COLU DEMOC AND BLOOMSBURG GENERAL ADVERTISER. LEVI L. TATE, EDITOR. "TO HOLD AND TRIM TUB TOROII OF TRUTH AND WAV IT O'ER TUG DARKENED EARTH." mi? n irci . do nnTi?n a vrvrTTur VOL. 17. NO, 32. BLOOMS liURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PENN'A,, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1863, VOLUME 27. MBIA RAT, i COLUMBIA EMOCRAT. BIHTF.D BY LEVI li. TATE, raOI'METOU SATURDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 10, 1B63. The Presehvation of tUo Constitution, The Restoration op the Union, -And the Sjjmemacv or the Laws. irsci.iNo to run constitution, as the BIlll'U'dlXKEI) .MAIll.VHKOl.lNOSTOTIIK LAST 1M.ANK. WHEN NHIIIT AND TIIE TKJirEST CLOSE AUUUNU HIM." Janiel IVtlster. ' I INTEND, l'Oll ONE, TO REGARD AND MAINTAIN. AM) MAURY OUT. TO THE J'UM. EST EXTENT, THE CONSTITUTION 01' TIIE UM- ti:d states, which i have sworn to sur- FOIIT IN ALL ITS PARTS AND ALL I'M l'KO VISlONd" Daniu. Wkiismi. NO HODY CI' TROOPS IN THE ARMY 01' TUB UNITED STATI.H. OR OK TIIISCOM.MONWEAI.TII SHALL III! I'UESEN'T, EITHER ARMED OR UN ARMED, AT ANY PLACE or ELECTION WITHIN THIS COMMONWEALTH, DURINO THE TIME OF SUCH ELE01 ION." 9J1A Sit, of .let of Aiit-ih I) of Ptnniyh-ania, 5n July inn in nil ii i i iii ii i ii in ii ii i i urn i Address from tho Domocratic State Central Committee. To the Citizens op Pennsylvania: Wo would respectfully and earnestly address a few words to those of you wlio have returned to your homes from tho mil itary servieo of our country. Ou political eubjacts, wo address you all as citizens; It is as citizens you will attend tbo polls. Your State, by liar laws, solemnly enjoins upon you not to approach tho polls as soldiers. On somo of tho questions of the day, you have had special moans of observa tion. You havo been at the South. You have seen its negro population. Many of you have come back convinced how vain and impracticable are tho schemes for its instant emancipation and advancement, in prosecuting whii'h tho Abolition party dis want to livo under tho same rulo at home ? Do you sec with satisfaction "provost mar shals" lording it over tho Constitution and tho laws, in all our peaceful towns and villages ? Aro they bettor and wiser than our judges and magistrates: ? You know somo of them woll. Somo arc gallant officers, but many aro ignorant partisan politicians, needing as much as any men 1 0110 yuars' P"'1 Tho language of tho Constitution is clear. "Ilcsolvcd. That tho Demccraoy of Ponn Judges have no power to alter it, though sylvauia ever has been true to tho cause of Mill rtnnnlo mntf 1n an i on1 n nrnnnallmti iuO UulOUl It was in the name, and for txil.'n til t1t rT.i 4 1 m t ami nn(M trtna to alter tho Constitution in this point will d tbnt (lcnounoc tho t iJnlima. como naxt year before tho people. present it reads thus : 'Seo. 3. In elections by tho citizens, every whito freeman of tho ago of twenty- ars, having resided in tho btato one ion district where he w ue iic.o in ciicck uy tuo law irom per- (0 votc tcn d immediately prccc potrating wrongs and falling into errors, j ding such election, and within two years By the Conscription act all men from the ' paid a State or county tax, which shall age of twenty to forty-five aro mado liable to military duty, and from all who may bo claimed as within this class, as well as from all soldiers, the protection of civil justice is now taken away by proclama tion ; and no citizen is to hs allowed to vindicate his right to liberty if deprived of it by any military authority. Whilst you were fighting for tho Constitution, you and all of us, it seems , have lost the constitu tional rights and safeguards of liberty which aro our birthright as American freemen. Stump orators, somo of them political gene rals, forbid you to reflect on those thing. They tell you now to think only of war. There is a time and placo for all things. In the field you havo thought and acted as soldiers. Your noble deeds prove how well you did your military duty. You will do it again when you return to tho field. Hut if you arc to be here on elec tion day, now is tho time for you to think, as frcc-born citizens, of tho political con dition of your country. Wo ak you to vote with us to maintain, for yourselves and your children, tho free constitutional Government tlmt your fathers left to j ou. Think of theso things now before itii too lato. The next proclamation may assail the ballot-box. Let us use it wisely while it is yet left to us. But you aro urged perhaps you will have been assessed at lcat ten days before election, shall enjoy the rights of an elcc- turbed the harmony of the