worn
COLUMBIA
DEMOCRAT
JILL' L
AND BLOOMSBUKG GENERAL ADVERTISEE.
LEVI L. TATE, EDITOH.
"TO HOLD AND TPJM TUB TOUCH OF TRUTH AND WAVE IT O'EK THE DARKENED EA11TII."
TERMS: $2 00 PER ANNUM,
VOL. 17. NO, 4.
BLOOMS BURG, QOLUMBIA COUNTY, PENN'A,, SATURDAY, MARCH 28, 1863,
VOLUME 27
COLUMBIA DEMOCRAT.
IU HUSHED EVERY SATURDAY, 11 Y
LEVI L. TATE,
IN BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA C6UNTY, PA.
o mc e
th the ntw llrltk itulUlng, opposite the Fathangt, by side
of the Court Home. "Democratic kud Quarttrj."
TEllMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
?l nil In advance, for mi! copy, fur nix uionlln.
I 73 In advance, for ono copy, ono year,
i! ml If lint p ili! within tlic (Irst throo inontln.
'J C.i IT not paid w i 1 1 it it tliu lirst six months.
B SO IT not p.il.l within tliuycnr.
Ey No subscription taken for less than six mouths
mil no paper discontinued until nil arrearage shall have
b'.'i'li paid.
AnvrntinuMKNTs inserted conpplcuotMy nt onctlollar
per S'lil.iro, of 1U lines uarh, for the three llrst Insertions
mill twentv.llvu cents, per s-piure, for every fiibsc'iucnt
I nserttnn, until ordered discontinued.
JoiiWouk, of every doscrlplUs, neatly unit clicar'y
executed at the shurtcrt noticu,
Original Poetry,
For the ColumUa Democrat
TUB CONTISAfllAitfD DAK
KEY. DV IllMlli) (JOW,
Din nlnsa run away, from ohl VI rginlu'n shore,
Ami come to .M.isl Mnkiim ; I'll tell yuu wh.it 'tis for :
I hanl ilat Alass.i .iiiknm ami 111 cabinet li.nl ki.nI,
Unl all ile d.irkuy contrabands suoul J In clotliu i an J fed.
Ami now, .Massa I.liikuin, I have enme to sen
What you will have to say to a runaway like inr ;
I hope ilnt Massa l.lnkiim will take inn 'ueath his wins,
1'or I ilu not like to work I'd rather ilanco and sine,
Sonic lolil flic dnl da iiruril good Massa I.irikutti tell,
If it i ilartlcs came to him he'd keep duiu berry well ;
Da should live upon do best, anil have no bills to pay,
Tor tlnssu l.lukiiiu's rirh, uud will puy anoddtir day,
I'm Mire dat Ma"sa T.liikiim is a mighty king,
llon'i care for countitutiom or any such a tiling ;
tie makes a proclamation tint d niugas all am free,
Vor he's Massa of ile countiy, as you may plainly see.
He's making heaps of money ami ran buy lis nil a farm
Where we m.iyliv in clover nutl not take any harm ;
We'll Kit de h itel'ul w hi to ti;nh dc cotton for to hoe.
And have a darkey oberseer for to make 'cm go.
1 juess dat Mass. i MuViim will drrsi us berry hue,
And w ill de colored ladies we'll cut a mighty shine ;
We II play pou de h.injo, and rattle on de bones,
And dance till uigtis hells cil li.tr ile r dun de stones.
We'll bu Mrrti'd to de dullness nnd to de Senate too,
AhiI in desreat or.itiun for eipiality we'il e.o ;
We'll sit wid MasMi Orcilcy, and wid .Sumner wti "III
talk,
And in de grand parade wid .Massa l,liikiim walk.
i,or bios .Massa l.iriktim for wliut he's ui.ide of me.
I'ur now I livu in Wjtditngtoir, and more den dat, I'm
tree ;
1 think d.il Manna Ldik'im is a berry ilev-r man,
'Cans ! he's i, in' to us darkies all de fat urn dal hi
(Mil.
