates seem astonished that justice has
so long been denied, and it is soon again, 1
•uppote, to make its appearance in this
11*11, clothed in the garments of equity, with
which the indefatigable energies of the in
numerable sharks that prowl about the por
tals of your Capitol h-ifO furnished it- Now i
•ir. while I utterly abhor and detest that
class who miii a business of prosecuting
these and unjust claims, I would not
<OT that reason, and bcoause frauds may in
•OBie instances be perpetrated upou the
Government, ehut the doors of tho Treasury
against honest creditors. But lam in favor
of the organization of a tribunal, whose fa
cilities and mo ins of arriving at a just con
elusion with regatd to those claims, are bet-
Mr than thoso possessed by Congress, and
one where justice can bo done with less de
lay and with less expense to the suitor and
tka Government. It has been welt said that
jhit is the most expensive court on earth.
Wo might about as well pay every claim that
ia presented at once, as to spend the time
that we do apend in trying to adjust them.
Wo sit here day after day and session after
session, at an expense of not less than 53,-
000 per day to the people, and a great pro
portion of that time is spent in the consid
eration of these claims, and that too, in nine
s esses oat of ten, wi'hout.arriving at any con
clusion. Now. eir, what is the great objec
tion that is urged against the creation of this
Board Of Accounts?* It is that tho corhitiis
aioners will be corrupted, and that frauds
Mill be perpetrated npon the Government.
This argument, sir, will apply with equal
force against tho organization of every dc
pnument.of the Government. The judges
of our conns may become corrupt; the Pres
ident and heads of' Departments may be-
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY; PA., THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1851.
come corrupt; Senators and Members of
this Hcuso may become corrupt, and any, or
•B of them, may in a greater or less degree
become the instruments for the commission
of fraud npon the Treasury. But shall we
for this reason abolish our courts ? Shall we
have no Presidents or heads of Departments
or Congress ? If we would have a Govern,
meet, we must repose trusts somewhere, at
the same time throwing abound the persons
invested with them, all the guards we can.
And I know of no tribunals where it may
more safely be reposed than in courts of
justice, to which this board (if not techni
cally classed under that head) is yet very
similar. It is not unfrequent to hoar our
Presidents, our heads of Departments, our
Congressmen, our Goveinors, and our mem
bers of the State Legislatures, charged with
fraud and corruption'; but seldom, very sel
i dam, is it that we hear theme changes mmJa
against tfie judges of our oourts. Ir. them
the peoplo generally have confidence, and
with their decisions thi country is generally
satisfied. The position in which they are
placed, and the means and opportunities
which the advocates of t the respective oarties
possess to expose any attempt to be partial
or unjust, tender it far mote difficult for
them to practice fraud, even if they were so
disposed, without the fear of immediate ex
posure, than it is for men in other depart
ments of the Government.
Who, sir, that has a just claim would no'
rather submit its decision to three men, com
petent for the station, than to submit it to
the decision ol this House? While wo may
be as much disposed to do justice, we do
not, nor can we have the samo means of
information necessary to a correct decision.
And tho very faot, sir, that the information
which we obtain relative to these claims is
necessarily limited, leads us, I fear, in ma
ny cases to tho commission of great injus
tice—injustice to honest claimants by refu
sing thein relief, and injustice to the Govern
ment by granting relief where it ought not
to be granted. The fact that the Govern
ment has no one to look up the evidence fo r
her, gives the claimant who is the most ad
roit, industrious, and unscrupulous in prepa
ring and prcsentiug the claim, and who is
most able to incur the expense of employ
ing agents and procuring evidence, the best
chance of succosa, without much regard to
the character of the claim.
I fear, sir, that the poor without friends,
and without money, and whose claims are |
generally small, and I may arid, full as apt I
to be just, stand but a poor chance in com
peting before this court with men of wealth
and influence. Not so, sir, before this
board : there will be the evidence on both
sides, there will be the advocate of the
Government, and the claimant; and he
who, under such circumstances, does any
very very great injustice to either party,
must be a man who is fatally bent on mis
chief. and will be held up to his country as
another Jeffreys. He cannot say, as mem
bers here may well, "I didn't know anything
about the matter." He cannot excuse him
6elf or palliate his crime by saying, "Well,
such a man or such a member said it was
just, or it was unjust, and I relied on his
judgment." He will have to rely upon his
own judgment, formed upon a full knowl
edge of all the facts, and for that judgment
ho will be held responsible, and that respon
sibility will beter him from any very gross
violation of justice.