Union, and at last involved the while race of our country j be ordered not to vote for tlio candidates in tho work of mutual destruction by civil i of the Democracy. Why not? Wo can- war, j not reply with fact or argument to tho vile You have learned, too, from your pris- , slang made up of vulgar abuse and politi oners, and from the people you have been j cal nicknames, such as "Copperheads," among, that it u this same scheme for "traitors," "secessionist-"," and the like, elevating tho negro which now protracts You learned to despise these long ago, tho war. Alter your first victories, the when they wore poured out upon the gal mass of the Southern people could hava laut sons of Pennsylvania upon Model bceu brought back into the Union, under , lan, McCall, Patterson and many others, the Constitution ; the secession leaders ' who have been your leaders and your would have becu left without an army ; comrades in the field. A life spent in but the Abolition party dictated a policy I honorable service of our country is no that sot aside the Constiiution, and prescn- piotection from partisan abuse, but rather ted in its place emancipation, negro equal- seems to provoke it. You will judge men ity and general confiscation. American by their lives and characters in the past, white men do not submit e.Tily to terms t if you wish to be sure of them in tho fu likc these, and they have ailbrded to the turo. When did our candidate for Gov Accession leaders the very menus they ernor, George V. Woodward, forgot his needed to stimulate their followers to des-! duty in order to serve himself or his parly, peratj and protracted rcistancc. Thus in any trust that Pennsylvania gave into the war has been kept up with all its tor- his keeping ? "He deprived the soldiers riblo expenditure of life and blood and of a vote,' say some of the Republican treasure The Abolitionists have been tho politicians. We aro glad to meet a charge best recruiting officers for Lee and Davis, that has any meaning in it. Wo will give far without the. licln of the Abolition Tiro- 1 lOV? words to this, - ...... r L clamations they never could havo drawn from tho email whito population of the States they occupy the vast armies which, in nearly every battle, havo exceeded in numbers, but not in valor, the soldiers of tho Union. Practically, the Abolit'on party at tho North has proved the most useful ally to the secession leaders, for tho Abolition policy Las silenced and kept under the Union mon of the South, of whom Mr. Lincoln said, in his first mcs aago, "It may bo well questioned whether there is to day a majority of the legally qualifiod voters of aoy State, except per haps South Carolina, in favor of disunion ; thcro is much reason to believe that tho Union men aro the majority in many, if not in every other one cf the so-called seceded States.'' Hero wis the weakness of tho rebellion, till Abolition came to its oid and united the Southern people Tho Democracy have advocated a con ititutional policy, maintaining- at tho North and alwnys offering to tbo South, the original Constitution agreed to by our forefathers. Thus wo saw a means of giving the Uniou men of tho South tho up por hand of tho secessionists. This is prevented by tho policy of the Abolition ists At tho North ; and when they lose pol itical power hero, then their twin brothers, tho secessionists of tho South, will fall from power there. Both look to military despotism as tho means to keep their hold on power. As soldiers, you havo had full experience- of military rule. You know its uses, its hardships and its evils. Necossary in armies, it is not, as you well known, a form of Government fit for a frco people. Tbo strict submission, tho un questioning obedienco to every superior required by military discipline theso you agreed to givo in military duties during th term of your enlistment, But do you tor," &c. Now, the baseness of tho attempt of tho Republicans to excito prcjudico among soldiers againt tho Democratic judges lies in this : The constitutional objection a gainstthc camp voto was first raised by Republicans, in order to secure the office of Sheriff of Philadelphia to the Republi can candidate Tho rejection of tho camp votc did secure tho offico to the Republican candidate, Mr. Thompson, and ho holds it now. Judge Allison, Judgo Reed, Judgo Strong, all decided against tho camp voto ; but tho abuse in all direction against tho Democratic candidates ; yet they were the judges who in tho decision showed that no party feeling could sway them from doing what they knew to be their duty. Por this the Democratic party honors them, and