Slate uf ti)c (Eountnu
A BIBLE VIEW OF SLAVERY.
I1Y HOX. AMOS KENDALL.
Wo take tho following from tho Nation
al Iiddigent.tr, in which p'ipcr it appeared
as ono of ii scries of 'Letters to tliu Pre
sident.' To Abraham Lincoln the I'rcuilcnt of the
United States :
Kksvectki) Sir: My object in these
letter.'', bo it distinctly understood, is not
to I'oniincnd slavery as a desirable insti
tution, nor to migigato in the least the
crime or the penalty of tho Southern re
bellion ; but it is, by Ihc light of truth,
to disarm, in some degrco, a sot of North
cm fanatic-, whoso insane hatred of sla
very make them equally hostile to our
glorious Constitution. It 'is' to show the
honest people of tho free States that, as a
political question, they arc not responsible
for it, nnd have no rightful control over it,
and that, as a moral question, there is
nothing in it which justifies their inter
ference by virtue of any 'higher law' than
the Constitution of their country llebel
masters may bo divested of their right to
tho labor of their slaves a a punishment
for their traoson, just as far as they may
bo divested of other analagous rights, and
no farther : but for tho United States lo
abolish the institution because individual
slaveholders head tho rebellion, would bo
as gross an usurpation as a sweeping act
to divorce all wives from their husbands
nnd free all ohildrcn from their parents in
all slavcholding States for the earns rea
son. Not from any other motive than to bring
home moro vividly to tho minds of tho
reader the Uiblo truths duvolopod in my
last letter, I address myself to a llovorcnd
representative of u olass.
I say to him, do you, in common with
all or most Christian toachors, rocognizo
Noah as a prophet of God who spoke by
inspiration ? If so, it was God himself
who doomed tho descendants of Ham to
perpetual sorvitudo. If, thcreforo, slav
ery bo a sin, God in this oaso is responsi
ble for it; and wheu you attempt on that
ground to rescue tho African from slavery
you assume to be moro wiso and just than
God! Is it not so?
Abraham bought sorv.tuts with his
money, and had hundreds 'bom in his
house.' Ilu war) ii spueial f.ivoritu with
tiod, who nut only heaped b!i'3siug3 upon
him, but chose him to bo tho father of his
peculiar people, aud tho progenitor of the
Savior of mankind.
You denounco tho buying of men and
womon with money as sinful, and its tol
eration iu our country as 'a great national
sin,' which has brought down upon us tho
judgement ofllcavcu. Abraham did the
same thing, and Heaven showered bless
ings upon him. Our fathers and brothers
did tho same thing-, and wero blessed as
Abraham was, until the reformers of God's
moral law, by their impious assumptions,
disturbed the peace of the country, aud
aided in bringing down upon it the calam
ities under which it n w mourns.
You denounce slavery as a sin. God
says, (Lxodus, 21,2.) If thou buy a
licDiow servant, six years ho shall serve."
Tltof. is iauiry, or involuntary scrvi'.tttlc,
by the command of God. Who knows
best what is sin, you or God I
He may become free at tho end of 'six
years but if ho choose, ho may bo niado
a slavo 'forever,' by means of a ceremony
prescribed In Exodus 121, 0, and Deuter
onomy 15, 17. He had no further option
on the Biil.joct ; but says God, ho shall bo
thy urvaiit forever.'
Hut you may say this is voluntary ser
vitude. Not only certainly for the first
six yoars ; and according to your princi
ples, a man cannot alienate his liberty.
If so, this voluntary slave, after he has
becomo bo voluntarily, may change his!
mind aud resuino his freedom ; but God !
says he shall boa servant 'forever.' Is
God a s-inuer ?