But, it is said we now pay more than wo
ought to these claimants. That is not the
question. The question is, how can we best
ascertain what wo ought to pay ? Again: it
is objected, that after all tbat may be done
by this board, Congress will not thereby be
relieved ; that the same amount of timo will
be coii.su mod it passing upon (he reports
that may Lo made by them. This, in my
judgment, will jio* be tho case. Constitute
a board of such mon as tho people and Con
gress havo confidence in, and in my opinion
nine tenths of the lime wo ?0w consumo in
the coasideration of these clajnis will be
saved. We shall have before us the evi
dence on both sides in a condensed iL\ r n>!
Upon it we cau readily, aided as we shall be j
by the reasoning of the commissioners,
come to [a conclusion. In my judgment
sir, the greatest objection to this board is the
fear that they will rot do injustice; and I
doubt whether you" can find one of these
blood-hounds—who make a business of
frowning down members ol Congress, who
is not opposed to tho organization of this
board. They want no tribunal organized to
elicit the truth and to administer justice;
they rely upon a suppression of everything
that makes against thom ; and the loss time
and opportunity that is given for the exami
nation of their claims the better for them,
hoping that by a presentation in its most fa
vorable light of one side of the case, and by
limiting the opportunities for a careful ex
amination, that they may sucoeed ill carry
ing out their nefarious system of plunder
upon the Treasury. That the bill now un
der consideration is perfect, I wilt not pre
tend, indeed, it is not such a one in many
respecta as I would have preferred, and I
hope to seo it improved before it passes, if it
should pass. I would increase the salaries
of the commissioners, so as to command
the services of men of unqiieslined ability
and integrity. I would limit the existence
of the board to fbOf years f if then it is
found to work well, it can be continued, and
if it does not, let it oeaae to exist. I would
not, as proposed in the bill, refer to its de
cision cases pending in the Departments,
and thereby enable the heads of the De
partments to shift the labor and rcsponsi-
bility which they ought to perform and in
cur, upon the board. I would make the de
cision of the board final in all cases where
the amount claimed did not exceed $2,000.
These I would like to see made,
but if they cannot be, I will vote for the bill
as it is, for I regard the organization of this
board as vitally important, not only to the
claimants, but to the people generally. It
will, in my judgment, be the means of sa
ving annually many thousands of dollars of
the people's money, that is now squandered
in the payment of unjust claims, and paying
us for our timo in the consideration of these
claims, when we ought to be engaged in
the consideration of subjects more directly
affecting the people at large. And if
there ever was a time when we ought to
practice economy, it is now. An empty
Treasury, u public debt of over $80,000,000,
with • proposition to gi re away the public
domain, should warn us to beware how we
heedlessly squander the public treasures,
unless, indeed, we adopt the heresy that wo
must have a vast public debt to strengthen
the bonds of our Union, which heresy I
trust but few will adopt; for, sir, I fear if
wc are bound together by no dearer, no
stronger ties than those created by the exis
tence of a public debt, that it will soon
weigh us down, and blasi our fond hopes for
the future.
From the Ledger.
LETTER FROM FAR IS.
PARIS, Thursday, Jan. 30, 1851.
Since tho debate of June, 1849, which led
to the dispersion of the leading Montagnards,
no events of equal importance have taken
place with those of the past two weeks. The
position of affairs here now is as follows :
Genoral Changarnior had tho command of
tho army and National Guard of Paris, and
was subject to tho orders of tho Assembly.
This double command was given to him du
ring a time of siege, and the vast power it
placed in his hands was particularly obnoxi
ous to the President of the Republic. The
latter, by means of his salary, amounting to
three millions of francs, has been able to
entertain splendily at the Elysee palace, all
the officers and sub-officers of the army
bere of some 150,000 men, and likewise to
distribute bread, wiqe and meats among the
soluiery. During the recess of the Assem
bly, as your readers have been made aware,
at a review on the plain of Salory at Versail
les, certain cavalry regiments greeted him as
Emperor, while all the infantry were silent
on tho occasion. Paris was electrified by
this fact, and the permanent Committee of
the Legislature, then in session , l.a<l in om
sideration to anticipato tho meeting of the
Assembly, by calling it suddenly together.