nominates them to high offices, of which they have proved worthy. Mr. Robert Ewing, who lost his case, is among their warmest supporters. If the Republican politicians can make political capital out of this matter, it will not be among honest men who want honest judg es. In giving tho decision of tho Court against camp vote. Judgo Wood ward was not forgetful of the honor duo to our gal- laiii soldiers, lie said : "It is due to our citizen soldiery to add, however, in respect to tho cases of fraud that havo been before us, that no soldior was implicated. The frauds were perpe trated in every instance by political spec ulators, who prowled around the military camp?, watching tor opportunities tn des troy true ballots aud sub-titute false ones, to forgo and falsify returns, and to cheat citizen and soldier alike nut of the fair and equal election provided for by law To voluntarily surrender tho comforts of home and friends and business, and to en counter the privatations of the camp and the pcrds ot war, tor the purpose of viudi eating tho Constitution aud tho laws of the country, is indeed a signal sacrifice to timko for the public pood ; but the men who mndo it the most cheerfully and from the highest moiivcs would bo the very la.t to insist on carrying with them the right of civil suffrage, especially wh en they see, what experience proves, that it can not bo exorcised amidit the tumults of war without being attended by frudulent prac ticcs that endanger tho very existence of the light. Whilst such men fight lor the Ciinsiitution, they do not expect judges to sap and mine it by judicial construction." Chase vs Miller, 0 Wright's Reports.) Nor was ho found wanting at a lator period, when the gallant Army of the Po tomac, inferior far in number, confronted tho hosts of our invaders on the soil of Pennsylvania. Whilst bungling misman agement delayed her own militia until New York and New Jersey got tho start of us, Judgo Woodward, with his two sou3 in tho field, gave all the weight of his position and character to tho call to arms. He said : ''There ought to bo such an instant up rising ol youn;,' men, in response to this call, as shall be sufficient to secure tho public safety, und to teach the world that no hostilo foot can, with impunity, tread tho soil of Pennsylvania." (Philadelphia Inquirer, Juno !)0, 10013.) Tho Democratic party has been as much belied to you as its candidates. But many of you aro Democrats, all ofynu havo camped and marched aud fought side by eidc with Democrats, in the service of the Union, You know whether thoy havo been tvuo to it aud to you. Somo of M tion that tho Democratic party entertains now, or ever has entertained, or ever can entertain, tho slightest sympathy with the present gigantic rebellion, or with trai tors in arms against the Government, or would ever consent to poaco upon any terms involving a dismemberment of tho Union, as utterly unjust ; and in proof of this, we point with exultation to the lavish contribulations to tho war iu blood and trcasuro heretofore, and now being made by tho hundreds of thousands of Democrat, io citizens, who were among tho first to fly to the rcscuo of tho Union, and peril their lives in its deloncc." Ciiaiilps J. Riddle, Chairman. Philadelphia, Sept. 19, 180G. propose it, when thoy aro sworn to support law cannot bo applied for tho regulation tho Constitution, and whoso offices aro ' of tho conduct of persons in privato or civ created and duties defined by it? But put tho question on other grounds, Republicans must admit that a Stato can not chango its status in tho Union, that it cannot secede in other words, that tho Union is perpetual. This admitted, what and ''in all criminal prosecutions, tho ao cuscd shall enjoy tho right to a spocdy and puuiio trial, by an impartial jury of tho il life." To provo tho superiority of Jc'tvil over! Stato and' district wherein thocriino shall military law, tho author quotes tho 33d havo been committed. Art of War which says, in substance thatj The frequent and glaring violations of "all officers aro required to deliver over these principles need no further commont offenders or accused persons to tho civil from mo. I wish, howovor. to add a few becomes of their proposition to change magistrate, anu to am ana assist the om- words m relation to the writ of hnbca the condition of a State 1 It is in effect a CGra of justido in apprchonding and scouring . corpus. When you come to the polls in your proper election districts, you will find that no one has deprived ycu of your vote. There was a question whether tho Consti tution of Pennsylvania provided any t . it