Hut it ho accepts bin freedom at tho
end of .six years, his sons and daughters, ;
il born of a wife given him by his master, !
doubtless herself a slave,) 'shall bo Iwr j
master's ;' and ho shall go out by launch'
In other words, thoy shall not bo free on '
the seventh year, but shall rcinaiu slaves
forever. This is God's order. Is it a sin,'
Uevertnd Sir? j
You say there cannot bo ownership in
man. God says tho women and sons and
,l..r,l,ln,.. I,, ........ (,,, .,. 7. I
uiiuuiiu in una uii.u .mini uv uli (i(S-
tcr's.
In the U 1st chanter of Exodus, after
directing that if a master beat his slave to '
death he shall bo punished, God says, '
verse 21: 'Notbwithstauding, if ho eon-!
tinucs a day or two ho (the master.) shall
not be punished for ho (tho slave,) is his
money.' Is not a man's money his prop- '
crty? You, Uuvercnd Sir, say that a
man's slavo is not his property Goo" says
he ii ; which shall a Christian believe ?
I would like to hear you prcanh a sermon
from those words of scripture, 'For ho is
his money.' I
'Thu saith the Lord,' in Leviticus 25,
M, 'Iloth thy bondmen aud thy bondmaids
which thou shalt have shall be of the '
heathen that are round about you ; of
them shall ye buy bondmen and boudinai-'
dens.' Give us a sermon on this text, also, '
and show us how acts which God express
ly authorizes can be sinful. '
'Thus saith the Lord,' in the next verse '
'Moreover of tho children of tho strangers
that do sojourn anion;: you, of them shall '
ye buy aud of thcir families that are with
you, which they begot in your laud, aud
Eliall bo your possession.'
Another good text, Reverend sir, from
which I should like to hoar you deduce tho
conclusion not only that buying these chil
dren was a sin, but that possession' hero
docs not mean 'property.'
'Thus saith the Lord,' in tho next verso
'And yc shall take them as an inhcritanco
for your children after you, to inherit them
for a possession ; they shall bo your bond
smen forever.
Your Bible tolls you, Ilevorcnd sir, that
these are the direct words of God. God
himself authorizes tho buying of slaves ;
God himself authorizes thointo bo held as
'a possession ;' God himself deolarcs that
they shall be 'an inheritance,' passing from
father to sou ; God himself deolarcs that
they shall remain in this relation 'forcvor.'
Yet you teach that slavery is itself a sin
that tho buying men and women for money
is a sin; that holding them as 'a posses
sion1 is a sin ; that thvir transmission as
'an inheritance' from father to son h a fin;
and that holding them in bondage 'forever'
is 'the sum of all villanies.'
What is tho inference ? Eithor that you
do not beliovo the Biblo, and assume to
belicvo it only as a mask to cnablo you to
load astray ignorant men aud 'silly wo
men,' or you bolievo that God himiolf le
galized sin among his chosen people.
Tako which horu of tho dilemma you
please ; you cannot cscapo both.
Let us now review tho subject in tho
light of tho New Tostamont.
If slavery bo "the sum of all villanice,
llcvu'cud tit, is it not atrango that Jt us
Christ did not denounce it ns a sin, though
it existed all around him 1 Is it not
strangor still, that tho Apostles instead of
denouncing it a sin, recognized it as a
lawful relation, involving certain christain
duties 1 Let ua cxamino tho difference
between tho Gospci which thoy preached
and tho Gospel which you preach.
Tho Gospel taught by Paul aud Peter,
enjoins upon ovory man to bo content in
the position where Providence has placed
him. 'Art thou called boiug a servant ?
Care not for it,' says Paul, Corinthiaus I,
7-12. Your Gospel teaches tho servant
discontent and rebellion.
Tho Goipcl taught by Paul and Peter
enjoins servants to bo obedient to their
musters, whether kind or cruel. 'Ser
vauti, be obedient to those who are your
masters according to tho flesh,' says Paul,
Lph. 0-5, 'Let as many servants as are
under tho yoke count their own masters
as worthy of all boner;' says Paul. I Tim,
0-1 'Exhort servants to bo obedient to
their own masters ami to please them well
in all things,' says Paul to Titus,2-0. 'Ser
vants, be subjected to your masters with
all fear, not only to the good and gentle,
but also to tho froward,' says Peter, 1
Peter, 2-lti. Your Gospel teaches that
seivants owe no obedience to their masters,
whether they bo 'froward' or 'good and
gcutle.'