This, however, was not done ; but a vote of
indirect censure was passed oil the Minister
of War; and General Changannerpublished
an order telling the troops that all political
cries were contrary to rules of military disci
pline. The Cabinet then was ap irised by
the Minister of War that Changarnier must
be removed, but almost to a man they decli
ned to accede to it; the Minister of War
thereupon resigned, and General Schramu
took his place. General Niemayer, who
commanded the infantry, which did not
greet Mr Bonaparte as Emperor, was dis
missed, and the press assered that it was be
cause he forbade them to cry, as did some
of the cavalry.
At this stage of tha proceedings, the As
sembly met. A deputy attempted to address
the interpellations to the ministry on the
subject of these extraordinary events; but
the motion was overruled for the time being.
The President came out with his message.
That document was deemed conciliatory. It
did no) aggravate the Democratic party by
any fresh attacks, although it nullified truth
and democratic principles in its discussion of
the Roman affair—all the more so in claim
ing heroic merits for that piratical invasion,
while it denounced as infamous the Invasion
of Cuba It was stated freely that Louis
Napoleon was afraid to dismiss Changarnier,
much as he hated him. Those holding such
.opinions have been proved in error. The
president had the power, nnder the Consti
tution', td dismiss him. Accordingly, he
broke up i.he °'d cabinet, and appointed a
new one, parti'y composed ol tho old. This
one, acting as Geite*al Jackson had it, as a
unit, agreed to turn i?ut Changarnier ; and so
the African hero and may tff iron was de
prived of his command by the President,
whom ho regards as an interloper, he him
sell being an Orleanist. These facis I have
recited bring me up to the dato of my last
letter, Jan. 16.
Changamiers command being taken away,
and the command of the aimy and tho Na
tional Guard at Paris being placed under dif
ferent Generals, with the consequent loss of
the power of the majority of the Assembly
over the soldiers, through their tried and in
exorable chief, the imperial aspirations and
constitutional irregularitios of the President,
which had been passed over on the utter
ance of hia message, became subjects of tbe
strongest legislative treatment, and resulted
in the followiug political events of the last
two weeks.
i A committee was appointed to inquire in
to the causes of the, dismissal of Geueral
Changarnier, and made a condemnarory re
port. On this a great debate ensued. The
most prominent speakers were Messrs. Baro
che, Ministor of the Interior, for himself and
colleagues; and against him M. J. Lastcyrie,
(who married Lafayette's grand-daugher,)
M. Thiers. M. Berryer, and M. Lamartine.
The leading talent of France being .en
> gaged, and phases and combinations new-to
Trath and Hlghl—God and war Conatry.
the political world taking place, and involv
ing not siimply laws, but the constitution, the
organic force of the state, a degree of in
tense excitement occurred which is difficult
to describe. Every other topic of conversa
tion was swamped for the time beiug; but
such is the glorious attribute of a Written
Constitution, that tho parties which had hith
erto contemned it in wotds and deads, wore
obliged, when it became necessary to de
fend themselves against the President, to
cite ami appeal to this document with res
pect for the first time, and the result has
been that the Republic has come out of the
contest much stronger, the Bourse has been
firmer, and the chances of Democracy in
Europe are better than ever. And let uot
Americans look to the question of Democra
cy in Europe with an indifferent eye, for ev
ery thing that goes wrong with us—the de
rangements of trade, tho troubles respecting
slavery, are absolutely created by the want
of free governments in Europe, and conse
quently by the disturbing lorces of oligar
chical, monarchical and military Europe ac
ting upon us through a disorganizing sys
tem.
It would surpass the limits of a letter to
give you even adequate analyses of the great
debate in question; bullet me point out
some of its best parts. It must be remem
bered, in advance, that the French Ministry,
after the English fashion, sit in the Assem
bly , and are subject to the bear-batings of
members. When they cannot carry their
measures they resign, especially if they re
ceive a vote of censure, as they did in this
instance.]
In answor to Baroche, Lastcyrie said :
"What was the mystery, which weighed
on their destinies, and wtiich made them all
of accord and yet embroiled ; all constitu
tional, and all, which, however, ho denied,
all conspirators? It was that the persons
surrounding the President were Bonapartists
of the veitte and lendermain, (old Bonapar
tists and those of yesterday,) who would not
permit the prolongation of the powers of the
powers of the President under the conditions
of order and regularity, for then they would
have been lost. The Bonapartisl parly,
therefore, labored against the President.