means lor a citzon to voto wnon no was abeent from his homo on the day of an election. Four canes of camp-voting came, about the same time, before tho courts, or rather three cases. For in tho caso known as Shimmcl-ponnich's caso it was proved and admitted that no votes had beonrcAlly given by any one j tho pretended returns wero shown to bo forgeries made up iu Philadelphia, and as such tho Couits re jected them. Tho case of most importance wa tho caso of Ewing against Thompson, woll rc mombcrcd in Philadelphia. The election was for Sheriff of thut county, a very lu crative office, of great political importance. Mr. Robert Ewing, tho Democratic can didate, had a majority, it votes given for i tho best soldiers of this war aro Democrats bun in tho camps in Virginia could bo ana f0f no other reason they havo incurcd the hatred of tho faction whose teat of merit is devotion to the negro ! In tho in them would decide whether a Democrat State Legislature, in the Foderal Congress or a Republican thould bo the Sheriff of your rights aud interests wero always Philadelphia. Tho Republicans opposed maintained by representatives of tho Do tho soldiers' voto beeauso it was for Ewing 1 mocracy o Pennsylvania, Of its prinoi tho Democratic candidate. Mr. Manu, pies wo can mako no statement bo authori se Republican District Attorney, inado , tativo as its platform. Wo cite to you up a caso by indiotiug a Gorman named from it the following resolutions : Kunzman for voting fraudulenlly in a "Ihsolvcd, That tho soldiers composing camp in Virginia. In this caso Judgo ' r nrinUsni crit tho.warmcst thanks of and ,. c ,, r. i rv vnna o nation. Ihcir country called, and nob v Allison, of tho Court ol Common Pleas, a m Lwlnff ' thev .ha-U Republican, first decided that, under tho kmm a atU)US'a Rratitudo ; wounded a Constitution of Pennsylvania, votes could nation's care ; and dyiuif, they shall livo Writtjin roK the Colimbu Democrat. Slate Bigbfs and Reconstruction. These two questions arc so intimately connected that they should bo considered together. It is undeniable that States have certain rights ; and their origin and extent should be understood now, moro than ever, inasmuch as "reconstruction'' is proposed on a novel basis. The principal States comprising this Union were originally Colonics of Great Britain, formed by grants or charters from the mother country, wherein their duties and privileges were expressly defined. They wero dependent only on the mother country. When theso colonies cast off their allegiance to Grci't Britain and be came States, they wero independent not only of the mother country, but of each other. Such being the case thoy wero sovereign and independent States, and as snch, possessed of full power. For tho common dtfenco these States formed a League or Confederacy, of their own free will, and retained all tho rights and privileges of independent States, save those delegated to the Confederacy. But it worked badly another conven tion was called, aud for more perfect Union, "tho present Government was or dained, with the present Constitution for for its guidance aud luaintainancu. This Constitution had many ablo enemies, who maintained that too much power was ta ken from the States and given to the gen eral Government ; and Patrick Henry one of Liberty's ablest advocates declar ed, that 4'it had an awful squinting to wards monarchy." Iu this instrument it was distinctly de clared, that "all powers not delegated to the General Government aro reserved to tho States respectively.'' Here, then, we have tho doctrino of ''Stato rights" distinctly declared and defined, and that, too, iu tho very instrument which is the basis of the Republic tho Supreme law ol tho land and higher than proclama tions or acts of its sworn executors, such as Presidents, Congresses, or Political Conventions. There need bo no confusion on tho question ofStato Rights." It is unde niable that they possess all powers not delegated to the general Government, and in case of doult it is only necessary to edgemont that a State can be placed out of it. Again, if the pcoplo of a Stato cannot place themselves outsido tho Union, how can authorities elsowhero do so ? But, my Republican friends, carry your doctrines further, and to their legiti mate conclusions. You say that insurrec tion in a Statu makes it liable to a forfeit ure of its rightt. If so, Pennsylvania could have been reduced to a Territory on account of tho Whiskoy Insurrection ;" Massachusetts by Shay's rebellion, South Carolina for Nullification ; and Rhode Island on account of tho "Dorr Rebellion." A President by odious acts