The Gospel taught by Paul and Peter,
enjoined upon servants to serve their mas-U-i's
with 'good will,' Eph. 0-7. 'Not with
eye service,' Col. 3-22. 'To please them
well in all tilings, not answering again,
uot purloining, but showing all good fidel
ity,' Tiltus 20. 10. -To endure giief,
suffering wrongfully,' I Peter 2-10.
Your Gosuol leaches servants that it is
not their duty to servo their masters at all,
nor to please them in anything ; to bo more
eye servants, and faithful in nothing; to
purloin their master's property, and run
away when they can, aud to cut their mas
ter'.! throats if neeeessary to gain their own
liberty.
What motive or end does tho Gospel
taught Paul and Peter hold out to
servant) as inducements to be obedient
and faithful to their m isters 1 That it is
doing the will of God, Eph. 0-0; 'That
the name of God and his doctrines be not
blasphemed,' I Thimoty G-l ; 'That they
may adorn the doctrines of God our Sa
vior,' Titus 2-10 ; "That is acceptable to
God,' I Peter, 1-20.
And what motive dors tho gospel you
teach hold out lo tho poor black man for
seeking to escape from the position assign
ed him by God through Noah, and violate
all tho duties specially enjoined upon him
by the Gospci of Christ? Yi.u p.iomisc
him liberty, uot the liberty of 'the Lord's
free man,' which looks to eternity as in
Ch ist's Gospel, but the groveling liberty
which looks only to time as iu your goi
pel; a liberty which knows no equality,
not even with yourself; liberty to exist a
degraded being among another raco of
mon who exclude him from all civil, social
and domestio relations ; liberty to live aud
die a miserable outcast on earth, without
that cheering hope of eternal liberty and
cqi-ahty iu Heaven which Paul and Peter
promise to the obedient and faithful ser
vant, St. Paul was a good painter of charac
ter and somewhat prophetic. IIo scorns
to have foreseen the anti-shwery crusade
of this day and described its leaders.
After having empirically directed Time
thy to toaoh servants to honor and eervo
thoir masters, 1 Timothy, 0-12, ho adds,
in verses 3, 1, 5, the following picture of
anti-slavery teaohers, viz: ' am man
teach otherwise, and consent ml to whole
some words, even to the words of our Lml
Jesus Christ, awl to the doctiiuc ivhicli is
according to godliness, he t' proud, know
ing nothing, but doling about questions
and st ifes of words, whereof comclh envy,
strife, railings, ivil surmisings, perverse
disjiulhtgs of men of corrupt minds and
destitute of truth, supposing that gain is
gnj'incss : from such withdraw thyself.'
T-his passage, be it remembered, follows
directly after Paul's injunction to Timo
thy to teach servants to honor and servo
their masters, 'that tho name of God and
his tloctrino bo not blasphemed ;' 'thcic
things teach and exhort,' says he, and
then proceeds to say, Hf any man leach
otherwise,' itc,, 'he ii proud, knowing
nothing,' &e. Ilonco it appears that this
description of character was designed for
just such anti-slavery teachers as yourself
and your associates of the present day.
And how true tliu picture 1 What 'strife,1
what 'envy,' what 'railings,' what 'evil
surmising!,' what 'perverse disputings,'
have our teaching of other ductmics pro
duced! Nay more; what hutad among
Christians, what divisions of ohurches ;
what sectional antipathies ; what excite
ment anil commotions ; and, finally, what
desolation, bloodshed aud mourning have
your unchristian teachings aided in bring
ing upou our lately powerful, prosperous
and happy laud !