W hen such a state of things was seen to ex
ist, ho would say that it was caused by fire
brands and barbarians !"
The firebradds and barbarians, the Tenth
Decemberists, or|Bonapartist Club, have been
broken np.
Mr. Berryer made what is called an elo
quent speech—whioh in fact is but a silly
one—as it was a windv fuss about the Bour
bon animal, Henry Capet, whom they wish
to make llenry V. Mr. Berryer detenaect
the visit he made to Wesbaden to seo the
aforesaid Henry Capet. "Tho legitimists,"
he said, "had gone to see the last descen
dant of the kings of Franco who had lived
in exile, because he was the representative
of hereditary descent; because his native
land was interdicted to him in exile under
the government of July, and now, because
he could not enter France which his ances
tors had aggrandized but as the first of French
men—the King." (Great Movement.) Should
he come back, advocate Berryer would ex
pect to be made duke and prime minister.
In the course of his remarks, M. Lamar
tine said the message of the President of the
Republic had deen received with incontesta
ble approbation by every shade of opinion.
M. Charras, from bis place, striking his
desk most fotcibly with a rule, and in a loud
voice—No I (Great agita'.ion—.cries of or
der on the right, loud applause on the left.)
M. Charras.—lt was hypocrisy.
M. Baroche.—l hear behind me the voice
of a representative asserting that the mes
sage of the President of tbe Republic was
an act of hypocrisy. (Agitation.)
M. Charras.—And so it is. (Loud cries—
great confusion.)
l'he Minister of the Interier.—l appeal to
overy gentleman present, whether that is
suitable language to be applied to anf act of
the chief magistrate. Criea of "call him to
order."
Tne President of tho Assembly.—l have
at onco to state that I call M. Charras to or
der.
M. Selacelcher (of the Loft) —Then call us
all to order.
A large body of tho left, some 150 mem
bers, rose enmosse, and remained standing.
The President—Write down their names ,
they shall be inserted in the Moniteur.
On '.he Left—Yes-
This scene was sublime. Now Colonel
Charras is a difficult antagonist. He made
his way up in African campaigns by bis
Courage and address, spile of bis republi
canism ; and for such a man, so commend
ed to the army, to call the President a hypo
crite—a liar, in a word—and be supported
instantaneously by 150 members, is a na
tional event; one that cannot be forgotten;
one that must wo-k one way or the other
with political force. But tha eourteous M.
Lamartine ia a peace maker. He endeavors
to take mon as they are : pat them on the
back, and give them sugar plums. Without
dwelling oa the past, he says, be a good boy-
Johnny.
When M. Thiers mounted the tribune, in
tqnse was the interest. The following is a
quotation from his speech, showing the new
tactics of the author .-
"Before 1848, brought up in monarchical
ideas and seeing England and the United
States, I had given preference to the form ot
government of tbe former, and X had dreamt
of my country having a similar one. That
form realized all my ideas of order and lib
erty. lam not Unmindful of tho greatness
of the United States, but having been
brought up in old Europe,|l only thought of
a constitutional government. The ovents of
1848 arrived, and I felt sincere grief in con
sequence. I, however, said to myseff, per
haps I have been mistaken : perhaps Provi
dence may lead mon towards an American
form of government. The country declared
itself; it passed its decree, and that decree
was—the Republio. It was our duty to ac
cept it freejy and without a concealed oppo
sition. 1 ask nothing-from any government;
at my age no governmeut can do anything
tor me. All I hive to do depends on my
self, in conducting myself well or ill. My
resolutions was to serve the republic, nor
share in its greatness; but because the duty
of every good citizen is to bend before the
law. I reflected that the government is one
of all parties."
This Uas blundering and illogical as all
Mt. Thiers' remarks on policy, or the forms
of governments. If he be a great man, his
being brought up in monarchical ideas
would not avail against the new political
truths which genius and commonplace can
find in our country. Again : he speaks of
the constituted governments as if England
had one and the United States had not,
when the reverse is the case. A ''constitu
ted government" if it mean anything differ
ent from "a government" which every tribe
and nation has, is a government with a con
stitution written out and abided by, in the
face of these facts, there was not a man in
the Assembly who corrected the rhodomon
tade of Mr. Thiers.