could create an insurrection and then deprive a State of rights gunrrantocd in tho constitutional contract, and enjoyed sinoe the foundation of tho Government. The proposed policy also violates a plcdgo given to the people and army at tho commencement of tho war. Congress and the President declared in substauco, that "it was uot to bo waged in a spirit of oppression, or for conquest, but to rcstoro the Union, law, and order, and that when these objects were accomplished tbo war should cease." Under that nlcdcc and for that purpose, this army was raised; but when a contrary doctrino was an nounped scarcely another regiment volun teered. It is even now broadly asserted by leading men liko Sumner, Chase, Stan ton and others, that the object of this war is to break down slavery, crush and ex terminate the South, and to completely destroy the Government of our fathers, by foroibly changing the sUdus ofono third of our States comprising the Union. I have discussed this question as though wo had fought our last ba ttle destroyed tho last army, and captured the last stronghold. I doubt not wo will do all this, but wish not to havo the joy of victo ry sullied by tho thought that it was ao comdlishcd over the ruins of broken laws, and an outraged Constitution. I do not expect perfection in tho Ad- disruption of tho Union, and an aoknowl- j tuo Prson of the accused in order to bring him to trial, tho penalty denounced by tho samo articlo against any officer who shall willfully neglect, or shall refuse, upon ap plication t) deliver over such accused commissioned officer or soldier to the civil magistrate or to aid and assist the officers of justice in apprehending such accused person, is cashioring." It is therefore, plain, that according to military authority, and the Army regula tions, persons in civil or privato life aro not subject to military law ; Vallandigham was in civil life, thereforo his trial by a military Court was illegal. Furthor,aceording to tho 33d Art of war tho penalty for refusing or neglecting to givo up the accused person to tho civil magistrate is cashiering; Burnsidc neglec ted to give up Vallandigham to tho civil authorities, therefore ho should have been cashiered. This illustration is taken because it is tho mo3t prominout one ; thcro aro hun dreds of like caics of the illegal experience of authority. Ignorant persons may claim that the President as Commaudcr-in-chicf, may chango theso Regulations; but lie Hart says explicitly "lie cannot ordain any pen alty for any military crime, not expressly declared by act of congress ; and congress itself is restrained by tho fundamental rules of a written Constitution." Scott in his military Dictionary, says, "the chief magistrate in a republic is uot tho fountain of all honor and power; and Congress alone has the power to raise armies and to mako rules for their government anil man agement." Martial Law differs from military law in this; that martial law extcuds to all persons; military law to all military per sons, but not thoso in a cui7 capacity. Do Hart considers a proclamation of mar tial law within the limits of the United Slates as unconstitutional, lie says ''How and where, under particular conjunc tions of tho time, martial law may be de- ministraliou and know that its position is clared,rand by whom, in net hero cousid one of cxtrcmo delicacy. I have acqui- ercu ; but tho proclamation of such a rule csccd, aud slnll m tuturo acquiesce in ev- withiu tho limits of the United States is a cry measuro which is the result of lawful vcr questionable proceeding, nndthought power; but iu tho name ot my brethren to be an'czcicicnce' not wirru?itcl or san i t.i t .... in arras, ana especially mo3c who gave tvmed by any distemper of the State. Tho their lives to tho cause, I would protest substitution of this power for tho civil against any act or poiioy contrary to tuo courts subjects all persons to the arbitrary Constitution tho laws or tho will of tho pooplo. 