And, not content with tho aid you have
given traitors in involving your country
in a devastating civil war, you arc now
moving earth and boll to prolong it, to
render it moro bloody, and perhaps in
suro tho success of tho traitors certainly
to afford them tho only chance of success
by converting tho war for tho Constitu
tion into a war against slavery. You aro
as hostile to the Constitution as tho rebels
themselves, and you prefer their eucccss
to tho ptoscrvatiou of tho Government
transmitted to us by our fathers, simply
because the Government recognizes an in
stitution which God has sanctioned, and
the rights of mastors ami tho duties of
servants, as prescribed by tho apostles of
Christ. In short, you aro uot willing to
livo under a Government which protects
slaveholders, though it does not know
them in that character, aud has no power
over the instituliou.
I wonder that you do uot openly rebel
against the government of God because ho
'soudeth his rain on tho just and on the
unjust.'
To bo consistent you ought to object to
living on tho same earth and under tho
same sky with slaveholders, to being
warmed by tho samo sun aud breathing
tho same air. Aud surely you will pray
for a heaven by yourselves ; for thoso who
think that a slaveholder cannot bo a tit
associate for them iu a Christian church
canuot be happy i:i a heaven peopled with
such slaveholders as Abraham, Isaac and
Jacob, Mosos, David aud Solomon, and
such associates of slavery as Paul and
Peter. How cau you bo happy iu that
heaven where that God is who expressly
authorized his people of old to buy slaves
aud hold them in bondage forever ; or
that Christ, au essential part of whoso
religion is tho cheerful obedience of tho
slavo to his master i
Yes, iu your 'doting about questions
and strifes of words,' you not only pro
mote revolution and bloodshed in your
country, but jou aro sapping the founda
tion of your country's religion. When
you prove that slavery is iu itself a sinful
relation, you prove that the Bible is false,
that tho God of tho Bible is a God of sin,
aud that Christianity, as taught by tho
disciples of Christ, is but a cloak for 'the
sum of all villainies.' Truly has it been
said on another occasion, 'It is hard to
believe such men sincere. If not infidels
already, they aro on the highway to that
bourne.'
Now many weak minds, having been
first imbued with the dogma that slavery
is iu itself a sin and a crime, when they
come to fiud that from Genesis to llevcia
tion it is recognized as 'a lawful and not
unchristian institution, will be induced to
reject tho wholo Bible as a fable, and the
God of the Hible as an imaginary being.
AMOS KENDALL.
General Franklin.
The following from the New York 2'imes
an administration paper, is a caudid tri
buto to General Pranklin.
'We publish in another column a state
ment of tho conduct of General Franklin
at the battle of Frcdencksburgh, in reply
to au impeachment of it contained in a
letter from the Editor of tho Times, writ
ten at Washington on tho 3Jlh of Janua
ry, In that letter the impression was
given, as our correspondent states, that
Gen. Burusidc intended his main attack
to be made by our left wing, under Gen
Franklin, cud that tho battle was lost by
Geu. Frrukliu's failure to make that at
tack, with the forco and vigor contem
plated by his orders, aud which were es
sential to success,
"It is duo to Gen, Franklin, as well as
to tho public, to stato that wo have seen
tho orders, reports aud other documents
referred to. It seems to us clear, after
examining these papors, that Gen. Frank
lin not only performed all the service en
joined upon him in his orders, but that
he did more than was eontcmplatod by
them iu pushing tho attack upou tho ene
my in his front. It is to be presumed
that tho Government does not consider
his conduct in that affair obnoxious to
censuro, or it would have given him a
Court of Inquiry, nnd if this is tho case,
ho ought to bo relieved from any implied
censuro and placed iu a position where tho
country can again havo tho boncfit of his
unquestioned ability in tha proaeoutiou of
tho war."
Communications.
Il'rliftn for the CWumJia Democrat.
Ink Drops By Ravon.
NU.MllUtt ONE.