The great debate finished by a vote of
censure, produced by a combination of Le
gitimists, Orleanists, Republicans and Social,
tsts, of 415 to 236 of those siding with the
Presidency, Paris was electrified with the
result! Such coalition I M.Thiers on the
heels of his visit to Claremont to confer with
the Orleans family, (which act ho defends in
his speech,) for the constitntion, with con
cealed thoughts!
M. Lamartine has come ont with a white
washing defence of the President: he cuts
away at Thiers for his pilgrimage to Clare
mont at lftrryer and the Legitimist, fur their
pilgrimage to Wiesbaden, and remark well,
by the way, why did not the Permanont
Committee of the Legislature during the re
cess, composed of royalist majorities,- de
nounce these things along with the "imperial
cries of the troops," and if they are now
sincere in voting no confidence in the Min
istry, why did they not show their want of
confidence at once—two months ago ? "The
truth is," says M Lamartine, "one of two
things': either tbe Peimanent Committee saw
crimes in the acts of the Executive govern
ment during the absence of the Assembly,
and in that case it is inexcusable for not hav
ing at the same moment sounded the consti
tutional tocsiu of alarm, and recalled the
Assembly to prevent, beard and pulverise
the coup d'etat; or the Permanent Committ
ee saw only phantoms, and in that case why
has it not joined in a chorus with the retro
spective coalition which has denounced the
so called conspiracies of the Executive gov
ernment to the Assembly, ha< agitated the
people, caused a panic in the Republic, sus.
pended affairs, divided ihe two powers,
whose harmony is the necessary condition of
all good, and whose conflict the condition of
evil ? Either the Committee was very blind
two months ago, or is very muoh at pres
ent."
On the condemnatory vote against tho
Ministry, they resigned, and the President
would not go to any of the majority to lake
offie, but applied among others, to M. Lam
artine. Lamartine, much to his honor, re
fused office, unless the President would
pledge the government to restore universal
suffrage. This was a thing, M. Bonaparte
said, that required consideration.
Finally, the President formed "a transitu
ry Ministry," composed of men not one in
the Assembly—the most extra parliamentary
committee that has been seen in France
since she had a representative body. These
genilemon all belong to the administrative
bodies which they represent Of course
they know the details of their bureaus, and
an accident may teach the French people
that a minority need not necessarily be a
bait for Deputies.
This exposition of French politics, given
in comparatively brief space, shows that the
Constitution is now appealed to by M.Thiers'
—that M. Berryer openly avows his visit to
his "King" as adnty—that M. Lamartine
tries.to defend the President, while making
out the other royalists as charlatans—that a
coalition of an extraordinary character has
taken place, and an extraordinary Ministry
has come in ; and that during all these
changes and conflicts the public miud at the
bottom is less turbid, and the democratic
prospects brighter. The Republic I consider
safe. I have just conversed with a gentle
man from Rome. He states that the Cardi
nals will be massacred if they stay in Rome
alter the French troopr quit. And bow long
this overtaxed people is to be taxed for for
eign priests is a question that democracy
will decide sooner than is imagined.
One thing, since I have been "in Europe,
has struck me: the ignorance of American
statistics and progress, and of course of the
AROUMEKTS for ÜBZRTT, for unseating the
English government, whose supporters tnako
the LOANS to sustain the tyrants of tbe conti
nent. It is nselese to look into the English
presa for tine discussion on tbe subject; and
the Frenoh press are taLon up
with their idea that they aw tbe bead of all
nations to look properly to America, except
m
ing to California, whose products they recite
with a gusto worthy a professional gambler.
Our ministers abroad, necessarily Irom their
position, cannot disseminate information;
our consuls have their own business to look
after: aud I regret to say, the influence of
fashionable lile abroad, on not a few of our
countrymen, ia more docided than it ought
to be. Under these circumstance, in the ab
sence of such a supply of statistical argu
ments of freedom to the French press, I
have undertaken, though my health and timo
do tot warrant it, to contribute regularly,
'acts respecting America and American
Democracy, to a republican press here ; and
thus disseminata them over tho continent of
Europe. At this moment lam engaged on
a translation iuto French, of Mr. Webster's
magnificent reply to the Austrian Charge.