'Ourcauso is truth : Pure as tho virgin stripes that wave O'er Freedom's everlasting youth, And spotless as tho soldier's gravo. Then let our ouly motto bo, Our Country Cause and Liberty (Jur Nation and our Nation's laws consult our Chart, the Constitution. Tho To r'ght3 of freemen, freedom's cause. illogical and unwarranted extension of tbo doctrine has led to tho present rebellion, and if successful, would end iu anarchy; while denying States their just rights, has led to tyranny, and if successful, would end in despotism. Seen by tho light of the above facts, what right has a President, or Congress, to rcduco a State to the condition of ?. Territory, as is seriously proposed by the loading powers ? Clearly the Constitution docs not givo them the power, and all their authority is derived from that in strument. It declares that the citizens of our Stato shall bo entitled to all tho privi leges and immunities of the citizens of an other Stato." Such being tho case, the moment law and order arc re-established in South Carolina she has as indispu table right to elect her Governor, Con gressmen, and Judges as Masachusetts ; hut if reduced to u territorial condition she would bo deprived of that right ; in asmuch as tho President would appoint tho Governor aud Judges, and tho Dele gates in Congress would bo without tho power to voto. Again, tho Constitution declare?, that ''Congress shall not iutcrloru with tho do mcBtio institutions of any State'' It has already dono so by tho 'emancipation act.' or rather an inferior power hasdouoso, tho President ; and this proposed plan not not ho given by soldiers who wero absent in our memories, and monuments shall bo only 'interferes" further, but blots out the from tho State A latter decision in tho raibtu iu ibjuu posterity iu uonur wiu pa- state entirety, in the laco ni these ctaus- Supreme Court was in tho case of Chase thS wSwJ'anl ' ' " that the propped against Miller. That Court also decided orpLan3 8bn'n bo aUoptcd by tho naliol)i to plan can bo executed constitutionally. - that under tho Constitution of Peunsylva- bo watched over aud cared for as objects , If "'is lo so, how cau tho President, his ma the voter must vote in his prccnul.' truly worthy a nation's guardianship. t Cabinet, or CoDgrcssraenafor, much less counted. To politicians tho other cases wero importaut ouly because tho decision SO Ml AO. Jlrmjof the Potomac, Oct. 1803. For the Columhlt Democrat. Military Law as understood by Military men. In these days of military and martial law, when the privileges of tho writ of ftubeus corpus aro denied citizens of peace ful and law abiding states when Provost Marshal's quartered in every Congress, ional District with greater powers than over exercised by tho Stato Executives it becomes tho duty of every citizen to under stand military law, as the civil code is fast becoming absolcte. I propose touching only on a few points, and that for tho purposo of showing that even according to tho best military author ities, tho' Administration has committed il legal acts under pretenco of "military no ceisity." I quote principally from "Do Hart's Military Law," written by a captain in tho 2nd Artillory, for a long time tho text book at West Point Academy, and now tho standard Army work. He admits tho strong objections to mili tary law and quotes as its opponents those ablo jurists Sir Edward Coke, Sir Mat thew Halo, and Sir William Blackstone. In fact Sir Matthew Hale said, that ''mili tary was no law, but something indulged rather than allowed as law." Do Hart defines mililan law as "that branch of the laws which respect military discipline, aud tho government of persons employed in tho military servieo." "It will bo psreeived that tho leading charac teristic of this definition is that military will of an individual, and io imprisonment for an indefinite period, or trial by a mili tary body. Of such high impoitancc to the publio is the preservation of personal lib erty that it has been thought that unjust attacks, oven upon life or property, at the arbitary will of tho magistrate, aro less dangerous to tho Commonwealth, than such as aro made upon the personal liber ty of tho citizen." Seott endorses tho samo sentiment, and says: " t lie Constitution ot tho United States has guarilod against tho effects of any declaration' of martial law withiu the United States, by providing: 'No person shall bo held to answer for a capital or otherwiso infamous criino, unless ou a Scott says, "Within the United States, tho effect of a declaration of martial law would not subject citizens to trial by court martial, and tho suspension of tho writ of habeas corpus would cnablo a commander to incarcerato all dangerous citizens; but when brought to trial, the citizen would necessarily come before the ordinary civil courts of the land," D. Hart speaks of tho w'ri'. of habeas corpus as a remedy for the abuses of mili tary power ; but in our times wo havo tho abuse, and tho remedy has been suspen ded I lie also says that "the intervention of Congress is necessary before such sus pension can bo mado lawful." Unques tionably, then, President Lincoln commit ted 'an illegal act, and struok down tho dearest right of an American citizen, in suspending it bcfoic the "intervention of