Cor,. Lr.vi L. Tate : Our Govern
ment was founded, by our forefathers, to
1 perpetuate our blood bought libortic3. It
! was a small matter to havo gained our
independence, and to havo broken off tho
yoke of tyrants abroad, if wc were to put
on ono equally heavy at homo ; to icfuc
to bow down to stranger?, and then be
come tho slaves of our friends. And
I revolutionary blood was spent iu vain to
gain our liberty, if that liberty was to run
into licentiousness, Ilcnco, that unborn
1 generations mighty enjoy tho fruits of tho
great struggle, it was necessary not only
to maintain our independent of foreign
nations, but to guard against anarchy aud
despotism at home. A government was,
I therefore, necessary lo protect tho people
j from oppression at homo aud abroad. A
I republican form of government, with good
laws, faithfullly administered, might have
accomplished this end, but the chzo of no
I rcvolution ever found a peoplo so peculiar
ly situated as wero the American at tho
cud of the war. Hero wero thirteen
States, having joined together to gain
thoir independence. Iu this object they
made common cause, but this obtained,
each ono fell back to enjoy its share of
the independence gained. No one was
willing to be governed by tho other, and
all were uuwilliug to consolidate and bury
their independence iu ouo nation. Yet
all saw the necessity of some kind of
I union for mutual protection, a protection
! of each against all of the rest, and the
' protection of all against foreign foes.
I This than was the question that came bc
j fore tho framers of our general govcrn
I mcnt : How to form one great nation out
j ol many, and yet preserve the identity of
! each ; how to protect tho rights and priv
' ileges of all and yet not encroach upon
any ? Ihero was ouc thing more that
added to this already herculean task.
Thcso States were situated in different
parts of a widely extended territory, and
had been settled by people from all parls
of the world, bringing with them, more or
less, of their native tastes and habits.
Some were situated favorably to commerce,
sonic to manufacturing, aud others to ag
rioultural pursuits ; those last tho most
numerous, embracing different degrees of
climate, and varying greatly in ihcir pro
ductions according to their loca'.ity. This
variety of interests was to be protected
and watched over, licsidos all this; there
were largo territories to be peopled and
States to bo made. Thoso were to bo pro
vided for, and brought in as they arose,
and to bo placed precisely on an equality
with the rest. Here then wero tho elc.
incuts of a great nation, if they could
only bo harmonized and made to help each
other. And this was tho task of tho
framers of our government. To accom
plish this it would seem that human wis
dom was inadequate, but it was done, and
that it was douo would seem to argue Di
viuo assistance. Confidently they throw
their banner to the brcozo, and its open
ing folds revealed to a waiting world
E I'luribus Utum, as the result of their
arduous labors. The great experiment of
human liberty, on a gigantic scale, began.
NUMBER TWO.
J.ho Constitution of tho United States
contained the principles it was intended
should govern tho country. It contaiucd
tho sum of tho power delegated by each
btato tor the good of the whole, and there
tho delegation ended. Tho remaining
powers were ' 'react ved to tho States re
speetivcly, or to the whole peoplo-" This
reservation of power to each State, is lim
ited to its own internal affairs. Tho Con
stitution defines tho powers of each do.
partmont of government, and limits each
to its own aphcro of action. All laws
mado by tho legislative department of the
general government must bo within tho
rango of tho powers given by the Consti
tution. The judicial is to explain and
define tho powors of the Constitution, aud
detenu ino whether tho aots of Congress
aro according thereto. Aud the oxecutivo
is to givo a practical application to thcso
mwb, ami iiius executo tliu will ot tho peo-
plo as expressed in tho Constitution. It
u. .an luu government oi tuo
United btatcs is plain and siuiplo after all,
aud it needs only that each Stato and oach
department of government understand its
duty and do it. The only difficulty thoi'O
can bo is in applying tho principles of tho
Constitution to tho extended aud varying1
VW.'j 'MWWlf CJ - y. , M . irtT- ... L lr-.il. .
'iiterosts of tho country; for, while tho
Constitution lays down tho principles, tho
circumstantial application has a witlo lati
tude. Hero is whero mon havo differed.
Two linos of policy have been adopted.