Not one of the English paper's have fully
copied IT, as I have seen. What the people
of Europe want is such light. The best of
the French press is eternally quoting Eng
land as a free connty. The zigzag uf Brogh*
am, who, like Peel, never peiformed any
thing worthy of the name of statesmanship,
whatever the small English-groomed criti
cism of America may say to the contrary,
is hero quoted.
The Press now shapes Europe. When
such stern facts a 9 those of the gigantic pro
greis of America, simply because she is
Democratic, are presented in batteries of
truth loaded arithmetical figures, it must pre
cipitate tho coming of the great day of e
mancipatiou ;that great day when the daugh
ters of Eve shall be rescued from dung
heaps; from being harnessed with donkeys
to a plough, or dragging a canal boat; from
sweeping kennels or descending miasmatic
pits; from having loveliness, grace, virtue,
heaven battered out of them, while pom
pous priests, swelling in clerical red, pretend
to follow a meek Redeemer, and aresuppor
ed in their conspiracy, with kings and no
bles, by millions of armed men, torn f.om
honor and labor to play liveried execution
ers of universal universal humanity. It is
this syßtem that all the privileged orders of
Europe are sworn to uphold. It is this sys
tem which America has sworn to put down.
The P.-ague Gazette announces the com
plete rupture of the diplomatic relations be
tween Austria and the United States.
So be it. Nearly thirty years ago, the
Austrtan Charge, M. Hulsomann brought
himself into favorablo notice with the Aus
trian government by a work of Travels in
the United States, conceived of course in a
spirit suited to the latitude of the Holy Alli
ance. I mention this fact as not uninterest
ing at this moment.
A great meeting has been held at Man
chester. Mr. Cobden discoursed in his usual
superior vein. He ridiculed Lord John Rus
sell's letter about the mummeries of the
"Roman Church^'and convulsed his audi
ence with laughter in describing the mum
meries of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen
who carried up tho address to the Queen on
tbe subject of tbe Papal aggressions.
_ W. H. F.
GREAT BUILDING CONTRACT.— The New
York papers say that IVm. B. Aslor, Esq.,
has contracted lor the erection of one hun
dred and fifty first-class houses in that city.
This is probably the largest building contract
ever heard of in the United Slates—amount
ing in aggregate to not less than three-quar
ters of a million.
EP* Red cheeks are only oxygen in anoth
er shape. Girls anxious to wear a pair, will
find them where the roses do—out doors.
One good sleigh-ride is better for the com
plexion, than all the piano playing in the
world.
OF* To commit MURDER quietly, take a
lady and tell her sne has a pretty toot. She
will then wear a small thin shoe, go out in
| the wet, catch co Id, and a cold will bring on
a fever, and she will die in a month.
liF A physician has recently invented a
"now pill." This infalliable remedy for
melancholy is made of "fun and fresh air,
iu equal proportions, and is to be taken with
cold water three times a day." Having used
this article for the last five yeais, we can
bear teatimy to its great virtues.
"Wife!" said a broker a few days
since, "do you ever think I shall be worth
fifty tLousand dollars ?" "Ain't I worth that
to you ?" said the confiding spouse. "Y-e
--s!" hesitatingly replied the other half, 2"but
I can't put you out at interest-"
ty The Native African calls thunder "the
sky'e gun ;" morning, "the day's child.'
One who has seen icd, said ''it was water
fast asleep," and the locomotive, ho said,
was a "thunder mill."
VADUEOC ADVERTISING. —It is said that
500 guineas have been offered for tbe priv
ilege of advertising on the last page of cat
alogue of the great Exhibition of the indus
try of all Nations.
tW Punch thinks it ia a doubtful point
whether a blind man could reado be liable
for his bill, payable at sight.
JJT The bqet way to get rid of a beggar
ia |o offer him K>ik
■T The new fasiioned bonnets arm pro
rtobeced to bo a bare fated invention.
CTw. Dollars par mi*.
NUMBER 5.
ITtANCE AND ATlIEHjrf.
LIKARTINE gives the following rekso'ni Ux
the repeated failure of the French rerolu
tiona
"I know—l aigh when I think of it—that
hitherto the French people have been the
lea.; religions of all the nations of fiufope
Come to our times, open oflr annals, andlie
ten to the last words of the great political
artrra of the drama of our liberty. One
would think that God was eclipsed from tha
soul; that hia name was unknown in the
language. History will have the air of so
atheist, when she recounts 10 posterity the
annihilation, rather than death, of celehra
led men in the greatest year of France
The victims only have a Cod—the tribunes
Bnd lictors have none.