Congrois." Blackstone, in commending on this por tion of English law,which is tho basis of our own, says, "the happiness of our constitu tion is, that it is not left to tho executive power to determine when the danger of tho State is so groat as to render this measuro (tho arbitrary imprisonment of a person) expedient; for it is parliament only, or legislative power, that, whenever it seos proper can authorise the crown by sus pending the habeas corpus for a short anil limited time, to imprison suspected persons without giving any reasons for so doing-. In conclusion I wish to quote a senti ment from an eminent English writer on military law; and his remarks have tho more weight wheu it is consider that our military law is almost wholly copied from tho English. Buphin, in his "View of tho Military Force of Groat Britain," says : "By tho conititution of Great Britain tho sovereign is rested with the supreme military author ity. His orders, and his alone, aro to ba obeyed as long as they arc in unison tinlk the fundamental laws of the emjwc Be yond this, obedience itself would le deemed treason to the State, whatever the ranks or station of the offender." Certainly, Americans should possess as much freedom as the country whoso tyr rinny drove us into rebellion ; and if wo possess it wo daro openly maintain that obedience to Pres. Lincoln, or any other person, ''beyond the fundamental laws of the Union is treason, whatever tho rank or station of the offender.''' SOLRAO. Anny of the Potomac, Oct. 1803. Slick This iu Your Hat aud Keen it There. CSyllI declare upon my responsibility as a Senator.that the liberties of this coun try aro in greater danger to-day from tho corruptions, aud from the profligacy prac ticed in tho various departments of tho Government, than they are from the enemy in the open field J. P. Hale, Republican Senator from New Hampshire. "If theso infernal fanatics and Abolition ists ever get tbo power in their hands, thoy will ovcrrido the Constitution, set tho Supremo Court at defiance, chance and mako laws to suit themselves, lay vi olent HANDS OM THOSE WHO DUTCH IV opinion, or dare question thoir fidelity, presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising iu the land or na val forces, or in the militia when in actual &ud finally bankrupt the country and del- servieo in time of war or public dancor : ! "6" 11 wmi bioo.i. uaniel eiister. nor shall any porson be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy The Louisville Journal, one of tha stauuehcst 'Union' papers in tho country. of life or limb; nor shall bo compelled, thus speaks of tho Republicans: "Tho in any criminal ease to be witness against himself, nor bo deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law,' (Art. 5, Amendments,) and further, 'In all crim inal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy tho right to a speedy and publio trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein tho criino shall have been com mitted, which district shall haw been pre viously ascertained by law, aud to bo in formed of tho naturo and cause of tho accusation :' (Art. 0, Amendments.)'' Military writers, therefore, claim no such powers as aro usurped by Burnside, Shenek, Stanton, aud others, but readily recognizo tho following truths : that citi zens are not triable by military law, and that oven when under martial law, persons not in tho military servieo of tho Uuited States, "shall not ba held to answer for a capital or other infamous crimo, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury," "nor bo deprived of life, liberty, or property, without duo procors of law," Republican party is now an out-and-out- radical party an Abolition party a re volution party a disunion party. Upon its overthrow at tho ballot box depends the suppression of tho rebellion, tho sal vatiou ot tho country, aud tho willaro of the cause of human libeity." JC Curtin says ho is troubled with 'inflamatory rheumatism.' Well, accor ding to Republican logio nowa-days, if uurtin is oicctoit tho uovcrnmcnt will havo tho ''inflamatory rheumatism." Havinir had a alight touch of the biased thitn?. wo voto against it. Let every citizen remember that a voto for Judgo Woodward is u voto for his own personal liberty, saftoy aud security. It your staudard beaver is struck dowu, "Then wo and you and all of ui fall down, And bloody treason triumphs over us." Bar "GOVEUXOK CUIlTttf OAN NOT SECURE- THE SUPPORT OF EITHER HIS OWN PARTY OR HIS Ol'F.CE-llJLDERS." Speech of Alex, audtr Uttiuiniigs before the Jlepublican State Content;,)-, Avg,5, 1603,
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