The ono straining tho Constitution to jus
tify the excrciso of doubtful powers, the
other holding to tho evident moating and
intent of that instrument, and a strict ad
herenco to its requirements. The one to
conoontrato tho powejs of government in
certain departments ; tho other to preserve
its constitutional distribution. Tho ono
locking to the interests of certain classes
or sections ; the other to tho good of the
whole country. Tho one tending in its
very nature to despotism ; the other to
original democracy. Tho different poli
oica have found embodiment in different
parties. Thcso parties havo been in the
majority or miuority according to tho
changes that havo taken place in tho pop
ular miud. Thcso parties too, have as
sumed different names, according to the
object thoy have had iu view. Tho one
has boon known by a variety of names,
as Federals, Whigs, llcpublicans, fee,
Tho other has always retained the name
originating with tho party. There arc
really but two parties. All organizations
on outsido issues belong to the same par
ties, separating, it is true for awhilo, but
converging again when a united effort is
necessary to accomplish some priucipal
object. They havo all aimed to accom
plish some ono of tho objects stated above.
The parties stand now, ltcpublican and
Democratic, and to every thinking mind
the question arises, which of these parties
is right, aud to which shall J. sttach my
self? For no man can love his country,
with the right of suffrage, as wc all pos
sess in this country, and not feci more or
less obligation to use that suffrage for h'u
country's good. Nor is it necessary to bo
booked up in all the minutito of politics
in order to determine which way to vote,
for there are certain general piinciplcs, the
operation of which is to decide which liuo
of policy is best.
NUMBER THREE.
From the positions taken in tho forego
ing "Ink Drops," wc come to the follow
ing conclusions :
1st. The object had iu getting up tho
Government was tho good of tho whole
country.
2d. Good laws, well administered, aro
essential to the prosperity of any country.
3d, Unparalleled prosperity for a long
scries of years, proves the correctness of
the principles iu operation.
4th. Tho United States have prospered
bcyoud a parallel in tho history of nations.
5th. And the fact that tho Democratic
party and their policy havo governed the
country most of the time, proves their
principles to be correct, and that they are
adapted to the prosperity of tho country.
I am a Democrat, for these reasons :
1st. I believe that the Constitution of
the United States contains the only gov
ernment adapted to the country, aud the
Democratic party has always been and
still is tho constitutional party.
2d. That the moro nearly wo can car
ry out the plain intentions of the Consti
tution, the greater will bo our prosperity,
and the Dcmoeratie party has always been
in favor of adhering strictly to its provis
ions. 3d. The moro closely each Stato at
tends to its own busiuoss, aud to the de-
volopmcnt of its own resources, without
meddling with tho rights of others, tho
better will it bo for each Stato and tho
wholo country, and this tho Democratic
party has always contouded for.
4th. That whilo the identity of tho
States and their rights are maintained,
tho more closely they aro united on gen
eral principles, the bettor for each and for
all ; and the Democratic party has alwaj s
been and is now a Union party,
5th. Tho more closely each department
of govcTumcut eoufiues itself to its own
legitimato power, without assuming the
prerogatives of cither of the others, or of
tho wholo government, the better it is for
all ; and this is a cardinal doctrine uf the
Demooratio party.
Oth. Tho calm, considerate voice of the
people is tho voice of God, aud the voice
of tho peoplo has been in favor of tho
' Democratic party.
7,u. ThlU whenever party leaders havo
1 pcl.SUadcd the people that a change was
necessary, tho torm of four
years was
sutlicicnt to remove tho deception.
8th. Tho object aud tho tendency of
tlm nnnnsitri nurtv lias culminated in tho
nroseut administration, and tha roBtihis
tho disincmbermout of the States nnd tho
ruin of the couutry.
Oth. Tho Executive has assumed pow
ers that belong alono to Congress.
10th. Both the Executive nnd tho Leg
islaturo have assumed powers that aro not
delegated by tho Constitution,
11th. Thoy have disregarded tho Ju
diciary, and have made and executed
laws contrary to the decisions of tho Su
premo Judges.