Look at Mirabenu on ,lhe bed of death
'Crown m. wh ta)> 'tmoxfem*
me with perfumes. Let me die like the
sound of delicious music.' Not a word of
God, or his soul. Sensual philosopher, he
desired only a supreme sensualism, a last
voluptuousness to his agony.
Contemplate Madamo Roland, the strong
hosrted womar. oftho Revolution on the
cart that cor.vej ed her to death. She looked
con'emptously on tho bespotted people wbe
killed their prohets and sybils.
Not a glance toward Heaven! Only one
word for the earth as she Jwas quitting—"O'
Liberty I" "
Approach the dungeon of the QiroMdins.
Their, last night is a banquet. The only
hymn, the Marseilaise!
Follow Camille Des Moulin* to his exe
cution. A cool and indecent pleasantry at
his trial, and a long imprecation of tho roan
to the guillotine, were the last two thoughts
of this dying man on his way to tho 1M
tribunal.
Hear Danlon on the platform of the ecaf.
told at the distance of a line Irom God and
eternity. 'I have had a good time of it; let
me go to sleep.' Then to the exec, nonet
you will show my head to the people, it is
worth the trouble !' His faith, annihilation;
hie last sigh, vanity; behold tho Frenchman
m (liis latter age.
What must one think of the religious sen
timents of a free people, whose figures
seem to march in procession to annihilation,
and to whom that terrible minister, Death
itself, recalls neither threatening nor the
promise of God.
The Republic of there men without a
God has quickly been stranded. The liber
ty won by so much heroism and so much
genius, has not found iu France a conscieno
to shelter it a God to avenge it, a poople to
defend it, agninst that atheism whioh has
been called glory. An atheistic republcsn
ism cannot be heroio.—
When you terrify it, it bends; when you boy
it, it sells itself. Who would tako any had 1
—the people ungrateful, and God non-exi*
tant! So finish a'.heislio revolutions."
In and After tke Honey jl/ccn —When Hon
Truman Smith, Senator from Connoetieut,
returned to Washington with his youthful)
accomplished and handsome Alabama wife)
somebody asked him how many slaves she
had. "Only one," said Truman, bowing
low, and placing his hand upon his heart—
-1 only one, who is proud to be her slave."
This was very good. A correspondent of
the New York Herald gives a supplementary
anecdote a month later. On the night the
platform gave way at the Washington Cir
cus. Air. Smith was present with his young
wife, and it is said that when the crash
came, be ran for the door, leaving the lady
to shift for herself. Another lady, observ
ing it, remarkod, pointing at tha honorable
Senator from Connecticut—"Look! look I
there goos a fugitive slave !"
THE THREE BEAI. DOCTORS —A judicial off
icer of some distinction, in the interior of
the State, givos the following results of hss
experience with the three best doctors be
could procure for his wife. She had beon
sick, ho said, for two years, and was daily
getting worse, ihough he had an alopathio
physician to call daily; he then procured a
homoeopathic doctor, and for six months, his
wife improved perceptibly; but at the enb
of that time the doctor broke hia leg, and
could no longer continue his attendance,
whereupon the lady speedily an I entirely
recovered
MODESIY. —We always admire modesty
in both sexes, especia ly in the female ; bat
thero are instances when it ceases to be a
virtue, by doing it "brown" orermuob, for
instance:
"A lady went the other day into a dry
good's establishment, and while examining
some articles, another lady ontered in search
of (don't blush- ladies,) som'9 undress linen:
Not wishing to use this simple term, with
severyl indistinctly audible and diminutive
hems, she said to the attentive clerk, "Have
yon any muslin that im't up in the morning."
THB DRI'NKARO'S LIBERTY.— Drink promis
ed me liberty, and I got it. 1 bad the liber
ty to see my toes poke out of my boots—the
water had liberty to go in at the toes and
.out at the heels—my knees had the liberty
to come out of pants—my elbows had the
liberty to come out of my coat— and I had
the liberty to lift the crown off my hat and
scratch my head without taking ray hat off.
OT A clarivoiunt at Cleveland has had an
interview with Tom Paioe, who raeanis hie
errors, and is at present stopping wirh Osn
Washington and Ethan Alien, Rune— 1