12th. They have assumed fearful pow
ers under the plea ol military necessity,
an?. trampled tho laws and the Constitu.
tion of tho States under their feet.
13th. And finally, thoy havo from tho
manner in which they have used power,
proved themselves incapable of so high n
trust, and if let alono would rule tho
country with despotic sway, and wrench
from us our blood-bought and highly
prized liberties.
For the Columbia Democrat.
Questions for Ilto Editor of tho "Smut
Machine."
Mil. Editor : Tho flippant facility of
the editor of tho Republican in answering
questions induces me to ask
1st. Does the editor of that paper dc
noanco nil ns copperheads who think and
declare that it was impolitic, unwise and
unjust to remove Gen. McGlcllan from tho
command of the army ?
2d. Doos he class among- tho copper
heads all who belicvo aud declare that
Gen. Geo. B. MeCIcllan will bo the next
President of these United States?
3d. Docs ho denounce as copperheads
all who disapprove of tho low iosts. tho
- -
vulgar jokes and the Ccklcncss of Pros-
dent Lincoln, as undignified and iui
proper I
'1th Does ho iucludo among the cop
pcrheads all such men as havo denounced
as pitiful, mean, contomptiblc and tvran-
nieil, many of the acts of the Secretary
oi v ar ol tlicse United States ?
These arc specific and direct interrog
atories ; direct answers to which will not
only show u-hat Dr. John means bv a
copperhead, but also who arc included in
his Ircqucnt denunciations.
A DEMOCRAT.
Heading the Signs.
Henry J. Hayiuond, editor of tho New
York TirncSy (Abolition) in a recent
speech, said :
'Wc arc about played out as a party.
Wo played the 'Maine law,' a good enough
Morgan for the time being but it was
played out, and so Abolitionism is played
out. It may last Lmcolu's time out but
if wc hold on till then, Ihero is not ono of
us living, that will ever got into public life
again. Weed is wisely getting out of tho
scrape. Greeley is f ol enough to hang
on. The only hope there is for any of
us, 13 to keep on the war until the Union
js bo thoroughly split up, that it never can
bo got together again. A reunion with
the South on any terms is death to all
this generation. But, at any rate, the
taxes, which the people have not bugun
to feel; tho debt, and tho conscription,
not yet begun, but to come, will damn
every man concerned in levying thorn.
IIiveus or Blood. Tho circulation in
tho system is not uuliko the flow of rivets
to tho sea, which move smoothly until they
arc clogged or obstructed. But when
drift wood or alluvial dams thorn un, then
I comes the tearing devastation that followo
the obstruction of a force which cannot
bo stayed. So tho blood circulates inson
sibly through tho system until it becomes
clogged by disease ; thou burst out tho
ulcers, sores and disorders which follwo
that Condition. Tako Ayer's Sarsapa
rilla and purify your blood, to save your-,
self from tho floods, freshets and dolugc3
which swcop unnumbered multitudes out
upon that shoreless sea which swallows
all mankind. Lancaster (fa.) Register.
JSy Uisliop Clarke, of Uhodc Island,
closed his discourse two weeks aso last
Sunday in thcso eloquent words, referring
to our national troubles :
I "JJlow from the South, O winds of God,
I and bring us tidings of reconciliation and
love ! Blow from the North, 0 winds of
God, and carry back tho messago of fra
ternity and peace. Scatter the darknos-3.
roll away tho clouds, and givo unto us all
once moro tho sunshino of tranquil rest !
Under tho shadow of thy wings wo make
our refugo. 0 God, give us peace "
Cfi?" A lottei from " Parson Brownlow,"
dated at Nnshvillo on the Gth instant,
among other thing?, says :
''I told the peoplo of the North in my
speeches, as thousands of thorn will recol
lect, what I njw repeat that is to say,
ono half of all the slaves iu the seceded
States will flu lit for their owners, and linlit
i n a
I to perpetuate their own boudugc."